New Inca Crowned. — Municipal Regulations. — Terrible March Of Alvarado. — Interview With Pizarro. — Foundation Of Lima. — Hernando Pizarro Reaches Spain. — Sensation At Court. — Feuds2 Of Almagro And The Pizarros.
1534–1535.
The first care of the Spanish general, after the division of the booty, was to place Manco on the throne, and to obtain for him the recognition of his countrymen. He, accordingly, presented the young prince to them as their future sovereign, the legitimate3 son of Huayna Capac, and the true heir of the Peruvian sceptre. The annunciation was received with enthusiasm by the people, attached to the memory of his illustrious father, and pleased that they were still to have a monarch4 rule over them of the ancient line of Cuzco.
Every thing was done to maintain the illusion with the Indian population. The ceremonies of a coronation were studiously observed. The young prince kept the prescribed fasts and vigils; and on the appointed day, the nobles and the people, with the whole Spanish soldiery, assembled in the great square of Cuzco to witness the concluding ceremony. Mass was publicly performed by Father Valverde, and the Inca Manco received the fringed diadem6 of Peru, not from the hand of the high-priest of his nation, but from his Conqueror7, Pizarro. The Indian lords then tendered their obeisance8 in the customary form; after which the royal notary9 read aloud the instrument asserting the supremacy10 of the Castilian Crown, and requiring the homage11 of all present to its authority. This address was explained by an interpreter, and the ceremony of homage was performed by each one of the parties waving the royal banner of Castile twice or thrice with his hands. Manco then pledged the Spanish commander in a golden goblet12 of the sparkling chicha; and, the latter having cordially embraced the new monarch, the trumpets13 announced the conclusion of the ceremony. 1 But it was not the note of triumph, but of humiliation14; for it proclaimed that the armed foot of the stranger was in the halls of the Peruvian Incas; that the ceremony of coronation was a miserable15 pageant16; that their prince himself was but a puppet in the hands of his Conqueror; and that the glory of the Children of the Sun had departed for ever!
1 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 407.]
Yet the people readily gave in to the illusion, and seemed willing to accept this image of their ancient independence. The accession of the young monarch was greeted by all the usual fetes and rejoicings. The mummies of his royal ancestors, with such ornaments17 as were still left to them, were paraded in the great square. They were attended each by his own numerous retinue18, who performed all the menial offices, as if the object of them were alive and could feel their import. Each ghostly form took its seat at the banquet-table — now, alas19! stripped of the magnificent service with which it was wont20 to blaze at these high festivals — and the guests drank deep to the illustrious dead. Dancing succeeded the carousal21, and the festivities, prolonged to a late hour, were continued night after night by the giddy population, as if their conquerors22 had not been intrenched in the capital! 2 — What a contrast to the Aztecs in the conquest of Mexico!
2 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms
“Luego por la manana iba al enterramiento donde estaban cada uno por orden embalsamados como es dicho, y asentados en sus sillas, y con5 mucha veneracion y respeto, todos por orden los sacaban de alli y los trahian a la ciudad, teniendo cada uno su litera, y hombres con su librea, que le trujesen, y ansi desta manera todo el servicio y aderezos como si estubiera vivo.” Relacion del Primer. Descub, Ms.]
Pizarro’s next concern was to organize a municipal government for Cuzco, like those in the cities of the parent country. Two alcaldes were appointed, and eight regidores, among which last functionaries24 were his brothers Gonzalo and Juan. The oaths of office were administered with great solemnity, on the twenty-fourth of March, 1534, in presence both of Spaniards and Peruvians, in the public square; as if the general were willing by this ceremony to intimate to the latter, that, while they retained the semblance25 of their ancient institutions, the real power was henceforth vested in their conquerors. 3 He invited Spaniards to settle in the place by liberal grants of land and houses, for which means were afforded by the numerous palaces and public buildings of the Incas; and many a cavalier, who had been too poor in his own country to find a place to rest in, now saw himself the proprietor27 of a spacious28 mansion29 that might have entertained the retinue of a prince. 4 From this time, says an old chronicler, Pizarro, who had hitherto been distinguished30 by his military title of “Captain–General,” was addressed by that of “Governor.” 5 Both had been bestowed31 on him by the royal grant.
3 Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 409. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1534. — Actto de la fundacion del Cuzco, Ms.
This instrument, which belongs to the collection of Munoz, records not only the names of the magistrates32, but of the vecinos who formed the first population of the Christian33 capital.]
4 Actto de la fundacion del Cuzco, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 7, cap. 9, et seq.
When a building was of immense size, as happened with some of the temples and palaces, it was assigned to two or even three of the Conquerors, who each took his share of it. Garcilasso, who describes the city as it was soon after the Conquest, commemorates34 with sufficient prolixity35 the names of the cavaliers among whom the buildings were distributed.]
5 Montesinos, Annales, ano 1534.]
Nor did the chief neglect the interests of religion. Father Valverde, whose nomination36 as Bishop37 of Cuzco not long afterwards received the Papal sanction, prepared to enter on the duties of his office. A place was selected for the cathedral of his diocese, facing the plaza39. A spacious monastery40 subsequently rose on the ruins of the gorgeous House of the Sun; its walls were constructed of the ancient stones; the altar was raised on the spot where shone the bright image of the Peruvian deity41, and the cloisters42 of the Indian temple were trodden by the friars of St. Dominic. 6 To make the metamorphosis more complete, the House of the Virgins43 of the Sun was replaced by a Roman Catholic nunnery. 7 Christian churches and monasteries44 gradually supplanted45 the ancient edifices46, and such of the latter as were suffered to remain, despoiled47 of their heathen insignia, were placed under the protection of the Cross.
6 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 3, cap. 20; lib. 6, cap. 21. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
7 Ulloa, Voyage to S. America, book 7, ch. 12.
“The Indian nuns,” says the author of the Relacion del Primer. Descub., “lived chastely48 and in a holy manner.” — “Their chastity was all a feint,” says Pedro Pizarro, “for they had constant amours with the attendants on the temple.” (Descub. y Conq., Ms.) — What is truth? — In statements so contradictory49, we may accept the most favorable to the Peruvian. The prejudices of the Conqueror certainly did not lie on that side.
The Fathers of St. Dominic, the Brethren of the Order of Mercy, and other missionaries50, now busied themselves in the good work of conversion51. We have seen that Pizarro was required by the Crown to bring out a certain number of these holy men in his own vessels53; and every succeeding vessel52 brought an additional reinforcement of ecclesiastics54. They were not all like the Bishop of Cuzco, with hearts so seared by fanaticism56 as to be closed against sympathy with the unfortunate natives. 8 They were, many of them, men of singular humility57, who followed in the track of the conqueror to scatter58 the seeds of spiritual truth, and, with disinterested59 zeal60, devoted61 themselves to the propagation of the Gospel. Thus did their pious62 labors63 prove them the true soldiers of the Cross, and showed that the object so ostentatiously avowed64 of carrying its banner among the heathen nations was not an empty vaunt.
8 Such, however, it is but fair to Valverde to state, is not the language applied65 to him by the rude soldiers of the Conquest. The municipality of Xauxa, in a communication to the Court, extol66 the Dominican as an exemplary and learned divine, who had afforded much serviceable consolation67 to his countrymen. “Es persona de mucho exemplo i Doctrina i con quien todos los Espanoles an tenido mucho consuelo.” (Carta de la Just. y Reg. de Xauxa, Ms.) And yet this is not incompatible68 with a high degree of insensibility to the natural rights of the natives.]
The effort to Christianize the heathen is an honorable characteristic of the Spanish conquests. The Puritan, with equal religious zeal, did comparatively little for the conversion of the Indian, content, as it would seem, with having secured to himself the inestimable privilege of worshipping God in his own way. Other adventurers who have occupied the New World have often had too little regard for religion themselves, to be very solicitous69 about spreading it among the savages70. But the Spanish missionary71, from first to last, has shown a keen interest in the spiritual welfare of the natives. Under his auspices72, churches on a magnificent scale have been erected73, schools for elementary instruction founded, and every rational means taken to spread the knowledge of religious truth, while he has carried his solitary74 mission into remote and almost inaccessible75 regions, or gathered his Indian disciples76 into communities, like the good Las Casas in Cumana, or the Jesuits in California and Paraguay. At all times, the courageous77 ecclesiastic55 has been ready to lift his voice against the cruelty of the conqueror, and the no less wasting cupidity78 of the colonist79; and when his remonstrances80, as was too often the case, have proved unavailing, he has still followed to bind81 up the broken-hearted, to teach the poor Indian resignation under his lot, and light up his dark intellect with the revelation of a holier and happier existence. — In reviewing the blood-stained records of Spanish colonial history, it is but fair, and at the same time cheering, to reflect, that the same nation which sent forth26 the hard-hearted conqueror from its bosom82 sent forth the missionary to do the work of beneficence, and spread the light of Christian civilization over the farthest regions of the New World.
While the governor, as we are henceforth to style him, lay at Cuzco, he received repeated accounts of a considerable force in the neighbourhood, under the command of Atahuallpa’s officer, Quizquiz. He accordingly detached Almagro, with a small body of horse and a large Indian force under the Inca Manco to disperse83 the enemy, and, if possible, to capture their leader. Manco was the more ready to take part in the expedition, as the enemy were soldiers of Quito, who, with their commander, bore no good-will to himself.
Almagro, moving with his characteristic rapidity, was not long in coming up with the Indian chieftain. Several sharp encounters followed, as the army of Quito fell back on Xauxa, near which a general engagement decided85 the fate of the war by the total discomfiture86 of the natives. Quizquiz fled to the elevated plains of Quito, where he still held out with undaunted spirit against a Spanish force in that quarter, till at length his own soldiers, wearied by these long and ineffectual hostilities87, massacred their commander in cold blood. 9 Thus fell the last of the two great officers of Atahuallpa, who, if their nation had been animated89 by a spirit equal to their own, might long have successfully maintained their soil against the invader90.
9 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 20. — Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap Ramusio, tom. III. fol. 408. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
Some time before this occurrence, the Spanish governor, while in Cuzco, received tidings of an event much more alarming to him than any Indian hostilities. This was the arrival on the coast of a strong Spanish force, under command of Don Pedro de Alvarado, the gallant91 officer who had served under Cortes with such renown92 in the war of Mexico. That cavalier, after forming a brilliant alliance in Spain, to which he was entitled by his birth and military rank, had returned to his government of Guatemala, where his avarice93 had been roused by the magnificent reports he daily received of Pizarro’s conquests. These conquests, he learned, had been confined to Peru; while the northern kingdom of Quito, the ancient residence of Atahuallpa, and, no doubt, the principal depository of his treasures, yet remained untouched. Affecting to consider this country as falling without the governor’s jurisdiction94, he immediately turned a large fleet, which he had intended for the Spice Islands, in the direction of South America; and in March, 1534, he landed in the bay of Caraques, with five hundred followers96, of whom half were mounted, and all admirably provided with arms and ammunition97. It was the best equipped and most formidable array that had yet appeared in the southern seas. 10
10 The number is variously reported by historians. But from a egal investigation98 made in Guatemala, it appears that the whole force amounted to 500, of which 230 were cavalry99. — Informacion echa en Santiago, Set. 15, 1536 Ms.]
Although manifestly an invasion of the territory conceded to Pizarro by the Crown, the reckless cavalier determined101 to march at once on Quito. With the assistance of an Indian guide, he proposed to take the direct route across the mountains, a passage of exceeding difficulty, even at the most favorable season.
After crossing the Rio Dable, Alvarado’s guide deserted102 him, so that he was soon entangled103 in the intricate mazes104 of the sierra; and, as he rose higher and higher into the regions of winter, he became surrounded with ice and snow, for which his men taken from the warm countries of Guatemala, were but ill prepared. As the cold grew more intense, many of them were so benumbed, that it was with difficulty they could proceed. The infantry105, compelled to make exertions107, fared best. Many of the troopers were frozen stiff in their saddles. The Indians, still more sensible to the cold, perished by hundreds. As the Spaniards huddled108 round their wretched bivouacs, with such scanty109 fuel as they could glean110, and almost without food, they waited in gloomy silence the approach of morning. Yet the morning light, which gleamed coldly on the cheerless waste, brought no joy to them. It only revealed more clearly the extent of their wretchedness. Still struggling on through the winding111 Puertos Nevados, or Snowy Passes, their track was dismally112 marked by fragments of dress, broken harness, golden ornaments, and other valuables plundered113 on their march, — by the dead bodies of men, or by those less fortunate, who were left to die alone in the wilderness114. As for the horses, their carcasses were not suffered long to cumber115 the ground, as they were quickly seized and devoured116 half raw by the starving soldiers, who, like the famished117 condors118, now hovering120 in troops above their heads, greedily banqueted on the most offensive offal to satisfy the gnawings of hunger.
Alvarado, anxious to secure the booty which had fallen into his hands at an earlier part of his march, encouraged every man to take what gold he wanted from the common heap, reserving only the royal fifth. But they only answered, with a ghastly smile of derision, “that food was the only gold for them.” Yet in this extremity121, which might seem to have dissolved the very ties of nature, there are some affecting instances recorded of self-devotion; of comrades who lost their lives in assisting others, and of parents and husbands (for some of the cavaliers were accompanied by their wives) who, instead of seeking their own safety, chose to remain and perish in the snows with the objects of their love.
To add to their distress122, the air was filled for several days with thick clouds of earthy particles and cinders123, which blinded the men, and made respiration124 exceedingly difficult. 11 This phenomenon, it seems probable, was caused by an eruption125 of the distant Cotopaxi, which, about twelve leagues southeast of Quito, rears up its colossal126 and perfectly127 symmetrical cone128 far above the limits of eternal snow, — the most beautiful and the most terrible of the American volcanoes. 12 At the time of Alvarado’s expedition, it was in a state of eruption, the earliest instance of the kind on record, though doubtless not the earliest. 13 Since that period, it has been in frequent commotion129, sending up its sheets of flame to the height of half a mile, spouting130 forth cataracts131 of lava132 that have overwhelmed towns and villages in their career, and shaking the earth with subterraneous thunders, that, at the distance of more than a hundred leagues, sounded like the reports of artillery133! 14 Alvarado’s followers, unacquainted with the cause of the phenomenon, as they wandered over tracts134 buried in snow, — the sight of which was strange to them, — in an atmosphere laden135 with ashes, became bewildered by this confusion of the elements, which Nature seemed to have contrived136 purposely for their destruction. Some of these men were the soldiers of Cortes, steeled by many a painful march, and many a sharp encounter with the Aztecs. But this war of the elements, they now confessed, was mightier137 than all.
11 “It began to rain earthy particles from the heavens,” says Oviedo, “that blinded the men and horses, so that the trees and bushes were full of dirt.” Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 20.]
12 Garcilasso says the shower of ashes came from the “volcano of Quito.” (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 2.) Cieza de Leon only says from one of the volcanoes in that region. (Cronica, cap. 41.) Neither of them specify138 the name. Humboldt accepts the common opinion, that Cotopaxi was intended. Researches, I. 123.]
13 A popular tradition among the natives states, that a large fragment of porphyry near the base of the cone was thrown out in an eruption, which occurred at the moment of Atahuallpa’s death. — But such tradition will hardly pass for history.]
14 A minute account of this formidable mountain is given by M. de Humboldt, (Researches, I. 118, et seq.,) and more circumstantially by Condamine. (Voyage a l’Equateur, pp. 48 — 56 156 — 160.) The latter philosopher would have attempted to scale the almost perpendicular139 walls of the volcano, but no one was hardy140 enough to second him.]
At length, Alvarado, after sufferings, which even the most hardy, probably, could have endured but a few days longer, emerged from the Snowy Pass, and came on the elevated table-land, which spreads out, at the height of more than nine thousand feet above the ocean, in the neighbourhood of Riobamba. But one fourth of his gallant army had been left to feed the condor119 in the wilderness, besides the greater part, at least two thousand, of his Indian auxiliaries141. A great number of his horses, too, had perished; and the men and horses that escaped were all of them more or less injured by the cold and the extremity of suffering. — Such was the terrible passage of the Puertos Nevados, which I have only briefly142 noticed as an episode to the Peruvian conquest, but the account of which, in all its details, though it occupied but a few weeks in duration, would give one a better idea of the difficulties encountered by the Spanish cavaliers, than volumes of ordinary narrative143. 15
15 By far the most spirited and thorough record of Alvarado’s march is given by Herrera, who has borrowed the pen of Livy describing the Alpine144 march of Hannibal. (Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 6, cap. 1, 2, 7, 8, 9.) See also Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms., — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 20, — and Carta de Pedro de Alvarado al Emperador, San Miguel, 15 de Enero, 1535, Ms.
Alvarado, in the letter above cited, which is preserved in the Munoz collection, explains to the Emperor the grounds of his expedition, with no little effrontery145. In this document he touches very briefly on the march, being chiefly occupied by the negotiations146 with Almagro, and accompanying his remarks with many dark suggestions as to the policy pursued by the Conquerors]
As Alvarado, after halting some time to restore his exhausted147 troops, began his march across the broad plateau, he was astonished by seeing the prints of horses’ hoofs148 on the soil. Spaniards, then, had been there before him, and, after all his toil149 and suffering, others had forestalled150 him in the enterprise against Quito! It is necessary to say a few words in explanation of this.
When Pizarro quitted Caxamalca, being sensible of the growing importance of San Miguel, the only port of entry then in the country, he despatched a person in whom he had great confidence to take charge of it. This person was Sebastian Benalcazar, a cavalier who afterwards placed his name in the first rank of the South American conquerors, for courage, capacity, — and cruelty. But this cavalier had hardly reached his government, when, like Alvarado, he received such accounts of the riches of Quito, that he determined, with the force at his command, though without orders, to undertake its reduction.
At the head of about a hundred and forty soldiers, horse and foot, and a stout151 body of Indian auxiliaries, he marched up the broad range of the Andes, to where it spreads out into the table-land of Quito, by a road safer and more expeditious152 than that taken by Alvarado. On the plains of Riobamba, he encountered the Indian general Ruminavi. Several engagements followed, with doubtful success, when, in the end, science prevailed where courage was well matched, and the victorious153 Benalcazar planted the standard of Castile on the ancient towers of Atahuallpa. The city, in honor of his general, Francis Pizarro, he named San Francisco del Quito. But great was his mortification154 on finding that either the stories of its riches had been fabricated, or that these riches were secreted155 by the natives. The city was all that he gained by his victories, — the shell without the pearl of price which gave it its value. While devouring156 his chagrin157, as he best could, the Spanish captain received tidings of the approach of his superior, Almagro. 16
16 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 4, cap. 11, 18; lib. 6, cap. 5, 6. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 19. — Carta de Benalcazar, Ms.]
No sooner had the news of Alvarado’s expedition reached Cuzco, than Almagro left the place with a small force for San Miguel, proposing to strengthen himself by a reinforcement from that quarter, and to march at once against the invaders158. Greatly was he astonished, on his arrival in that city, to learn the departure of its commander. Doubting the loyalty159 of his motives160, Almagro, with the buoyancy of spirit which belongs to youth, though in truth somewhat enfeebled by the infirmities of age, did not hesitate to follow Benalcazar at once across the mountains. With his wonted energy, the intrepid161 veteran, overcoming all the difficulties of his march, in a few weeks placed himself and his little company on the lofty plains which spread around the Indian city of Riobamba; though in his progress he had more than one hot encounter with the natives, whose courage and perseverance162 formed a contrast sufficiently163 striking to the apathy164 of the Peruvians. But the fire only slumbered165 in the bosom of the Peruvian. His hour had not yet come.
At Riobamba, Almagro was soon joined by the commander of San Miguel, who disclaimed166, perhaps sincerely, any disloyal intent in his unauthorized expedition. Thus reinforced, the Spanish captain coolly awaited the coming of Alvarado. The forces of the latter, though in a less serviceable condition, were much superior in number and appointments to those of his rival. As they confronted each other on the broad plains of Riobamba, it seemed probable that a fierce struggle must immediately follow, and the natives of the country have the satisfaction to see their wrongs avenged167 by the very hands that inflicted168 them. But it was Almagro’s policy to avoid such an issue.
Negotiations were set on foot, in which each party stated his claims to the country. Meanwhile Alvarado’s men mingled169 freely with their countrymen in the opposite army, and heard there such magnificent reports of the wealth and wonders of Cuzco, that many of them were inclined to change their present service for that of Pizarro. Their own leader, too, satisfied that Quito held out no recompense worth the sacrifices he had made, and was like to make, by insisting on his claim, became now more sensible of the rashness of a course which must doubtless incur170 the censure171 of his sovereign. In this temper, it was not difficult for them to effect an adjustment of difficulties; and it was agreed, as the basis of it, that the governor should pay one hundred thousand pesos de oro to Alvarado, in consideration of which the latter was to resign to him his fleet, his forces, and all his stores and munitions172. His vessels, great and small, amounted to twelve in number, and the sum he received, though large, did not cover his expenses. This treaty being settled, Alvarado proposed, before leaving the country, to have an interview with Pizarro. 17
17 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 6, cap. 8 — 10. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap 20. — Carta de Benalcazar, Ms.
The amount of the bonus paid to Alvarado is stated very differently by writers. But both that cavalier and Almagro, in their letters to the Emperor, which have hitherto been unknown to historians, agree in the sum given in the text. Alvarado complains that he had no choice but to take it, although it was greatly to his own loss, and, by defeating his expedition, as he modestly intimates, to the loss of the Crown. (Carta de Alvarado al Emperador, Ms.) — Almagro, however, states that the sum paid was three times as much as the armament was worth; “a sacrifice,” he adds, “which he made to preserve peace, never dear at any price.” — Strange sentiment for a Castilian conqueror! Carta de Diego de Almagro al Emperador, Ms., Oct. 15, 1534.]
The governor, meanwhile, had quitted the Peruvian capital for the sea-coast, from his desire to repel173 any invasion that might be attempted in that direction by Alvarado, with whose real movements he was still unacquainted. He left Cuzco in charge of his brother Juan, a cavalier whose manners were such as, he thought, would be likely to gain the good-will of the native population. Pizarro also left ninety of his troops, as the garrison174 of the capital, and the nucleus175 of his future colony. Then, taking the Inca Manco with him, he proceeded as far as Xauxa. At this place he was entertained by the Indian prince with the exhibition of a great national hunt, — such as has been already described in these pages, — in which immense numbers of wild animals were slaughtered176, and the vicunas, and other races of Peruvian sheep, which roam over the mountains, driven into inclosures and relieved of their delicate fleeces. 18
18 Carta de la Just. y Reg. de Xauja, Ms. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 6, cap. 16. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1534.
At this place, the author of the Relacion del Primer Descubrimiento del Peru, the Ms. so often quoted in these pages, abruptly177 terminates his labors. He is a writer of sense and observation; and, though he has his share of the national tendency to exaggerate and overcolor, he writes like one who means to be honest, and who has seen what he describes.
At Xauxa, also, the notary Pedro Sancho ends his Relacion, which embraces a much shorter period than the preceding narrative, but which is equally authentic178. Coming from the secretary of Pizarro, and countersigned179 by that general himself, this Relation, indeed, may be regarded as of the very highest authority. And yet large deductions180 must obviously be made for the source whence it springs; for it may be taken as Pizarro’s own account of his doings, some of which stood much in need of apology. It must be added, in justice both to the general and to his secretary, that the Relation does not differ substantially from other contemporary accounts, and that the attempt to varnish181 over the exceptionable passages in the conduct of the Conquerors is not obtrusive182.
For the publication of this journal, we are indebted to Ramusio, whose enlightened labors have preserved to us more than one contemporary production of value, though in the form of translation]
The Spanish governor then proceeded to Pachacamac, where he received the grateful intelligence of the accommodation with Alvarado; and not long afterward38 he was visited by that cavalier himself, previously183 to his embarkation184.
The meeting was conducted with courtesy and a show, at least, of good-will, on both sides, as there was no longer real cause for jealousy185 between the parties; and each, as may be imagined, looked on the other with no little interest, as having achieved such distinction in the bold path of adventure. In the comparison, Alvarado had somewhat the advantage; for Pizarro, though of commanding presence, had not the brilliant exterior186, the free and joyous187 manner, which, no less than his fresh complexion188 and sunny locks, had won for the conqueror of Guatemala, in his campaigns against the Aztecs, the sobriquet189 of Tonatiuh, or “Child of the Sun.”
Blithe190 were the revels191 that now rang through the ancient city of Pachacamac; where, instead of songs, and of the sacrifices so often seen there in honor of the Indian deity, the walls echoed to the noise of tourneys and Moorish192 tilts193 of reeds, with which the martial194 adventurers loved to recall the sports of their native land. When these were concluded, Alvarado reembarked for his government of Guatemala, where his restless spirit soon involved him in other enterprises that cut short his adventurous195 career. His expedition to Peru was eminently196 characteristic of the man. It was founded in injustice197, conducted with rashness, and ended in disaster. 19
19 Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Carta Francisco Pizarro al Senor de Molina, Ms.
Alvarado died in 1541, of an injury received from a horse which rolled down on him as he was attempting to scale a precipitous hill in New Galicia. In the same year, by a singular coincidence, perished his beautiful wife, at her own residence in Guatemala, which was overwhelmed by a torrent198 from the adjacent mountains.]
The reduction of Peru might now be considered as, in a manner, accomplished199. Some barbarous tribes in the interior, it is true, still held out, and Alonso de Alvarado, a prudent200 and able officer, was employed to bring them into subjection. Benalcazar was still at Quito, of which he was subsequently appointed governor by the Crown. There he was laying deeper the foundation of the Spanish power, while he advanced the line of conquest still higher towards the north. But Cuzco, the ancient capital of the Indian monarchy201, had submitted. The armies of Atahuallpa had been beaten and scattered202. The empire of the Incas was dissolved; and the prince who now wore the Peruvian diadem was but the shadow of a king, who held his commission from his conqueror.
The first act of the governor was to determine on the site of the future capital of this vast colonial empire. Cuzco, withdrawn203 among the mountains, was altogether too far removed from the sea-coast for a commercial people. The little settlement of San Miguel lay too far to the north. It was desirable to select some more central position, which could be easily found in one of the fruitful valleys that bordered the Pacific. Such was that of Pachacamac, which Pizarro now occupied. But, on further examination, he preferred the neighbouring valley of Rimac, which lay to the north, and which took its name, signifying in the Quichua tongue “one who speaks,” from a celebrated204 idol205, whose shrine206 was much frequented by the Indians for the oracles207 it delivered. Through the valley flowed a broad stream, which, like a great artery208, was made, as usual by the natives, to supply a thousand finer veins209 that meandered210 through the beautiful meadows.
On this river Pizarro fixed211 the site of his new capital, at somewhat less than two leagues’ distance from its mouth, which expanded into a commodious212 haven213 for the commerce that the prophetic eye of the founder214 saw would one day — and no very distant one — float on its waters. The central situation of the spot recommended it as a suitable residence for the Peruvian viceroy, whence he might hold easy communication with the different parts of the country, and keep vigilant215 watch over his Indian vassals216. The climate was delightful217, and, though only twelve degrees south of the line, was so far tempered by the cool breezes that generally blow from the Pacific, or from the opposite quarter down the frozen sides of the Cordilleras, that the heat was less than in corresponding latitudes218 on the continent. It never rained on the coast; but this dryness was corrected by a vaporous cloud, which, through the summer months, hung like a curtain over the valley, sheltering it from the rays of a tropical sun, and imperceptibly distilling219 a refreshing220 moisture, that clothed the fields in the brightest verdure.
The name bestowed on the infant capital was Ciudad de los Reyes, or City of the Kings, in honor of the day, being the sixth of January, 1535, — the festival of Epiphany, — when it was said to have been founded, or more probably when its site was determined, as its actual foundation seems to have been twelve days later. 20 But the Castilian name ceased to be used even within the first generation, and was supplanted by that of Lima, into which the original Indian name of Rimac was corrupted221 by the Spaniards. 21
20 So says Quintana, who follows in this what he pronounces a sure authority, Father Bernabe Cobo, in his book entitled Fundacion de Lima. Espanoles Celebres, tom. II. p. 250, nota.]
21 The Mss. of the old Conquerors show how, from the very first, the name of Lima superseded222 the original Indian title. “Y el marquez se passo a Lima y fundo la ciudad de los rreyes que agora es.” (Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.) “Asimismo ordenaron que se pasasen el pueblo223 que tenian en Xauxa poblado a este Valle de Lima donde agora es esta ciudad de los i aqui se poblo.” Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
The city was laid out on a very regular plan. The streets were to be much wider than usual in Spanish towns, and perfectly straight, crossing one another at right angles, and so far asunder224 as to afford ample space for gardens to the dwellings225, and for public squares. It was arranged in a triangular226 form, having the river for its base, the waters of which were to be carried, by means of stone conduits, through all the principal streets, affording facilities for irrigating227 the grounds around the houses.
No sooner had the governor decided on the site and on the plan of the city, than he commenced operations with his characteristic energy. The Indians were collected from the distance of more than a hundred miles to aid in the work. The Spaniards applied themselves with vigor228 to the task, under the eye of their chief. The sword was exchanged for the tool of the artisan. The camp was converted into a hive of diligent229 laborers230; and the sounds of war were succeeded by the peaceful hum of a busy population. The plaza, which was extensive, was to be surrounded by the cathedral, the palace of the viceroy, that of the municipality, and other public buildings; and their foundations were laid on a scale, and with a solidity, which defied the assaults of time, and, in some instances, even the more formidable shock of earthquakes, that, at different periods, have laid portions of the fair capital in ruins. 22
22 Montesinos, Annales, Ms. ano 1535. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.
The remains231 of Pizarro’s palace may still be discerned in the Callejon de Petateros, says Stevenson, who gives the best account of Lima to be found in any modern book of travels which I have consulted. Residence in South America, vol II. chap. 8.]
While these events were going on, Almagro, the Marshal, as he is usually termed by chroniclers of the time, had gone to Cuzco, whither he was sent by Pizarro to take command of that capital. He received also instructions to undertake, either by himself or by his captains, the conquest of the countries towards the south, forming part of Chili232. Almagro, since his arrival at Caxamalca, had seemed willing to smother233 his ancient feelings of resentment234 towards his associate, or, at least, to conceal235 the expression of them, and had consented to take command under him in obedience236 to the royal mandate237. He had even, in his despatches, the magnanimity to make honorable mention of Pizarro, as one anxious to promote the interests of government. Yet he did not so far trust his companion, as to neglect the precaution of sending a confidential238 agent to represent his own services, when Hernando Pizarro undertook his mission to the mother-country.
That cavalier, after touching239 at St. Domingo, had arrived without accident at Seville, in January, 1534. Besides the royal fifth, he took with him gold, to the value of half a million of pesos, together with a large quantity of silver, the property of private adventurers, some of whom, satisfied with their gains, had returned to Spain in the same vessel with himself. The custom-house was filled with solid ingots, and with vases of different forms, imitations of animals, flowers, fountains, and other objects, executed with more or less skill, and all of pure gold, to the astonishment240 of the spectators, who flocked from the neighbouring country to gaze on these marvellous productions of Indian art. 23 Most of the manufactured articles were the property of the Crown; and Hernando Pizarro, after a short stay at Seville, selected some of the most gorgeous specimens241, and crossed the country to Calatayud, where the emperor was holding the cortes of Aragon.
23 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, ib. 6, cap. 13. — Lista de todo lo que Hernando Pizarro trajo del Peru, ap. Mss. de Munoz.]
Hernando was instantly admitted to the royal presence, and obtained a gracious audience. He was more conversant242 with courts than either of his brothers, and his manners, when in situations that imposed a restraint on the natural arrogance243 of his temper, were graceful244 and even attractive. In a respectful tone, he now recited the stirring adventures of his brother and his little troop of followers, the fatigues245 they had endured, the difficulties they had overcome, their capture of the Peruvian Inca, and his magnificent ransom246. He had not to tell of the massacre88 of the unfortunate prince, for the tragic247 event, which had occurred since his departure from the country, was still unknown to him. The cavalier expatiated248 on the productiveness of the soil, and on the civilization of the people, evinced by their proficiency249 in various mechanic arts; in proof of which he displayed the manufactures of wool and cotton, and the rich ornaments of gold and silver. The monarch’s eyes sparkled with delight as he gazed on these last. He was too sagacious not to appreciate the advantages of a conquest which secured to him a country so rich in agricultural resources. But the returns from these must necessarily be gradual and long deferred250; and he may be excused for listening with still greater satisfaction to Pizarro’s tales of its mineral stores; for his ambitious projects had drained the imperial treasury251, and he saw in the golden tide thus unexpectedly poured in upon him the immediate95 means of replenishing it.
Charles made no difficulty, therefore, in granting the petitions of the fortunate adventurer. All the previous grants to Francis Pizarro and his associates were confirmed in the fullest manner; and the boundaries of the governor’s jurisdiction were extended seventy leagues further towards the south. Nor did Almagro’s services, this time, go unrequited. He was empowered to discover and occupy the country for the distance of two hundred leagues, beginning at the southern limit of Pizarro’s territory. 24 Charles, in proof, still further, of his satisfaction, was graciously pleased to address a letter to the two commanders, in which he complimented them on their prowess, and thanked them for their services. This act of justice to Almagro would have been highly honorable to Hernando Pizarro, considering the unfriendly relations in which they stood to each other, had it not been made necessary by the presence of the marshal’s own agents at court, who, as already noticed, stood ready to supply any deficiency in the statements of the emissary.
24 The country to be occupied received the name of New Toledo, in the royal grant, as the conquests of Pizarro had been designated by that of New Castile. But the present attempt to change the Indian name was as ineffectual as the former, and the ancient title of Chili still designates that narrow strip of fruitful land between the Andes and the ocean, which stretches to the south of the great continent.]
In this display of the royal bounty252, the envoy253, as will readily be believed, did not go without his reward. He was lodged254 as an attendant of the Court; was made a knight255 of Santiago, the most prized of the chivalric256 orders in Spain; was empowered to equip an armament, and to take command of it; and the royal officers at Seville were required to aid him in his views and facilitate his embarkation for the Indies. 25
25 Ibid., loc. cit.]
The arrival of Hernando Pizarro in the country, and the reports spread by him and his followers, created a sensation among the Spaniards such as had not been felt since the first voyage of Columbus. The discovery of the New World had filled the minds of men with indefinite expectations of wealth, of which almost every succeeding expedition had proved the fallacy. The conquest of Mexico, though calling forth general admiration257 as a brilliant and wonderful exploit, had as yet failed to produce those golden results which had been so fondly anticipated. The splendid promises held out by Francis Pizarro on his recent visit to the country had not revived the confidence of his countrymen, made incredulous by repeated disappointment. All that they were assured of was the difficulties of the enterprise; and their distrust of its results was sufficiently shown by the small number of followers, and those only of the most desperate stamp, who were willing to take their chance in the adventure.
But now these promises were realized. It was no longer the golden reports that they were to trust; but the gold itself, which was displayed in such profusion258 before them. All eyes were now turned towards the West. The broken spendthrift saw in it the quarter where he was to repair his fortunes as speedily as he had ruined them. The merchant, instead of seeking the precious commodities of the East, looked in the opposite direction, and counted on far higher gains, where the most common articles of life commanded so exorbitant259 prices. The cavalier, eager to win both gold and glory at the point of his lance, thought to find a fair field for his prowess on the mountain plains of the Andes. Ferdinand Pizarro found that his brother had judged rightly in allowing as many of his company as chose to return home, confident that the display of their wealth would draw ten to his banner for every one that quitted it.
In a short time that cavalier saw himself at the head of one of the most numerous and well-appointed armaments, probably, that had left the shores of Spain since the great fleet of Ovando, in the time of Ferdinand and Isabella. It was scarcely more fortunate than this. Hardly had Ferdinand put to sea, when a violent tempest fell on the squadron, and compelled him to return to port and refit. At length he crossed the ocean, and reached the little harbour of Nombre de Dios in safety. But no preparations had been made for his coming, and, as he was detained here some time before he could pass the mountains, his company suffered greatly from scarcity260 of food. In their extremity, the most unwholesome articles were greedily devoured, and many a cavalier spent his little savings261 to procure262 himself a miserable subsistence. Disease, as usual, trod closely in the track of famine, and numbers of the unfortunate adventurers, sinking under the unaccustomed heats of the climate, perished on the very threshold of discovery.
It was the tale often repeated in the history of Spanish enterprise. A few, more lucky than the rest, stumble on some unexpected prize, and hundreds, attracted by their success, press forward in the same path. But the rich spoil which lay on the surface has been already swept away by the first comers, and those who follow are to win their treasure by long-protracted and painful exertion106. — Broken in spirit and in fortune, many returned in disgust to their native shores, while others remained where they were, to die in despair. They thought to dig for gold; but they dug only their graves.
Yet it fared not thus with all Pizarro’s company. Many of them, crossing the Isthmus263 with him to Panama, came in time to Peru, where, in the desperate chances of its revolutionary struggles, some few arrived at posts of profit and distinction. Among those who first reached the Peruvian shore was an emissary sent by Almagro’s agents to inform him of the important grant made to him by the Crown. The tidings reached him just as he was making his entry into Cuzco, where he was received with all respect by Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro, who, in obedience to their brother’s commands, instantly resigned the government of the capital into the marshal’s hands. But Almagro was greatly elated on finding himself now placed by his sovereign in a command that made him independent of the man who had so deeply wronged him; and he intimated that in the exercise of his present authority he acknowledged no superior. In this lordly humor he was confirmed by several of his followers, who insisted that Cuzco fell to the south of the territory ceded100 to Pizarro, and consequently came within that now granted to the marshal. Among these followers were several of Alvarado’s men, who, though of better condition than the soldiers of Pizarro, were under much worse discipline, and had acquired, indeed, a spirit of unbridled license264 under that unscrupulous chief. 26 They now evinced little concern for the native population of Cuzco; and, not content with the public edifices, seized on the dwellings of individuals, where it suited their convenience, appropriating their contents without ceremony, — showing as little respect, in short, for person or property, as if the place had been taken by storm. 27
26 In point of discipline, they presented a remarkable265 contrast to the Conquerors of Peru, if we may take the word of Pedro Pizarro, who assures us that his comrades would not have plucked so much as an ear of corn without leave from their commander. “Que los que pasamos con el Marquez a la conquista no ovo hombre que osase tomar vna mazorca de mahiz sin licencia.” Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
27 “Se entraron de paz en la ciudad del Cuzco i los salieron todos los naturales a rescibir i les tomaron la Ciudad con todo quanto havia de dentro llenas las casas de mucha ropa i algunas oro i plata i otras muchas cosas, i las que no estaban bien llenas las enchian de lo que tomaban de las demas casas de la dicha ciudad, sin pensar que en ello hacian ofensa alguna Divina ni humana, i porquesta es una cosa larga i casi incomprehensible, la dexase al juicio de quien mas entiende aunque en el dano rescebido por parte de los naturales cerca deste articulo yo se harto por mis pecados que no quisiera saber ni haver visto.” Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.
While these events were passing in the ancient Peruvian capital, the governor was still at Lima, where he was greatly disturbed by the accounts he received of the new honors conferred on his associate. He did not know that his own jurisdiction had been extended seventy leagues further to the south, and he entertained the same suspicion with Almagro, that the capital of the Incas did not rightly come within his present limits. He saw all the mischief266 likely to result from this opulent city falling into the hands of his rival, who would thus have an almost indefinite means of gratifying his own cupidity, and that of his followers. He felt, that, under the present circumstances, it was not safe to allow Almagro to anticipate the possession of power, to which, as yet, he had no legitimate right; for the despatches containing the warrant for it still remained with Hernando Pizarro, at Panama, and all that had reached Peru was a copy of a garbled267 extract.
Without loss of time, therefore, he sent instructions to Cuzco for his brothers to resume the government, while he defended the measure to Almagro on the ground, that, when he should hereafter receive his credentials268, it would be unbecoming to be found already in possession of the post. He concluded by urging him to go forward without delay in his expedition to the south.
But neither the marshal nor his friends were pleased with the idea of so soon relinquishing269 the authority which they now considered as his right. The Pizarros, on the other hand, were pertinacious270 in reclaiming271 it. The dispute grew warmer and warmer. Each party had its supporters; the city was split into factions272; and the municipality, the soldiers, and even the Indian population, took sides in the struggle for power. Matters were proceeding273 to extremity, menacing the capital with violence and bloodshed, when Pizarro himself appeared among them. 28
28 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 7, cap. 6 — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
On receiving tidings of the fatal consequences of his mandates274, he had posted in all haste to Cuzco, where he was greeted with undisguised joy by the natives, as well as by the more temperate275 Spaniards, anxious to avert276 the impending277 storm. The governor’s first interview was with Almagro, whom he embraced with a seeming cordiality in his manner; and, without any show of resentment, inquired into the cause of the present disturbances278. To this the marshal replied, by throwing the blame on Pizarro’s brothers; but, although the governor reprimanded them with some asperity279 for their violence, it was soon evident that his sympathies were on their side, and the dangers of a feud1 between the two associates seemed greater than ever. Happily, it was postponed280 by the intervention281 of some common friends, who showed more discretion282 than their leaders. With their aid a reconciliation283 was at length affected284, on the grounds substantially of their ancient compact.
It was agreed that their friendship should be maintained inviolate285; and, by a stipulation286 that reflects no great credit on the parties, it was provided that neither should malign287 nor disparage288 the other, especially in their despatches to the emperor; and that neither should hold communication with the government without the knowledge of his confederate; lastly, that both the expenditures289 and the profits of future discovery should be shared equally by the associates. The wrath290 of Heaven was invoked291 by the most solemn imprecations on the head of whichever should violate this compact, and the Almighty292 was implored293 to visit the offender294 with loss of property and of life in this world, and with eternal perdition in that to come! 29 The parties further bound themselves to the observance of this contract by a solemn oath taken on the sacrament, as it was held in the hands of Father Bartolome de Segovia, who concluded the ceremony by performing mass. The whole proceeding, and the articles of agreement, were carefully recorded by the notary in an instrument bearing date June 12, 1535, and attested295 by a long list of witnesses. 30
29 “E suplicamos a su infinita bondad que a qualquier de nos que fuere en contrario de lo asi convenido, con todo rigor296 de justicia permita la perdicion de su anima, tin y mal acavamiento de su vida, destruicion y perdimientos de su familia, honrras y hacienda.” Capitulacion entre Pizarro y Almagro 12 de Junio, 1535, Ms.]
30 This remarkable document, the original of which is preserves in the archives of Simancas, may be found entire in the Castilian, 10 Appendix, No. 11.]
Thus did these two ancient comrades, after trampling297 on the ties of friendship and honor, hope to knit themselves to each other by the holy bands of religion. That it should have been necessary to resort to so extraordinary a measure might have furnished them with the best proof of its inefficacy.
Not long after this accommodation of their differences, the marshal raised his standard for Chili; and numbers, won by his popular manners, and by his liberal largesses, — liberal to prodigality298, — eagerly joined in the enterprise, which they fondly trusted would lead even to greater riches than they had found in Peru. Two Indians, Paullo Topa, a brother of the Inca Manco, and Villac Umu, the high-priest of the nation, were sent in advance, with three Spaniards, to prepare the way for the little army. A detachment of a hundred and fifty men, under an officer named Saavedra, next followed. Almagro remained behind to collect further recruits; but before his levies299 were completed, he began his march, feeling himself insecure, with his diminished strength, in the neighbourhood of Pizarro! 31 The remainder of his forces, when mustered300, were to follow him.
31 “El Adelantado Almagro despues que se vido en el Cuzco descarnado de su jente temio al Marquez no le prendiese por las alteraciones pasadas que havia tenido con sus hermanos como ya hemos dicho, i dicen que por ser avisado dello tomo la posta i se fue al pueblo de Paria donde estava su Capitan Saavedra.” Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
Thus relieved of the presence of his rival, the governor returned without further delay to the coast, to resume his labors in the settlement of the country. Besides the principal city of “The Kings,’ he established others along the Pacific, destined301 to become hereafter the flourishing marts of commerce. The most important of these, in honor of his birthplace, he named Truxillo, planting it on a site already indicated by Almagro. 32 He made also numerous repartimientos both of lands and Indians among his followers, in the usual manner of the Spanish Conquerors; 33 — though here the ignorance of the real resources of the country led to very different results from what he had intended, as the territory smallest in extent, not unfrequently, from the hidden treasures in its bosom, turned out greatest in value. 34
32 Carta de F. Pizarro a Molina, Ms.]
33 I have before me two copies of grants of encomiendas by Pizarro, the one dated at Xauxa, 1534, the other at Cuzco, 1539. — They emphatically enjoin302 on the colonist the religious instruction of the natives under his care, as well as kind and considerate usage. How ineffectual were the recommendations may be inferred from the lament303 of the anonymous304 contemporary often cited, that “from this time forth, the pest of personal servitude was established among the Indians, equally disastrous305 to body and soul of both the master and the slave.” (Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.) This honest burst of indignation, not to have been expected in the rude Conqueror, came probably from an ecclesiastic.]
34 “El Marques hizo encomiendas en los Espanoles, las quales fueron por noticias que ni el sabia lo que dava ni nadie lo que rescebia sino a tiento ya poco mas o menos, y asi muchos que pensaron que se les dava pocos se hallaron con mucho y al contrario” Ondegardo, Rel. Prim23., Ms.]
But nothing claimed so much of Pizarro’s care as the rising metropolis306 of Lima; and, so eagerly did he press forward the work, and so well was he seconded by the multitude of laborers at his command, that he had the satisfaction to see his young capital, with its stately edifices and its pomp of gardens, rapidly advancing towards completion. It is pleasing to contemplate307 the softer features in the character of the rude soldier, as he was thus occupied with healing up the ravages308 of war, and laying broad the foundations of an empire more civilized309 than that which he had overthrown310. This peaceful occupation formed a contrast to the life of incessant311 turmoil312 in which he had been hitherto engaged. It seemed, too, better suited to his own advancing age, which naturally invited to repose313. And, if we may trust his chroniclers, there was no part of his career in which he took greater satisfaction. It is certain there is no part which has been viewed with greater satisfaction by posterity314; and, amidst the woe315 and desolation which Pizarro and his followers brought on the devoted land of the Incas, Lima, the beautiful City of the Kings, still survives as the most glorious work of his creation, the fairest gem84 on the shores of the Pacific.
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feud
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feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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monarch
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con
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diadem
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conqueror
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obeisance
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notary
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supremacy
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homage
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goblet
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trumpets
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humiliation
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miserable
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pageant
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ornaments
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retinue
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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wont
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carousal
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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functionaries
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semblance
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proprietor
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spacious
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mansion
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distinguished
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bestowed
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magistrates
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33
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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34
commemorates
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| n.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的名词复数 )v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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35
prolixity
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| n.冗长，罗嗦 | |
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36
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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37
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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38
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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39
plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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40
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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41
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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42
cloisters
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| n.（学院、修道院、教堂等建筑的）走廊( cloister的名词复数 )；回廊；修道院的生活；隐居v.隐退，使与世隔绝( cloister的第三人称单数 ) | |
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43
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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44
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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45
supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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47
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
chastely
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| adv.贞洁地，清高地，纯正地 | |
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49
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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50
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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51
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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52
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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53
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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54
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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55
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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56
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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57
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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58
scatter
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|
| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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59
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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60
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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61
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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62
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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63
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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64
avowed
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|
| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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65
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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66
extol
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| v.赞美，颂扬 | |
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67
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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68
incompatible
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|
| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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69
solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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70
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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71
missionary
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|
| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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72
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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73
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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74
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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75
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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76
disciples
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|
| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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77
courageous
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|
| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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78
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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79
colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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80
remonstrances
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|
| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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81
bind
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|
| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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82
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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83
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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84
gem
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| n.宝石，珠宝；受爱戴的人 [同]jewel | |
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85
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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86
discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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87
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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88
massacre
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|
| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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89
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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90
invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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91
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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92
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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93
avarice
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|
| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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94
jurisdiction
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|
| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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95
immediate
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|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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96
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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97
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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98
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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99
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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100
ceded
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|
| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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101
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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102
deserted
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|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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103
entangled
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|
| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
mazes
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| 迷宫( maze的名词复数 )； 纷繁复杂的规则； 复杂难懂的细节； 迷宫图 | |
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105
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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106
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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107
exertions
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|
| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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108
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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109
scanty
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|
| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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110
glean
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|
| v.收集(消息、资料、情报等) | |
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111
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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112
dismally
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| adv.阴暗地，沉闷地 | |
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113
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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115
cumber
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| v.拖累，妨碍；n.妨害；拖累 | |
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116
devoured
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|
| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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117
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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118
condors
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| n.神鹰( condor的名词复数 ) | |
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119
condor
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| n.秃鹰；秃鹰金币 | |
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120
hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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121
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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122
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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123
cinders
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| n.煤渣( cinder的名词复数 )；炭渣；煤渣路；煤渣跑道 | |
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124
respiration
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| n.呼吸作用；一次呼吸；植物光合作用 | |
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125
eruption
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| n.火山爆发；（战争等）爆发；（疾病等）发作 | |
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126
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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127
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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128
cone
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| n.圆锥体，圆锥形东西，球果 | |
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129
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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130
spouting
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| n.水落管系统v.（指液体）喷出( spout的现在分词 )；滔滔不绝地讲；喋喋不休地说；喷水 | |
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131
cataracts
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| n.大瀑布( cataract的名词复数 )；白内障 | |
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132
lava
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| n.熔岩，火山岩 | |
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133
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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134
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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135
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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136
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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137
mightier
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| adj. 强有力的，强大的，巨大的 adv. 很，极其 | |
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138
specify
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| vt.指定，详细说明 | |
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139
perpendicular
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|
| adj.垂直的，直立的；n.垂直线，垂直的位置 | |
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140
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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141
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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142
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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143
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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144
alpine
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| adj.高山的；n.高山植物 | |
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145
effrontery
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| n.厚颜无耻 | |
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146
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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147
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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148
hoofs
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| n.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的名词复数 )v.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的第三人称单数 ) | |
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149
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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150
forestalled
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| v.先发制人，预先阻止( forestall的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
expeditious
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| adj.迅速的，敏捷的 | |
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153
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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154
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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155
secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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156
devouring
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|
| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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157
chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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158
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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159
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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160
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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161
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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162
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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163
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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164
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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165
slumbered
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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166
disclaimed
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| v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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167
avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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168
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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169
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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170
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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171
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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172
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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173
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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174
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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175
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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176
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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178
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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179
countersigned
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| v.连署，副署，会签 （文件）( countersign的过去式 ) | |
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180
deductions
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| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
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181
varnish
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| n.清漆；v.上清漆；粉饰 | |
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182
obtrusive
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| adj.显眼的；冒失的 | |
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183
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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184
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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185
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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186
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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187
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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188
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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189
sobriquet
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| n.绰号 | |
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190
blithe
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| adj.快乐的，无忧无虑的 | |
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191
revels
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| n.作乐( revel的名词复数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉v.作乐( revel的第三人称单数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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192
moorish
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|
| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
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193
tilts
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| （意欲赢得某物或战胜某人的）企图，尝试( tilt的名词复数 ) | |
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194
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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195
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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196
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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197
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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198
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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199
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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200
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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201
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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202
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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203
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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204
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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205
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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206
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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207
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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208
artery
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| n.干线，要道；动脉 | |
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209
veins
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|
| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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210
meandered
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| （指溪流、河流等）蜿蜒而流( meander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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211
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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212
commodious
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|
| adj.宽敞的；使用方便的 | |
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213
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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214
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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215
vigilant
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|
| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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216
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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217
delightful
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|
| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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218
latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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219
distilling
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|
| n.蒸馏（作用）v.蒸馏( distil的过去式和过去分词 )( distilled的过去分词 )；从…提取精华 | |
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220
refreshing
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|
| adj.使精神振作的，使人清爽的，使人喜欢的 | |
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221
corrupted
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|
| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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222
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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223
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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224
asunder
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|
| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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225
dwellings
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|
| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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226
triangular
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|
| adj.三角（形）的，三者间的 | |
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227
irrigating
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| 灌溉( irrigate的现在分词 )； 冲洗（伤口） | |
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228
vigor
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|
| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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229
diligent
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|
| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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230
laborers
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|
| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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231
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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232
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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233
smother
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|
| vt./vi.使窒息；抑制；闷死；n.浓烟；窒息 | |
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234
resentment
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|
| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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235
conceal
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|
| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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236
obedience
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|
| n.服从，顺从 | |
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237
mandate
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|
| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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238
confidential
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|
| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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239
touching
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|
| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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240
astonishment
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|
| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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241
specimens
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|
| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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242
conversant
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|
| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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243
arrogance
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|
| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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244
graceful
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|
| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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245
fatigues
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|
| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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246
ransom
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|
| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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247
tragic
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|
| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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248
expatiated
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| v.详述，细说( expatiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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249
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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250
deferred
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|
| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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251
treasury
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|
| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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252
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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253
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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254
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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255
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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256
chivalric
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| 有武士气概的，有武士风范的 | |
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257
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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258
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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259
exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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260
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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261
savings
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| n.存款，储蓄 | |
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262
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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263
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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264
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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265
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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266
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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267
garbled
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|
| adj.（指信息）混乱的，引起误解的v.对（事实）歪曲，对（文章等）断章取义，窜改( garble的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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268
credentials
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| n.证明，资格，证明书，证件 | |
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269
relinquishing
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的现在分词 )； 放弃 | |
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270
pertinacious
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| adj.顽固的 | |
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271
reclaiming
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| v.开拓( reclaim的现在分词 )；要求收回；从废料中回收（有用的材料）；挽救 | |
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272
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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273
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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274
mandates
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| 托管（mandate的第三人称单数形式） | |
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275
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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276
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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277
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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278
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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279
asperity
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| n.粗鲁，艰苦 | |
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280
postponed
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|
| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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281
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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282
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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283
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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284
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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285
inviolate
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|
| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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286
stipulation
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|
| n.契约，规定，条文；条款说明 | |
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287
malign
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|
| adj.有害的；恶性的；恶意的；v.诽谤，诬蔑 | |
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288
disparage
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|
| v.贬抑，轻蔑 | |
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289
expenditures
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|
| n.花费( expenditure的名词复数 )；使用；（尤指金钱的）支出额；（精力、时间、材料等的）耗费 | |
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290
wrath
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|
| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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291
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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292
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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293
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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294
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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295
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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296
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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297
trampling
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| 踩( trample的现在分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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298
prodigality
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| n.浪费，挥霍 | |
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299
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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300
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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301
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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302
enjoin
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| v.命令；吩咐；禁止 | |
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303
lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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304
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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305
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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306
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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307
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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308
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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309
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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310
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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311
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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312
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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313
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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314
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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315
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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