Disorders1 In Peru. — March To Cuzco. — Encounter With The Natives. — Challcuchima Burnt. — Arrival In Cuzco. — Description Of The City. — Treasure Found There.
1533–1534.
The Inca of Peru was its sovereign in a peculiar2 sense. He received an obedience3 from his vassals4 more implicit5 than that of any despot; for his authority reached to the most secret conduct, — to the thoughts of the individual. He was reverenced7 as more than human. 1 He was not merely the head of the state, but the point to which all its institutions converged8, as to a common centre, — the keystone of the political fabric11, which must fall to pieces by its own weight when that was withdrawn12. So it fared on the death of Atahuallpa. 2 His death not only left the throne vacant, without any certain successor, but the manner of it announced to the Peruvian people that a hand stronger than that of their Incas had now seized the sceptre, and that the dynasty of the Children of the Sun had passed away for ever.
1 “Such was the awe14 in which the Inca was held,” says Pizarro, “that it was only necessary for him to intimate his commands to that effect, and a Peruvian would at once jump down a precipice15, hang himself, or put an end to his life in any way that was prescribed.” Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
2 Oviedo tells us, that the Inca’s right name was Atabaliva, and that the Spaniards usually misspelt it, because they thought much more of getting treasure for themselves, than they did of the name of the person who owned it. (Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 16.) Nevertheless, I have preferred the authority of Garcilasso, who, a Peruvian himself, and a near kinsman16 of the Inca, must be supposed to have been well informed. His countrymen, he says, pretended that the cocks imported into Peru by the Spaniards, when they crowed, uttered the name of Atahuallpa; “and I and the other Indian boys,” adds the historian, “when we were at school, used to mimic17 them.” Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 9, cap. 23.
The natural consequences of such a conviction followed. The beautiful order of the ancient institutions was broken up, as the authority which controlled it was withdrawn. The Indians broke out into greater excesses from the uncommon18 restraint to which they had been before subjected. Villages were burnt, temples and palaces were plundered20, and the gold they contained was scattered21 or secreted22. Gold and silver acquired an importance in the eyes of the Peruvian, when he saw the importance attached to them by his conquerors24. The precious metals, which before served only for purposes of state or religious decoration, were now hoarded25 up and buried in caves and forests. The gold and silver concealed26 by the natives were affirmed greatly to exceed in quantity that which fell into the hands of the Spaniards. 3 The remote provinces now shook off their allegiance to the Incas. Their great captains, at the head of distant armies, set up for themselves. Ruminavi, a commander on the borders of Quito, sought to detach that kingdom from the Peruvian empire, and to reassert its ancient independence. The country, in short, was in that state, in which old things are passing away, and the new order of things has not yet been established. It was in a state of revolution.
3 “That which the Inca gave the Spaniards, said some of the Indian nobles to Benalcazar, the conqueror23 of Quito, was but as a kernel27 of corn, compared with the heap before him.” (Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8 cap. 22.) See also Pedro Pizarro Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
The authors of the revolution, Pizarro and his followers29, remained meanwhile at Caxamalca. But the first step of the Spanish commander was to name a successor to Atahuallpa. It would be easier to govern under the venerated30 authority to which the homage31 of the Indians had been so long paid; and it was not difficult to find a successor. The true heir to the crown was a second son of Huayna Capac, named Manco, a legitimate33 brother of the unfortunate Huascar. But Pizarro had too little knowledge of the dispositions34 of this prince; and he made no scruple35 to prefer a brother of Atahuallpa, and to present him to the Indian nobles as their future Inca. We know nothing of the character of the young Toparca, who probably resigned himself without reluctance36 to a destiny which, however humiliating in some points of view, was more exalted37 than he could have hoped to obtain in the regular course of events. The ceremonies attending a Peruvian coronation were observed, as well as time would allow; the brows of the young Inca were encircled with the imperial borla by the hands of his conqueror, and he received the homage of his Indian vassals. They were the less reluctant to pay it, as most of those in the camp belonged to the faction38 of Quito. All thoughts were now eagerly turned towards Cuzco, of which the most glowing accounts were circulated among the soldiers, and whose temples and royal palaces were represented as blazing with gold and silver. With imaginations thus excited, Pizarro and his entire company, amounting to almost five hundred men, of whom nearly a third, probably, were cavalry39, took their departure early in September from Caxamalca, — a place ever memorable40 as the theatre of some of the most strange and sanguinary scenes recorded in history. All set forward in high spirits, — the soldiers of Pizarro from the expectation of doubling their present riches, and Almagro’s followers from the prospect41 of sharing equally in the spoil with “the first conquerors.” 4 The young Inca and the old chief Challcuchima accompanied the march in their litters, attended by a numerous retinue42 of vassals, and moving in as much state and ceremony as if in the possession of real power. 5
4 The “first conquerors,” according to Garcilasso, were held in especial honor by those who came after them, though they were, on the whole, men of less consideration and fortune than the later adventurers. Com. Real., Parte 1 lib. 7, cap. 9.]
5 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Ped. Sancho Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 400.]
Their course lay along the great road of the Incas, which stretched across the elevated regions of the Cordilleras, all the way to Cuzco. It was of nearly a uniform breadth, though constructed with different degrees of care, according to the ground. 6 Sometimes it crossed smooth and level valleys, which offered of themselves little impediment to the traveller; at other times, it followed the course of a mountain stream that flowed round the base of some beetling43 cliff, leaving small space for the foothold; at others, again, where the sierra was so precipitous that it seemed to preclude44 all further progress, the road, accommodated to the natural sinuosities of the ground, wound round the heights which it would have been impossible to scale directly. 7
6 “Va todo el camino de una traza y anchura hecho a mano.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
7 “En muchas partes viendo lo que esta adelante, parece cosa impossible poderlo pasar.” Ibid., Ms.]
But although managed with great address, it was a formidable passage for the cavalry. The mountain was hewn into steps, but the rocky ledges45 cut up the hoofs46 of the horses; and, though the troopers dismounted and led them by the bridle47, they suffered severely48 in their efforts to keep their footing. 8 The road was constructed for man and the light-footed llama; and the only heavy beast of burden at all suited to it was the sagacious and sure-footed mule49, with which the Spanish adventurers were not then provided. It was a singular chance that Spain was the land of the mule; and thus the country was speedily supplied with the very animal which seems to have been created for the difficult passes of the Cordilleras.
8 Ped. Sancho, Rel. ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 404.
Another obstacle, often occurring, was the deep torrents50 that rushed down in fury from the Andes. They were traversed by the hanging bridges of osier, whose frail51 materials were after a time broken up by the heavy tread of the cavalry, and the holes made in them added materially to the dangers of the passage. On such occasions, the Spaniards contrived52 to work their way across the rivers on rafts, swimming their horses by the bridle. 9
9 Ibid., ubi supra. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
All along the route they found post-houses for the accommodation of the royal couriers, established at regular intervals53; and magazines of grain and other commodities, provided in the principal towns for the Indian armies. The Spaniards profited by the prudent54 forecast of the Peruvian government. Passing through several hamlets and towns of some note, the principal of which were Guamachucho and Guanuco, Pizarro, after a tedious march, came in sight of the rich valley of Xauxa. The march, though tedious, had been attended with little suffering, except in crossing the bristling55 crests56 of the Cordilleras, which occasionally obstructed57 their path, — a rough setting to the beautiful valleys, that lay scattered like gems58 along this elevated region. In the mountain passes they found some inconvenience from the cold; since, to move more quickly, they had disencumbered themselves of all superfluous59 baggage, and were even unprovided with tents. 10 The bleak60 winds of the mountains penetrated61 the thick harness of the soldiers; but the poor Indians, more scantily62 clothed and accustomed to a tropical climate, suffered most severely. The Spaniard seemed to have a hardihood of body, as of soul, that rendered him almost indifferent to climate.
10 “La notte dormirono tutti in quella campagna senza coperto alcuno, sopra la neue, ne pur hebber souuenimento di legne ne da man giare.” Ped. Sancho, Rel. ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 401.]
On the march they had not been molested63 by enemies. But more than once they had seen vestiges64 of them in smoking hamlets and ruined bridges. Reports, from time to time, had reached Pizarro of warriors65 on his track; and small bodies of Indians were occasionally seen like dusky clouds on the verge9 of the horizon, which vanished as the Spaniards approached. On reaching Xauxa, however, these clouds gathered into one dark mass of warriors, which formed on the opposite bank of the river that flowed through the valley.
The Spaniards advanced to the stream, which, swollen66 by the melting of the snows, was now of considerable width, though not deep. The bridge had been destroyed; but the Conquerors, without hesitation67, dashing boldly in, advanced, swimming and wading68, as they best could, to the opposite bank. The Indians, disconcerted by this decided69 movement, as they had relied on their watery70 defences, took to flight, after letting off an impotent volley of missiles. Fear gave wings to the fugitives71; but the horse and his rider were swifter, and the victorious72 pursuers took bloody73 vengeance74 on their enemy for having dared even to meditate75 resistance.
Xauxa was a considerable town. It was the place already noticed as having been visited by Hernando Pizarro. It was seated in the midst of a verdant76 valley, fertilized77 by a thousand little rills, which the thrifty78 Indian husbandman drew from the parent river that rolled sluggishly79 through the meadows. There were several capacious buildings of rough stone in the town, and a temple of some note in the times of the Incas. But the strong arm of Father Valverde and his countrymen soon tumbled the heathen deities80 from their pride of place, and established, in their stead, the sacred effigies81 of the Virgin82 and Child.
Here Pizarro proposed to halt for some days, and to found a Spanish colony. It was a favorable position, he thought, for holding the Indian mountaineers in check, while, at the same time, it afforded an easy communication with the sea-coast. Meanwhile he determined83 to send forward De Soto, with a detachment of sixty horse, to reconnoitre the country in advance, and to restore the bridges where demolished84 by the enemy. 11
11 Carta de la Justicia y Regi miento de la Ciudad de Xauja, Ms — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq. Ms. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5 lib. 4, cap. 10. — Relacion de Primer. Descub., Ms.]
That active cavalier set forward at once, but found considerable impediments to his progress. The traces of an enemy became more frequent as he advanced. The villages were burnt, the bridges destroyed, and heavy rocks and trees strewed85 in the path to impede86 the march of the cavalry. As he drew near to Bilcas, once an important place, though now effaced87 from the map, he had a sharp encounter with the natives, in a mountain defile88, which cost him the lives of two or three troopers. The loss was light; but any loss was felt by the Spaniards, so little accustomed, as they had been of late, to resistance.
Still pressing forward, the Spanish captain crossed the river Abancay, and the broad waters of the Apurimac; and, as he drew near the sierra of Vilcaconga, he learned that a considerable body of Indians lay in wait for him in the dangerous passes of the mountains. The sierra was several leagues from Cuzco; and the cavalier, desirous to reach the further side of it before nightfall, incautiously pushed on his wearied horses. When he was fairly entangled89 in its rocky defiles90, a multitude of armed warriors, springing, as it seemed, from every cavern91 and thicket92 of the sierra, filled the air with their war-cries, and rushed down, like one of their own mountain torrents, on the invaders93, as they were painfully tolling94 up the steeps. Men and horses were overturned in the fury of the assault, and the foremost files, rolling back on those below, spread ruin and consternation95 in their ranks. De Soto in vain endeavoured to restore order, and, if possible, to charge the assailants. The horses were blinded and maddened by the missiles, while the desperate natives, clinging to their legs, strove to prevent their ascent96 up the rocky pathway. De Soto saw, that, unless he gained a level ground which opened at some distance before him, all must be lost. Cheering on his men with the old battle-cry, that always went to the heart of a Spaniard, he struck his spurs deep into the sides of his wearied charger, and, gallantly97 supported by his troop, broke through the dark array of warriors, and, shaking them off to the right and left, at length succeeded in placing himself on the broad level.
Here both parties paused, as if by mutual98 consent, for a few moments. A little stream ran through the plain, at which the Spaniards watered their horses; 12 and the animals, having recovered wind, De Soto and his men made a desperate charge on their assailants. The undaunted Indians sustained the shock with firmness; and the result of the combat was still doubtful, when the shades of evening, falling thicker around them, separated the combatants.
12 Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 405.]
Both parties then withdrew from the field, taking up their respective stations within bow-shot of each other, so that the voices of the warriors on either side could be distinctly heard in the stillness of the night. But very different were the reflections of the two hosts. The Indians, exulting99 in their temporary triumph, looked with confidence to the morrow to complete it. The Spaniards, on the other hand, were proportionably discouraged. They were not prepared for this spirit of resistance in an enemy hitherto so tame. Several cavaliers had fallen; one of them by a blow from a Peruvian battle-axe, which clove100 his head to the chin, attesting101 the power of the weapon, and of the arm that used it. 13 Several horses, too, had been killed; and the loss of these was almost as severely felt as that of their riders, considering the great cost and difficulty of transporting them to these distant regions. Few either of the men or horses escaped without wounds, and the Indian allies suffered still more severely.
13 Ibid., loc cit.]
It seemed probable, from the pertinacity102 and a certain order maintained in the assault, that it was directed by some leader of military experience; perhaps the Indian commander Quizquiz, who was said to be hanging round the environs of Cuzco with a considerable force.
Notwithstanding the reasonable cause of apprehension103 for the morrow, De Soto, like a stout-hearted cavalier, as he was, strove to keep up the spirits of his followers. If they had beaten off the enemy when their horses were jaded104, and their own strength nearly exhausted105, how much easier it would be to come off victorious when both were restored by a night’s rest; and he told them to “trust in the Almighty106, who would never desert his faithful followers in their extremity108.” The event justified109 De Soto’s confidence in this seasonable succour.
From time to time, on his march, he had sent advices to Pizarro of the menacing state of the country, till his commander, becoming seriously alarmed, was apprehensive111 that the cavalier might be over powered by the superior numbers of the enemy. He accordingly detached Almagro, with nearly all the remaining horse, to his support, — unencumbered by infantry112, that he might move the lighter113. That efficient leader advanced by forced marches, stimulated114 by the tidings which met him on the road; and was so fortunate as to reach the foot of the sierra of Vilcaconga the very night of the engagement.
There hearing of the encounter, he pushed forward without halting, though his horses were spent with travel. The night was exceedingly dark, and Almagro, afraid of stumbling on the enemy’s bivouac, and desirous to give De Soto information of his approach, commanded his trumpets116 to sound, till the notes, winding117 through the defiles of the mountains, broke the slumbers118 of his countrymen, sounding like blithest music in their ears. They quickly replied with their own bugles119, and soon had the satisfaction to embrace their deliverers. 14
14 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, sec. 3, lib. 5, cap. 3.]
Great was the dismay of the Peruvian host, when the morning light discovered the fresh reinforcement of the ranks of the Spaniards. There was no use in contending with an enemy who gathered strength from the conflict, and who seemed to multiply his numbers at will. Without further attempt to renew the fight, they availed themselves of a thick fog, which hung over the lower slopes of the hills, to effect their retreat, and left the passes open to the invaders. The two cavaliers then continued their march until they extricated120 their forces from the sierra, when, taking up a secure position, they proposed to await there the arrival of Pizarro. 15
15 The account of De Soto’s affair with the natives is given in more or less detail, by Ped. Sancho Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 405, — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms., — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms., — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms, — parties al present in the army.]
The commander-inchief, meanwhile, lay at Xauxa, where he was greatly disturbed by the rumors121 which reached him of the state of the country. His enterprise, thus far, had gone forward so smoothly122, that he was no better prepared than his lieutenant123 to meet with resistance from the natives. He did not seem to comprehend that the mildest nature might at last be roused by oppression; and that the massacre124 of their Inca, whom they regarded with such awful veneration125, would be likely, if any thing could do it, to wake them from their apathy126.
The tidings which he now received of the retreat of the Peruvians were most welcome; and he caused mass to be said, and thanksgivings to be offered up to Heaven, “which had shown itself thus favorable to the Christians127 throughout this mighty107 enterprise.” The Spaniard was ever a Crusader. He was, in the sixteenth century, what Coeur de Lion and his brave knights128 were in the twelfth, with this difference; the cavalier of that day fought for the Cross and for glory, while gold and the Cross were the watchwords of the Spaniard. The spirit of chivalry129 had waned130 somewhat before the spirit of trade; but the fire of religious enthusiasm still burned as bright under the quilted mail of the American Conqueror, as it did of yore under the iron panoply131 of the soldier of Palestine.
It seemed probable that some man of authority had organized, or at least countenanced132, this resistance of the natives, and suspicion fell on the captive chief Challcuchima, who was accused of maintaining a secret correspondence with his confederate, Quizquiz. Pizarro waited on the Indian noble, and, charging him with the conspiracy133, reproached him, as he had formerly134 done his royal master, with ingratitude135 towards the Spaniards, who had dealt with him so liberally. He concluded by the assurance, that, if he did not cause the Peruvians to lay down their arms, and tender their submission136 at once, he should be burnt alive, so soon as they reached Almagro’s quarters. 16
16 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 406.]
The Indian chief listened to the terrible menace with the utmost composure. He denied having had any communication with his countrymen, and said, that, in his present state of confinement137, at least, he could have no power to bring them to submission. He then remained doggedly138 silent, and Pizarro did not press the matter further. 17 But he placed a strong guard over his prisoner, and caused him to be put in irons. It was an ominous139 proceeding140, and had been the precursor141 of the death of Atahuallpa.
17 Ibid., ubi supra.]
Before quitting Xauxa, a misfortune befell the Spaniards in the death of their creature, the young Inca Toparca. Suspicion, of course, fell on Challcuchima, now selected as the scape-goat for all the offences of his nation. 18 It was a disappointment to Pizarro, who hoped to find a convenient shelter for his future proceedings142 under this shadow of royalty143. 19
18 It seems, from the language of the letter addressed to the Emperor by the municipality of Xauxa, that the troops themselves were far from being convinced of Challcuchima’s guilt144. “Publico fue, aunque dello no ubo averiguacion in certenidad, que el capitan Chaliconiman le abia dado ierbas o a beber con6 que murio.” Carta de la Just. v Reg. de Xauja, Ms.]
19 According to Velasco, Toparsa, whom, however, he calls by another name, tore off the diadem145 bestowed146 on him by Pizarro, with disdain147, and died in a few weeks of chagrin148. (Hist. de Quito, tom. I. p. 377.) This writer, a Jesuit of Quito, seems to feel himself bound to make out as good a case for Atahuallpa and his family, as if he had been expressly retained in their behalf. His vouchers149 — when he condescends150 to give any — too rarely bear him out in his statements to inspire us with much confidence in his correctness.]
The general considered it most prudent not to hazard the loss of his treasures by taking them on the march, and he accordingly left them at Xauxa, under a guard of forty soldiers, who remained there in garrison151. No event of importance occurred on the road, and Pizarro, having effected a junction152 with Almagro, their united forces soon entered the vale of Xaquixaguana, about five leagues from Cuzco. This was one of those bright spots, so often found embosomed amidst the Andes, the more beautiful from contrast with the savage154 character of the scenery around it. A river flowed through the valley, affording the means of irrigating155 the soil, and clothing it in perpetual verdure; and the rich and flowering vegetation spread out like a cultivated garden. The beauty of the place and its delicious coolness commended it as a residence for the Peruvian nobles, and the sides of the hills were dotted with their villas156, which afforded them a grateful retreat in the heats of summer. 20 Yet the centre of the valley was disfigured by a quagmire157 of some extent, occasioned by the frequent overflowing158 of the waters; but the industry of the Indian architects had constructed a solid causeway, faced with heavy stone, and connected with the great road, which traversed the whole breadth of the morass159. 21
20 “Auia en este valle muy sumptuosos aposentos y ricos adonde los senores del Cuzco salian a tomar sus plazeres y solazes.’ Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 91.]
21 Ibid., ubi supra.]
In this valley Pizarro halted for several days, while he refreshed his troops from the well-stored magazines of the Incas. His first act was to bring Challcuchima to trial; if trial that could be called, where sentence may be said to have gone hand in hand with accusation160. We are not informed of the nature of the evidence. It was sufficient to satisfy the Spanish captains of the chieftain’s guilt. Nor is it at all incredible that Challcuchima should have secretly encouraged a movement among the people, designed to secure his country’s freedom and his own. He was condemned161 to be burnt alive on the spot. “Some thought it a hard measure,” says Herrera; “but those who are governed by reasons of state policy are apt to shut their eyes against every thing else.” 22 Why this cruel mode of execution was so often adopted by the Spanish Conquerors is not obvious; unless it was that the Indian was an infidel, and fire, from ancient date, seems to have been considered the fitting doom162 of the infidel, as the type of that inextinguishable flame which awaited him in the regions of the damned.
22 Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 6 cap. 3.]
Father Valverde accompanied the Peruvian chieftain to the stake. He seems always to have been present at this dreary163 moment, anxious to profit by it, if possible, to work the conversion164 of the victim. He painted in gloomy colors the dreadful doom of the unbeliever, to whom the waters of baptism could alone secure the ineffable166 glories of paradise. 23 It does not appear that he promised any commutation of punishment in this world. But his arguments fell on a stony167 heart, and the chief coldly replied, he “did not understand the religion of the white men.” 24 He might be pardoned for not comprehending the beauty of a faith which, as it would seem, had borne so bitter fruits to him. In the midst of his tortures, he showed the characteristic courage of the American Indian, whose power of endurance triumphs over the power of persecution168 in his enemies, and he died with his last breath invoking169 the name of Pachacamac. His own followers brought the fagots to feed the flames that consumed him. 25
23 Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 406.]
24 Ibid., loc. cit.]
25 Ibid. loc. cit. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
The Ms. of the old Conqueror is so much damaged in this part of it that much of his account is entirely170 effaced.]
Soon after this tragic171 event, Pizarro was surprised by a visit from a Peruvian noble, who came in great state, attended by a numerous and showy retinue. It was the young prince Manco, brother of the unfortunate Huascar, and the rightful successor to the crown. Being brought before the Spanish commander, he announced his pretensions172 to the throne, and claimed the protection of the strangers. It is said he had meditated173 resisting them by arms, and had encouraged the assaults made on them on their march; but, finding resistance ineffectual, he had taken this politic10 course, greatly to the displeasure of his more resolute174 nobles. However this may be, Pizarro listened to his application with singular contentment, for he saw in this new scion175 of the true royal stock, a more effectual instrument for his purposes than he could have found in the family of Quito, with whom the Peruvians had but little sympathy. He received the young man, therefore, with great cordiality, and did not hesitate to assure him that he had been sent into the country by his master, the Castilian sovereign, in order to vindicate176 the claims of Huascar to the crown, and to punish the usurpation177 of his rival. 26
26 Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 406. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
Taking with him the Indian prince, Pizarro now resumed his march. It was interrupted for a few hours by a party of the natives, who lay in wait for him in the neighbouring sierra. A sharp skirmish ensued, in which the Indians behaved with great spirit, and inflicted178 some little injury on the Spaniards; but the latter, at length, shaking them off, made good their passage through the defile, and the enemy did not care to follow them into the open country.
It was late in the afternoon when the Conquerors came in sight of Cuzco. 27 The descending179 sun was streaming his broad rays full on the imperial city, where many an altar was dedicated180 to his worship. The low ranges of buildings, showing in his beams like so many lines of silvery light, filled up the bosom153 of the valley and the lower slopes of the mountains, whose shadowy forms hung darkly over the fair city, as if to shield it from the menaced profanation181. It was so late, that Pizarro resolved to defer182 his entrance till the following morning.
27 “Y dos horas antes que el Sol se pusiese, llegaron a vista183 de la ciudad del Cuzco. “Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms]
That night vigilant184 guard was kept in the camp, and the soldiers slept on their arms. But it passed away without annoyance185 from the enemy, and early on the following day, November 15, 1533, Pizarro prepared for his entrance into the Peruvian capital. 28
28 The chronicles differ as to the precise date. There can be no better authorities than Pedro Sancho’s narrative186 and the Letter of the Magistrates187 of Xauxa, which have followed in the text]
The little army was formed into three divisions, of which the centre, or “battle,” as it was called, was led by the general. The suburbs were thronged188 with a countless189 multitude of the natives, who had flocked from the city and the surrounding country to witness the showy, and, to them, startling pageant190. All looked with eager curiosity on the strangers, the fame of whose terrible exploits had spread to the remotest parts of the empire. They gazed with astonishment191 on their dazzling arms and fair complexions192, which seemed to proclaim them the true Children of the Sun; and they listened with feelings of mysterious dread165, as the trumpet115 sent forth193 its prolonged notes through the streets of the capital, and the solid ground shook under the heavy tramp of the cavalry.
The Spanish commander rode directly up the great square. It was surrounded by low piles of buildings, among which were several palaces of the Incas. One of these, erected194 by Huayna Capac, was surmounted195 by a tower, while the ground-floor was occupied by one or more immense halls, like those described in Caxamalca, where the Peruvian nobles held their fetes in stormy weather. These buildings afforded convenient barracks for the troops, though, during the first few weeks, they remained under their tents in the open plaza196, with their horses picketed197 by their side, ready to repulse198 any insurrection of the inhabitants. 29
29 Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 407. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 7, cap. 10. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
The capital of the Incas, though falling short of the El Dorado which had engaged their credulous199 fancies, astonished the Spaniards by the beauty of its edifices200, the length and regularity202 of its streets, and the good order and appearance of comfort, even luxury, visible in its numerous population. It far surpassed all they had yet seen in the New World. The population of the city is computed203 by one of the Conquerors at two hundred thousand inhabitants, and that of the suburbs at as many more. 30 This account is not confirmed, as far as I have seen, by any other writer. But however it may be exaggerated, it is certain that Cuzco was the metropolis204 of a great empire, the residence of the Court and the chief nobility; frequented by the most skilful205 mechanics and artisans of every description, who found a demand for their ingenuity206 in the royal precincts; while the place was garrisoned207 by a numerous soldiery, and was the resort, finally, of emigrants208 from the most distant provinces. The quarters whence this motley population came were indicated by their peculiar dress, and especially their head-gear, so rarely found at all on the American Indian, which, with its variegated209 colors, gave a picturesque210 effect to the groups and masses in the streets. The habitual211 order and decorum maintained in this multifarious assembly showed the excellent police of the capital, where the only sounds that disturbed the repose212 of the Spaniards were the noises of feasting and dancing, which the natives, with happy insensibility, constantly prolonged to a late hour of the night. 31
30 “Esta ciudad era muy grande i mui populosa de grandes edificios i comarcas, quando los Eespanoles entraron la primera vex213 en ella havia gran cantidad de gente, seria pueblo214 de mas de 40 mill. vecinos solamente lo que tomaba la ciudad, que arravalles i comarca en deredor del Cuzco a 10 o 12 leguas creo yo que havia docientos mill. Indios porque esto era lo mas poblado de todos estos reinos.” (Conq. i Pob. del Peru, Ms.) The vecino or “householder” is computed, usually, as representing five individuals. — Yet Father Valverde, in a letter written a few years after tis, speaks of the city as having only three or four thousand houses at the time of its occupation, and the suburbs as having nineteen or twenty thousand. (Cart al Emperador, Ms., 20 de Marzo, 1539.) It is possible that he took into the account only the better kind of houses, not considering the mud huts, or rather hovels, which made so large a part of a Peruvian town, as deserving notice.]
31 “Heran tantos los atambores que de noche se oian por todas cartes bailando y cantando y belendo que toda la mayor parte de la noche se les pasava en esto cotidianamente.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
The edifices of the better sort — and they were very numerous — were of stone, or faced with stone. 32 Among the principal were the royal residences; as each sovereign built a new palace for himself, covering, though low, a large extent of ground. The walls were sometimes stained of painted with gaudy215 tints216, and the gates, we are assured, were sometimes of colored marble. 33 In the delicacy217 of the stone-work,” says another of the Conquerors, “the natives far excelled the Spaniards, though the roofs of their dwellings218, instead of tiles, were only of thatch220, but put together with the nicest art.” 34 The sunny climate of Cuzco did not require a very substantial material for defence against the weather.
32 “La maggior parte di queste case sono di pietra, et l’altre hano la meta della facciata di pietra.” Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 413.]
33 The buildings were usually of freestone. There may have been porphyry from the neighbouring mountains mixed with this, which the Spaniards mistook for marble.]
34 “Todo labrado de piedra muy prima, que cierto toda la canteria desta cibdad hace gran ventaja a la de Espana, aunque carecen de teja que todas las casas sino es la fortaleza, que era hecha de azoteas son cubiertas de paja, aunque tan primamente puesta, que parece bien.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
The most important building was the fortress221, planted on a solid rock, that rose boldly above the city. It was built of hewn stone, so finely wrought222 that it was impossible to detect the line of junction between the blocks; and the approaches to it were defended by three semicircular parapets, composed of such heavy masses of rock, that it bore resemblance to the kind of work known to architects as the Cyclopean. The fortress was raised to a height rare in Peruvian architecture; and from the summit of the tower the eye of the spectator ranged over a magnificent prospect, in which the wild features of the mountain scenery, rocks, woods, and waterfalls, were mingled223 with the rich verdure of the valley, and the shining city filling up the foreground, — all blended in sweet harmony under the deep azure224 of a tropical sky.
The streets were long and narrow. They were arranged with perfect regularity, crossing one another at right angles; and from the great square diverged225 four principal streets connecting with the high roads of the empire. The square itself, and many parts of the city, were paved with a fine pebble226. 35 Through the heart of the capital ran a river of pure water, if it might not be rather termed a canal, the banks or sides of which, for the distance of twenty leagues, were faced with stone 36 Across this stream, bridges, constructed of similar broad flags, were thrown, at intervals, so as to afford an easy communication between the different quarters of the capital. 37
35 Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III., ubi supra.
A passage in the Letter of the Municipality of Xauxa is worth quoting, as confirming on the best authority some of the interesting particulars mentioned in the text. ‘Esta cibdad es la mejor e maior que en la tierra se ha visto, i aun en Yndias; e decimos a V. M. ques tan hermosa i de tan buenos edeficios que en Espana seria muy de ver; tiene las calles por mucho concierto en pedradas i por medio dellas un cano enlosado. la plaza es hecha en cuadra i empedrada de quijas pequenas todas, todas las mas de las casas son de Senores Principales hechas de canteria. esta en una ladera de un zerro en el cual sobre el pueblo esta una fortaleza mui bien obrada de canteria, tan de ver que por Espanoles que han andado Reinos estranos, dicen no haver visto otro edeficio igual al della.” Carta de la Just. y Reg. de Xauja, Ms.]
36 “Un rio, el cual baja por medio de la cibdad y desde que nace, mas de veinte leguas por aquel valle abajo donde hay muchas poblaciones, va enlosado todo por el suelo, y las varrancas de una parte y de otra hechas de canteria labrada, cosa nunca vista, ni oida.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
37 The reader will find a few repetitions in this chapter of what I have already said, in the Introduction, of Cuzco under the Incas. But the facts here stated are for the most part drawn13 from other sources, and some repetition was unavoidable in order to give a distinct image of the capital.
The most sumptuous228 edifice201 in Cuzco, in the times of the Incas, was undoubtedly229 the great temple dedicated to the Sun, which, studded with gold plates, as already noticed, was surrounded by convents and dormitories for the priests, with their gardens and broad parterres sparkling with gold. The exterior230 ornaments231 had been already removed by the Conquerors, — all but the frieze232 of gold, which, imbedded in the stones, still encircled the principal building. It is probable that the tales of wealth, so greedily circulated among the Spaniards, greatly exceeded the truth. If they did not, the natives must have been very successful in concealing233 their treasures from the invaders. Yet much still remained, not only in the great House of the Sun, but in the inferior temples which swarmed234 in the capital.
Pizarro, on entering Cuzco, had issued an order forbidding any soldier to offer violence to the dwellings of the inhabitants. 38 But the palaces were numerous, and the troops lost no time in plundering235 them of their contents, as well as in despoiling236 the religious edifices. The interior decorations supplied them with considerable booty. They stripped off the jewels and rich ornaments that garnished237 the royal mummies in the temple of Coricancha. Indignant at the concealment238 of their treasures, they put the inhabitants, in some instances, to the torture, and endeavoured to extort239 from them a confession240 of their hiding-places. 39 They invaded the repose of the sepulchres, in which the Peruvians often deposited their valuable effects, and compelled the grave to give up its dead. No place was left unexplored by the rapacious241 Conquerors, and they occasionally stumbled on a mine of wealth that rewarded their labors242.
38 “Pues mando el marquez dar vn pregon que ningun espanol fuese a entrar en las casas de los naturales o tomalles nada.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
39 Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap 123.]
In a cavern near the city they found a number of vases of pure gold, richly embossed with the figures of serpents, locusts243, and other animals. Among the spoil were four golden llamas and ten or twelve statues of women, some of gold, others of silver, “which merely to see,” says one of the Conquerors, with some naivete, “was truly a great satisfaction.” The gold was probably thin, for the figures were all as large as life; and several of them, being reserved for the royal fifth, were not recast, but sent in their original form to Spain. 40 The magazines were stored with curious commodities; richly tinted244 robes of cotton and feather-work, gold sandals, and slippers245 of the same material, for the women, and dresses composed entirely of beads246 of gold. 41 The grain and other articles of food, with which the magazines were filled, were held in contempt by the Conquerors, intent only on gratifying their lust247 for gold. 42 The time came when the grain would have been of far more value.
40 “Et fra l’altre cose singolari, era veder quattro castrati di fin32 oro molto grandi, et 10 o 12 statue di done, della grandezza delle done di quel paese tutte d’oro fino, cosi belle248 et ben fatte come se fossero viue. . . . . . Queste furono date nel quinto che toccaua a S. M.” (Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III fol.409.) “Muchas estatuas y figuras de oro y plata enteras, hecha la forma toda de una muger, y del tamano della, muy bien labradas.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
41 “Avia ansi mismo miscmo otras muchas plumas de diferentes colores para este efecto de hacer rropas que vestian los senores y senoras y no otto otro en los tiempos de sus fiestas; avia tambien mantas hechas de chaquira, de oro, y de plata, que heran vnas quentecitas muy delicadas, que parecia cosa de espanto ver su hechura.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
42 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim28., Ms.]
Yet the amount of treasure in the capital did not equal the sanguine249 expectations that had been formed by the Spaniards. But the deficiency was supplied by the plunder19 which they had collected at various places on their march. In one place, for example, they met with ten planks250 or bars of solid silver, each piece being twenty feet in length, one foot in breadth, and two or three inches thick. They were intended to decorate the dwelling219 of an Inca noble. 43
43 “Pues andando yo buscando mahiz o otras cosas para comer, acaso entre en vn buhio donde halle estos tablones de plata que tengo dicho que heran hasta diez y de largo251 tenian veinte pies y de anchor de vno y de gordor de tres dedos, di noticia dello al marquez y el y todos los demas que con e. estavan entraron a vello.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
The whole mass of treasure was brought into a common heap, as in Caxamalca; and after some of the finer specimens252 had been deducted253 for the Crown, the remainder was delivered to the Indian goldsmiths to be melted down into ingots of a uniform standard. The division of the spoil was made on the same principle as before. There were four hundred and eighty soldiers, including the garrison of Xauxa, who were each to receive a share, that of the cavalry being double that of the infantry. The amount of booty is stated variously by those present at the division of it. According to some, it considerably254 exceeded the ransom255 of Atahuallpa. Others state it as less. Pedro Pizarro says that each horseman got six thousand pesos de oro, and each one of the infantry half that sum; 44 though the same discrimination was made by Pizarro as before, in respect to the rank of the parties, and their relative services. But Sancho, the royal notary256, and secretary of the commander, estimates the whole amount as far less, — not exceeding five hundred and eighty thousand and two hundred pesos de oro, and two hundred and fifteen thousand marks of silver. 45 In the absence of the official returns, it is impossible to determine which is correct. But Sancho’s narrative is countersigned257, it may be remembered, by Pizarro and the royal treasurer258 Riquelme, and doubtless, therefore, shows the actual amount for which the Conquerors accounted to the Crown.
44 Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
45 Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 409.]
Whichever statement we receive, the sum, combined with that obtained at Caxamalca, might well have satisfied the cravings of the most avaricious259. The sudden influx260 of so much wealth, and that, too, in so transferable a form, among a party of reckless adventures little accustomed to the possession of money, had its natural effect. It supplied them with the means of gaming, so strong and common a passion with the Spaniards, that it may be considered a national vice110. Fortunes were lost and won in a single day, sufficient to render the proprietors261 independent for life; and many a desperate gamester, by an unlucky throw of the dice227 or turn of the cards, saw himself stripped in a few hours of the fruits of years of toil262, and obliged to begin over again the business of rapine. Among these, one in the cavalry service is mentioned, named Leguizano, who had received as his share of the booty the image of the Sun, which, raised on a plate of burnished263 gold, spread over the walls in a recess264 of the great temple, and which, for some reason or other, — perhaps because of its superior fineness, — was not recast like the other ornaments. This rich prize the spendthrift lost in a single night; whence it came to be a proverb in Spain, Juega el Sol antes que amanezca, “Play away the Sun before sunrise.” 46
46 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1 lib. 3, cap. 20
The effect of such a surfeit265 of the precious metals was instantly felt on prices. The most ordinary articles were only to be had for exorbitant266 sums. A quire of paper sold for ten pesos de oro; a bottle of wine, for sixty; a sword, for forty or fifty; a cloak, for a hundred, — sometimes more; a pair of shoes cost thirty or forty pesos de oro, and a good horse could not be had for less than twenty-five hundred. 47 Some brought a still higher price. Every article rose in value, as gold and silver, the representatives of all, declined. Gold and silver, in short, seemed to be the only things in Cuzco that were not wealth. Yet there were some few wise enough to return contented267 with their present gains to their native country. Here their riches brought them consideration and competence268, and, while they excited the envy of their countrymen, stimulated them to seek their own fortunes in the like path of adventure.
47 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 233.]
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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reverenced
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| v.尊敬，崇敬( reverence的过去式和过去分词 )；敬礼 | |
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converged
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| v.（线条、运动的物体等）会于一点( converge的过去式 )；（趋于）相似或相同；人或车辆汇集；聚集 | |
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verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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precipice
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| n.悬崖，危急的处境 | |
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kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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mimic
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| v.模仿，戏弄；n.模仿他人言行的人 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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hoarded
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| v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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kernel
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| n.(果实的)核，仁；(问题)的中心，核心 | |
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prim
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| adj.拘泥形式的，一本正经的；n.循规蹈矩，整洁；adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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fin
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| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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43
beetling
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| adj.突出的，悬垂的v.快速移动( beetle的现在分词 ) | |
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preclude
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| vt.阻止，排除，防止；妨碍 | |
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ledges
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| n.（墙壁，悬崖等）突出的狭长部分( ledge的名词复数 )；（平窄的）壁架；横档；（尤指）窗台 | |
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hoofs
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| n.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的名词复数 )v.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的第三人称单数 ) | |
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47
bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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crests
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| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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obstructed
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| 阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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gems
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| growth； economy； management； and customer satisfaction 增长 | |
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superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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62
scantily
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| adv.缺乏地；不充足地；吝啬地；狭窄地 | |
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63
molested
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| v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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64
vestiges
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| 残余部分( vestige的名词复数 )； 遗迹； 痕迹； 毫不 | |
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65
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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66
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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67
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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68
wading
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的现在分词 ) | |
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69
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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70
watery
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| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
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71
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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72
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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73
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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74
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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75
meditate
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| v.想，考虑，（尤指宗教上的）沉思，冥想 | |
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76
verdant
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| adj.翠绿的，青翠的，生疏的，不老练的 | |
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77
Fertilized
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| v.施肥( fertilize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78
thrifty
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| adj.节俭的；兴旺的；健壮的 | |
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79
sluggishly
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| adv.懒惰地；缓慢地 | |
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80
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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81
effigies
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| n.（人的）雕像，模拟像，肖像( effigy的名词复数 ) | |
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82
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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83
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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84
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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85
strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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86
impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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87
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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88
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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89
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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91
cavern
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| n.洞穴，大山洞 | |
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92
thicket
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| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
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93
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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94
tolling
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| [财]来料加工 | |
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95
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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96
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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97
gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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98
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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99
exulting
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| vi. 欢欣鼓舞，狂喜 | |
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100
clove
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| n.丁香味 | |
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101
attesting
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| v.证明( attest的现在分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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102
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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103
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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104
jaded
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| adj.精疲力竭的；厌倦的；（因过饱或过多而）腻烦的；迟钝的 | |
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105
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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106
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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107
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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108
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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109
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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110
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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111
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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112
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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113
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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114
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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115
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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116
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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117
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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118
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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119
bugles
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| 妙脆角，一种类似薯片但做成尖角或喇叭状的零食； 号角( bugle的名词复数 )； 喇叭； 匍匐筋骨草； （装饰女服用的）柱状玻璃（或塑料）小珠 | |
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120
extricated
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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122
smoothly
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| adv.平滑地，顺利地，流利地，流畅地 | |
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123
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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124
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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125
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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126
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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127
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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128
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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129
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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130
waned
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| v.衰落( wane的过去式和过去分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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131
panoply
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| n.全副甲胄，礼服 | |
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132
countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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133
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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134
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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135
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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136
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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137
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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138
doggedly
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| adv.顽强地，固执地 | |
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139
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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140
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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141
precursor
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| n.先驱者；前辈；前任；预兆；先兆 | |
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142
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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143
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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144
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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145
diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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146
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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148
chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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149
vouchers
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| n.凭证( voucher的名词复数 )；证人；证件；收据 | |
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150
condescends
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的第三人称单数 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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151
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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152
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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153
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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154
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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155
irrigating
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| 灌溉( irrigate的现在分词 )； 冲洗（伤口） | |
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156
villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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157
quagmire
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| n.沼地 | |
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158
overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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159
morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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160
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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161
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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162
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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163
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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164
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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165
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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166
ineffable
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| adj.无法表达的，不可言喻的 | |
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167
stony
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| adj.石头的，多石头的，冷酷的，无情的 | |
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168
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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169
invoking
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| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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170
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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171
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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172
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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173
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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174
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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175
scion
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| n.嫩芽，子孙 | |
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176
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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177
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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178
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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179
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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180
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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181
profanation
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| n.亵渎 | |
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182
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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183
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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184
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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185
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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186
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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187
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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188
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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189
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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190
pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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191
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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192
complexions
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| 肤色( complexion的名词复数 )； 面色； 局面； 性质 | |
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193
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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194
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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195
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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196
plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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197
picketed
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| 用尖桩围住（picket的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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198
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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199
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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200
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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201
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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202
regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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203
computed
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| adj.[医]计算的，使用计算机的v.计算，估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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204
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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205
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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206
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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207
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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208
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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209
variegated
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| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
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210
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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211
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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212
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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213
vex
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| vt.使烦恼，使苦恼 | |
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214
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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215
gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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216
tints
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| 色彩( tint的名词复数 )； 带白的颜色； （淡色）染发剂； 痕迹 | |
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217
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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218
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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219
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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220
thatch
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| vt.用茅草覆盖…的顶部；n.茅草(屋) | |
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221
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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222
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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223
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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224
azure
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| adj.天蓝色的，蔚蓝色的 | |
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225
diverged
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| 分开( diverge的过去式和过去分词 )； 偏离； 分歧； 分道扬镳 | |
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226
pebble
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| n.卵石，小圆石 | |
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227
dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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228
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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229
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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230
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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231
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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232
frieze
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| n.(墙上的)横饰带，雕带 | |
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233
concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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234
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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235
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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236
despoiling
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的现在分词 ) | |
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237
garnished
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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238
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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239
extort
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| v.勒索，敲诈，强要 | |
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240
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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241
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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242
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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243
locusts
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| n.蝗虫( locust的名词复数 )；贪吃的人；破坏者；槐树 | |
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244
tinted
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| adj. 带色彩的 动词tint的过去式和过去分词 | |
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245
slippers
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| n. 拖鞋 | |
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246
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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247
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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248
belle
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| n.靓女 | |
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249
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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250
planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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251
largo
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| n.广板乐章；adj.缓慢的，宽广的；adv.缓慢地，宽广地 | |
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252
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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253
deducted
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| v.扣除，减去( deduct的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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254
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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255
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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256
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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257
countersigned
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| v.连署，副署，会签 （文件）( countersign的过去式 ) | |
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258
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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259
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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260
influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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261
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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262
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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263
burnished
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| adj.抛光的，光亮的v.擦亮（金属等），磨光( burnish的过去式和过去分词 )；被擦亮，磨光 | |
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264
recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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265
surfeit
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| v.使饮食过度；n.(食物)过量，过度 | |
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266
exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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267
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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268
competence
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| n.能力，胜任，称职 | |
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