1535–1536.
While the absence of his rival Almagro relieved Pizarro from all immediate4 disquietude from that quarter, his authority was menaced in another, where he had least expected it. This was from the native population of the country. Hitherto the Peruvians had shown only a tame and submissive temper, that inspired their conquerors7 with too much contempt to leave room for apprehension8. They had passively acquiesced10 in the usurpation11 of the invaders12; had seen one monarch13 butchered, another placed on the vacant throne, their temples despoiled14 of their treasures, their capital and country appropriated and parcelled out among the Spaniards, but, with the exception of an occasional skirmish in the mountain passes, not a blow had been struck in defence of their rights. Yet this was the warlike nation which had spread its conquests over so large a part of the continent!
In his career, Pizarro, though he scrupled15 at nothing to effect his object, had not usually countenanced16 such superfluous17 acts of cruelty as had too often stained the arms of his countrymen in other parts of the continent, and which, in the course of a few years, had exterminated19 nearly a whole population in Hispaniola. He had struck one astounding21 blow, by the seizure22 of Atahuallpa; and he seemed willing to rely on this to strike terror into the natives. He even affected23 some respect for the institutions of the country, and had replaced the monarch he had murdered by another of the legitimate24 line. Yet this was but a pretext25. The kingdom had experienced a revolution of the most decisive kind. Its ancient institutions were subverted26. Its heaven-descended27 aristocracy was levelled almost to the condition of the peasant. The people became the serfs of the Conquerors. Their dwellings29 in the capital — at least, after the arrival of Alvarado’s officers — were seized and appropriated. The temples were turned into stables; the royal residences into barracks for the troops. The sanctity of the religious houses was violated. Thousands of matrons and maidens30, who, however erroneous their faith, lived in chaste31 seclusion32 in the conventual establishments, were now turned abroad, and became the prey33 of a licentious34 soldiery. 1 A favorite wife of the young Inca was debauched by the Castilian officers. The Inca, himself treated with contemptuous indifference35, found that he was a poor dependant36, if not a tool, in the hands of his conquerors. 2
1 So says the author of the Conquista i Poblacion del Piru, a contemporary writer, who describes what he saw himself as well as what he gathered from others. Several circumstances, especially the honest indignation he expresses at the excesses of the Conquerors, lead one to suppose he may have been an ecclesiastic37, one of the good men who attended the cruel expedition on an errand of love and mercy. It is to be hoped that his credulity leads him to exaggerate the misdeeds of his countrymen.
According to him, there were full six thousand women of rank, living in the convents of Cuzco, served each by fifteen or twenty female attendants, most of whom, that did not perish in the war, suffered a more melancholy38 fate, as the victims of prostitution. — The passage is so remarkable39, and the Ms. so rare, that I will cite it in the original.
“De estas senoras del Cuzco es cierto de tener grande sentimiento el que tuviese alguna humanidad en el pecho, que en tiempo de la prosperidad del Cuzco quando los Espanoles entraron en el havia grand cantidad de senoras que tenian sus casas i sus asientos mui quietas i sosegadas i vivian mui politicamente i como mui buenas mugeres, cada senora acompanada con5 quince o veinte mugeres que tenia de servicio en su casa bien traidas i aderezadas, i no salian menos desto i con grand onestidad i gravedad i atavio a su usanza, i es a la cantidad destas senoras principales creo yo que en el . . . . . que avia mas de seis mil sin las de servicio que creo yo que eran mas de veinte mil mugeres sin las de servicio i mamaconas que eran las que andavan como beatas i dende a dos anos casi no se allava en el Cuzco i su tierra sino cada qual i qual porque muchas murieron en la guerra que huvo i las otras vinieron las mas a ser malas mugeres. Senor perdone a quien fue la causa desto i aquien no lo remedia pudiendo.” Conq. i Pob del Piru, Ms.]
2 Ibid., ubi supra.]
Yet the Inca Manco was a man of a lofty spirit and a courageous40 heart; such a one as might have challenged comparison with the bravest of his ancestors in the prouder days of the empire. Stung to the quick by the humiliations to which he was exposed, he repeatedly urged Pizarro to restore him to the real exercise of power, as well as to the show of it. But Pizarro evaded41 a request so incompatible42 with his own ambitious schemes, or, indeed, with the policy of Spain, and the young Inca and his nobles were left to brood over their injuries in secret, and await patiently the hour of vengeance43.
The dissensions among the Spaniards themselves seemed to afford a favorable opportunity for this. The Peruvian chiefs held many conferences together on the subject, and the high-priest Villac Umu urged the necessity of a rising so soon as Almagro had withdrawn45 his forces from the city. It would then be comparatively easy, by assaulting the invaders on their several posts, scattered47 as they were over the country, to overpower them by superior numbers, and shake off their detested48 yoke49 before the arrival of fresh reinforcements should rivet50 it for ever on the necks of his countrymen. A plan for a general rising was formed, and it was in conformity51 to it that the priest was selected by the Inca to bear Almagro company on the march, that he might secure the cooperation of the natives in the country, and then secretly return — as in fact he did — to take a part in the insurrection.
To carry their plans into effect, it became necessary that the Inca Manco should leave the city and present himself among his people. He found no difficulty in withdrawing from Cuzco, where his presence was scarcely heeded52 by the Spaniards, as his nominal53 power was held in little deference54 by the haughty55 and confident Conquerors. But in the capital there was a body of Indian allies more jealous of his movements. These were from the tribe of the Canares, a warlike race of the north, too recently reduced by the Incas to have much sympathy with them or their institutions. There were about a thousand of this people in the place, and, as they had conceived some suspicion of the Inca’s purposes, they kept an eye on his movements, and speedily reported his absence to Juan Pizarro.
That cavalier, at the head of a small body of horse, instantly marched in pursuit of the fugitive56, whom he was so fortunate as to discover in a thicket57 of reeds, in which he sought to conceal58 himself, at no great distance from the city. Manco was arrested, brought back a prisoner to Cuzco, and placed under a strong guard in the fortress. The conspiracy59 seemed now at an end; and nothing was left to the unfortunate Peruvians but to bewail their ruined hopes, and to give utterance60 to their disappointment in doleful ballads61, which rehearsed the captivity62 of their Inca, and the downfall of his royal house. 3
3 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 1, 2. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, cap. 3.]
While these things were in progress, Hernando Pizarro returned to Ciudad de los Reyes, bearing with him the royal commission for the extension of his brother’s powers, as well as of those conceded to Almagro. The envoy63 also brought the royal patent conferring on Francisco Pizarro the title of Marques de los Atavillos, — a province in Peru. Thus was the fortunate adventurer placed in the ranks of the proud aristocracy of Castile, few of whose members could boast — if they had the courage to boast — their elevation64 from so humble65 an origin, as still fewer could justify66 it by a show of greater services to the Crown.
The new marquess resolved not to forward the commission, at present, to the marshal, whom he designed to engage still deeper in the conquest of Chili67, that his attention might be diverted from Cuzco, which, however, his brother assured him, now fell, without doubt, within the newly extended limits of his own territory. To make more sure of this important prize, he despatched Hernando to take the government of the capital into his own hands, as the one of his brothers on whose talents and practical experience he placed greatest reliance.
Hernando, notwithstanding his arrogant68 bearing towards his countrymen, had ever manifested a more than ordinary sympathy with the Indians. He had been the friend of Atahuallpa; to such a degree, indeed, that it was said, if he had been in the camp at the time, the fate of that unhappy monarch would probably have been averted69. He now showed a similar friendly disposition70 towards his successor, Manco. He caused the Peruvian prince to be liberated71 from confinement72, and gradually admitted him into some intimacy73 with himself. The crafty74 Indian availed himself of his freedom to mature his plans for the rising, but with so much caution, that no suspicion of them crossed the mind of Hernando. Secrecy75 and silence are characteristic of the American, almost as invariably as the peculiar76 color of his skin. Manco disclosed to his conqueror6 the existence of several heaps of treasure, and the places where they had been secreted77; and, when he had thus won his confidence, he stimulated78 his cupidity79 still further by an account of a statue of pure gold of his father Huayna Capac, which the wily Peruvian requested leave to bring from a secret cave in which it was deposited, among the neighbouring Andes. Hernando, blinded by his avarice80, consented to the Inca’s departure.
He sent with him two Spanish soldiers, less as a guard than to aid him in the object of his expedition. A week elapsed, and yet he did not return, nor were there any tidings to be gathered of him. Hernando now saw his error, especially as his own suspicions were confirmed by the unfavorable reports of his Indian allies. Without further delay, he despatched his brother Juan, at the head of sixty horse, in quest of the Peruvian prince, with orders to bring him back once more a prisoner to his capital.
That cavalier, with his well-armed troops, soon traversed the environs of Cuzco without discovering any vestige81 of the fugitive. The country was remarkably82 silent and deserted83, until, as he approached the mountain range that hems44 in the valley of Yucay, about six leagues from the city, he was met by the two Spaniards who had accompanied Manco. They informed Pizarro that it was only at the point of the sword he could recover the Inca, for the country was all in arms, and the Peruvian chief at its head was preparing to march on the capital. Yet he had offered no violence to their persons, but had allowed them to return in safety.
The Spanish captain found this story fully84 confirmed when he arrived at the river Yucay, on the opposite bank of which were drawn46 up the Indian battalions85 to the number of many thousand men, who, with their young monarch at their head, prepared to dispute his passage. It seemed that they could not feel their position sufficiently86 strong, without placing a river, as usual, between them and their enemy. The Spaniards were not checked by this obstacle. The stream, though deep, was narrow; and plunging87 in, they swam their horses boldly across, amidst a tempest of stones and arrows that rattled88 thick as hail on their harness, finding occasionally some crevice89 or vulnerable point, — although the wounds thus received only goaded90 them to more desperate efforts. The barbarians91 fell back as the cavaliers made good their landing; but, without allowing the latter time to form, they returned with a spirit which they had hitherto seldom displayed, and enveloped92 them on all sides with their greatly superior numbers. The fight now raged fiercely. Many of the Indians were armed with lances headed with copper93 tempered almost to the hardness of steel, and with huge maces and battle-axes of the same metal. Their defensive95 armour96, also, was in many respects excellent, consisting of stout97 doublets of quilted cotton, shields covered with skins, and casques richly ornamented98 with gold and jewels, or sometimes made like those of the Mexicans, in the fantastic shape of the heads of wild animals, garnished100 with rows of teeth that grinned horribly above the visage of the warrior101. 4 The whole army wore an aspect of martial102 ferocity, under the control of much higher military discipline than the Spaniards had before seen in the country.
4 “Es gente,” says Oviedo, “muy belicosa e muy diestra; sus armas son picas, e ondas, porras e Alabardas de Plata e oro e cobre.” (Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 17.) Xerez has made a good enumeration103 of the native Peruvian arms. (Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 200.) Father Velasco has added considerably104 to this catalogue. According to him they used copper swords, poniards, and other European weapons. (Hist. de Quito, tom. I. pp 178–180.) He does not insist on their knowledge of fire-arms before the Conquest!]
The little band of cavaliers, shaken by the fury of the Indian assault, were thrown at first into some disorder105, but at length, cheering on one another with the old war-cry of “St. Jago,” they formed in solid column, and charged boldly into the thick of the enemy. The latter, incapable106 of withstanding the shock, gave way, or were trampled107 down under the feet of the horses, or pierced by the lances of the riders. Yet their flight was conducted with some order; and they turned at intervals108, to let off a volley of arrows, or to deal furious blows with their pole-axes and war-clubs. They fought as if conscious that they were under the eye of their Inca.
It was evening before they had entirely109 quitted the level ground, and withdrawn into the fastnesses of the lof y range of hills which belt round the beautiful valley of Yucay. Juan Pizarro and his little troop encamped on the level at the base of the mountains. He had gained a victory, as usual, over immense odds110; but he had never seen a field so well disputed, and his victory had cost him the lives of several men and horses, while many more had been wounded, and were nearly disabled by the fatigues111 of the day. But he trusted the severe lesson he had inflicted112 on the enemy, whose slaughter113 was great, would crush the spirit of resistance. He was deceived.
The following morning, great was his dismay to see the passes of the mountains filled up with dark lines of warriors114, stretching as far as the eye could penetrate115 into the depths of the sierra, while dense116 masses of the enemy were gathered like thunderclouds along the slopes and summits, as if ready to pour down in fury on the assailants. The ground, altogether unfavorable to the manoeuvres of cavalry117, gave every advantage to the Peruvians, who rolled down huge rocks from their elevated position, and sent off incessant118 showers of missiles on the heads of the Spaniards. Juan Pizarro did not care to entangle119 himself further in the perilous120 defile121; and, though he repeatedly charged the enemy, and drove them back with considerable loss, the second night found him with men and horses wearied and wounded, and as little advanced in the object of his expedition as on the preceding evening. From this embarrassing position, after a day or two more spent in unprofitable hostilities122, he was surprised by a summons from his brother to return with all expedition to Cuzco, which was now besieged123 by the enemy!
Without delay, he began his retreat, recrossed the valley, the recent scene of slaughter, swam the river Yucay, and, by a rapid countermarch, closely followed by the victorious124 enemy, who celebrated125 their success with songs or rather yells of triumph, he arrived before nightfall in sight of the capital.
But very different was the sight which there met his eye from what he had beheld126 on leaving it a few days before. The extensive environs, as far as the eye could reach, were occupied by a mighty127 host, which an indefinite computation swelled128 to the number of two hundred thousand warriors. 5 The dusky lines of the Indian battalions stretched out to the very verge129 of the mountains; while, all around, the eye saw only the crests130 and waving banners of chieftains, mingled131 with rich panoplies132 of featherwork, which reminded some few who had served under Cortes of the military costume of the Aztecs. Above all rose a forest of long lances and battle-axes edged with copper, which, tossed to and fro in wild confusion, glittered in the rays of the setting sun, like light playing on the surface of a dark and troubled ocean. It was the first time that the Spaniards had beheld an Indian army in all its terrors; such an army as the Incas led to battle, when the banner of the Sun was borne triumphant133 over the land.
5 “Pues junta134 toda la gente quel ynga avia embiado a juntar que a lo que se entendio y los indios dixeron fueron dozientos mil indios de guerra los que vinieron a poner este cerco.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
Yet the bold hearts of the cavaliers, if for a moment dismayed by the sight, soon gathered courage as they closed up their files, and prepared to open a way for themselves through the beleaguering135 host. But the enemy seemed to shun136 the encounter; and, falling back at their approach, left a free entrance into the capital. The Peruvians were, probably, not unwilling137 to draw as many victims as they could into the toils138, conscious that, the greater the number, the sooner they would become sensible to the approaches of famine. 6
6 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 4. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 133.]
Hernando Pizarro greeted his brother with no little satisfaction; for he brought an important addition to his force, which now, when all were united, did not exceed two hundred, horse and foot, 7 besides a thousand Indian auxiliaries140; an insignificant141 number, in comparison with the countless142 multitudes that were swarming143 at the gates. That night was passed by the Spaniards with feelings of the deepest anxiety, as they looked forward with natural apprehension to the morrow. It was early in February 1536. when the siege of Cuzco commenced; a siege memorable144 as calling out the most heroic displays of Indian and European valor145, and bringing the two races in deadlier conflict with each other than had yet occurred in the conquest of Peru.
7 “Y los pocos Espanoles que heramos aun no dozientos todos.’ Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
The numbers of the enemy seemed no less formidable during the night than by the light of day: far and wide their watch-fires were to be seen gleaming over valley and hill-top, as thickly scattered, says an eyewitness146, as “the stars of heaven in a cloudless summer night.” 8 Before these fires had become pale in the light of the morning, the Spaniards were roused by the hideous147 clamor of conch, trumpet148, and atabal, mingled with the fierce war-cries of the barbarians, as they let off volleys of missiles of every description, most of which fell harmless within the city. But others did more serious execution. These were burning arrows, and red-hot stones wrapped in cotton that had been steeped in some bituminous substance, which, scattering149 long trains of light through the air, fell on the roofs of the buildings, and speedily set them on fire. 9 These roofs even of the better sort of edifices150, were uniformly of thatch151, and were ignited as easily as tinder. In a moment the flames burst forth152 from the most opposite quarters of the city. They quickly communicated to the wood-work in the interior of the buildings, and broad sheets of flame mingled with smoke rose up towards the heavens, throwing a fearful glare over every object. The rarefied atmosphere heightened the previous impetuosity of the wind, which, fanning the rising flames, they rapidly spread from dwelling28 to dwelling, till the whole fiery153 mass, swayed to and for by the tempest, surged and roared with the fury of a volcano. The heat became intense, and clouds of smoke, gathering154 like a dark pall155 over the city, produced a sense of suffocation156 and almost blindness in those quarters where it was driven by the winds. 10
8 “Pues de noche heran tantos ros fuegos que no parecia sino vn cielo muy sereno lleno de estrellas.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
9 Ibid. Ms.]
10 “I era tanto el humo que casi los oviera de aogar i pasaron grand travajo por esta causa i sino fuera porque de la una parte de la plaza157 no havia casas i estava desconorado no pudieran escapar porque is por todas partes les diera el humo i el calor siendo tan grande pasaron travajo, pero la divina providencia lo estorvo.” Conq. i. Pob. ded Piru, Ms.
The Spaniards were encamped in the great square, partly under awnings158, and partly in the hall of the Inca Viracocha, on the ground since covered by the cathedral. Three times in the course of that dreadful day, the roof of the building was on fire; but, although no efforts were made to extinguish it, the flames went out without doing much injury. This miracle was ascribed to the Blessed Virgin159, who was distinctly seen by several of the Christian160 combatants, hovering161 over the spot on which was to be raised the temple dedicated163 to her worship. 11
11 The temple was dedicated to Our Blessed Lady of the Assumption. The apparition164 of the Virgin was manifest not only to Christian but to Indian warriors, many of whom reported it to Garcilasso de la Vega, in whose hands the marvellous rarely loses any of its gloss165. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 25.) It is further attested167 by Father Acosta, who came into the country forty years after the event. (lib. 7, cap. 27.) Both writers testify to the seasonable aid rendered by St. James, who with his buckler, displaying the device of his Military Order, and armed with his flaming sword, rode his white charger into the thick of the enemy. The patron Saint of Spain might always be relied on when his presence was needed dignus vindice nodus.
Fortunately, the open space around Hernando’s little company separated them from the immediate scene of conflagration168. It afforded a means of preservation169 similar to that employed by the American hunter, who endeavours to surround himself with a belt of wasted land, when overtaken by a conflagration in the prairies. All day the fire continued to rage, and at night the effect was even more appalling170; for by the lurid171 flames the unfortunate Spaniards could read the consternation172 depicted173 in each others’ ghastly countenances174, while in the suburbs, along the slopes of the surrounding hills, might be seen the throng175 of besiegers, gazing with fiendish exultation176 on the work of destruction. High above the town to the north, rose the gray fortress, which now showed ruddy in the glare, looking grimly down on the ruins of the fair city which it was no longer able to protect; and in the distance were to be discerned the shadowy forms of the An des, soaring up in solitary177 grandeur178 into the regions of eternal silence, far beyond the wild tumult179 that raged so fearfully at their base.
Such was the extent of the city, that it was several days before the fury of the fire was spent. Tower and temple, hut, palace, and hall, went down before it. Fortunately, among the buildings that escaped were the magnificent House of the Sun and the neighbouring Convent of the Virgins180. Their insulated position afforded the means, of which the Indians from motives181 of piety182 were willing to avail themselves, for their preservation. 12 Full one half of the capital, so long the chosen seat of Western civilization, the pride of the Incas, and the bright abode183 of their tutelar deity184, was laid in ashes by the hands of his own children. It was some consolation185 for them to reflect, that it burned over the heads of its conquerors, — their trophy186 and their tomb!
12 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 24. Father Valverde, Bishop187 of Cuzco, who took so signal a part in the seizure of Atahuallpa, was absent from the country at this period, but returned the following year. In a letter to the emperor, he contrasts the flourishing condition of the capital when he left it, and that in which he now found it, despoiled, as well as its beautiful suburbs, of its ancient glories. “If I had not known the site of the city,” he says, “I should not have recognized it as the same.” The passage is too remarkable to be omitted. The original letter exists in the archives of Simancas. — “Certifico a V. M. que si no me acordara del sitio desta Ciudad yo no la conosciera, a lo menos por los edificios y Pueblos189 della; porque quando el Gobernador D. Franzisco Pizarro entro aqui y entre yo con el estava este valle tan hermoso en edificios y poblazion que en torno tenia que era cosa de admiracion vello, porque aunque la Ciudad en si no ternia mas de 3 o 4000 casas, ternia en torno quasi a vista190 19 o 20,000; la fortaleza que estava sobre la Ciudad parescia desde a parte una mui gran fortaleza de las de Espana: agora la mayor parte de la Ciudad esta toda derivada y quemada; la fortaleza no tiene quasi nada enhiesso; todos los pueblos de alderredor no tiene sino las paredes que por maravilla ai casa cubierta! La cosa que mas contentamiento me dio en esta Ciudad fue la Iglesia, que para en Indias es harto buena cosa, aunque segun la riqueza a havido en esta tierra pudiera ser mas semejante al Templo de Salomon.” Carta del Obispo F. Vicente de Valverde al Emperador, Ms., 20 de Marzo, 1539.]
During the long period of the conflagration, the Spaniards made no attempt to extinguish the flames. Such an attempt would have availed nothing. Yet they did not tamely submit to the assaults of the enemy, and they sallied forth from time to time to repel192 them. But the fallen timbers and scattered rubbish of the houses presented serious impediments to the movements of horse; and, when these were partially193 cleared away by the efforts of the infantry194 and the Indian allies, the Peruvians planted stakes and threw barricades195 across the path, which proved equally embarrassing. 13 To remove them was a work of time and no little danger, as the pioneers were exposed to the whole brunt of the enemy’s archery, and the aim of the Peruvian was sure. When at length the obstacles were cleared away, and a free course was opened to the cavalry, they rushed with irresistible196 impetuosity on their foes197, who, falling back in confusion, were cut to pieces by the riders, or pierced through with their lances. The slaughter on these occasions was great, but the Indians, nothing disheartened, usually returned with renewed courage to the attack and, while fresh reinforcements met the Spaniards in front, others, lying in ambush199 among the ruins, threw the troops into disorder by assailing200 them on the flanks. The Peruvians were expert both with bow and sling201; and these encounters, notwithstanding the superiority of their arms, cost the Spaniards more lives than in their crippled condition they could afford to spare, — a loss poorly compensated202 by that of tenfold the number of the enemy. One weapon, peculiar to South American warfare203, was used with some effect by the Peruvians. This was the lasso, — a long rope with a noose204 at the end, which they adroitly205 threw over the rider, or entangled206 with it the legs of his horse, so as to bring them both to the ground. More than one Spaniard fell into the hands of the enemy by this expedient207. 14
13 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
“Los Indios ganaron el Cuzco casi todo desta manera que enganando la calle hivan haciendo una pared para que los cavallos ni los Espanoles no los pudiesen rom per.” Conq. i. Pob. del Piru, Ms]
14 Ibid., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 4.
Thus harassed208, sleeping on their arms, with their horses picketed209 by their side, ready for action at any and every hour, the Spaniards had no rest by night or by day. To add to their troubles, the fortress which overlooked the city, and completely commanded the great square in which they were quartered, had been so feebly garrisoned210 in their false sense of security, that, on the approach of the Peruvians, it had been abandoned without a blow in its defence. It was now occupied by a strong body of the enemy, who, from his elevated position, sent down showers of missiles, from time to time which added greatly to the annoyance212 of the besieged. Bitterly did their captain now repent213 the improvident214 security which had led him to neglect a post so important.
Their distresses were still further aggravated215 by the rumors216, which continually reached their ears, of the state of the country. The rising, it was said, was general throughout the land; the Spaniards living on their insulated plantations217 had all been massacred; Lima and Truxillo and the principal cities were besieged, and must soon fall into the enemy’s hands; the Peruvians were in possession of the passes, and all communications were cut off, so that no relief was to be expected from their countrymen on the coast. Such were the dismal218 stories, (which, however exaggerated, had too much foundation in fact,) that now found their way into the city from the camp of the besiegers. And to give greater credit to the rumors, eight or ten human heads were rolled into the plaza, in whose blood-stained visages the Spaniards recognized with horror the lineaments of their companions, who they knew had been dwelling in solitude219 on their estates! 15
15 Ibid., ubi supra. — Conq i Pob. del Piru, Ms.
Overcome by these horrors, many were for abandoning the place at once, as no longer tenable, and for opening a passage for themselves to the coast with their own good swords. There was a daring in the enterprise which had a charm for the adventurous220 spirit of the Castilian. Better, they said, to perish in a manly221 struggle for life, than to die thus ignominiously222, pent up like foxes in their holes, to be suffocated223 by the hunter!
But the Pizarros, De Rojas, and some other of the principal cavaliers, refused to acquiesce9 in a measure which, they said, must cover them with dishonor. 16 Cuzco had been the great prize for which they had contended; it was the ancient seat of empire, and, though now in ashes, would again rise from its ruins as glorious as before. All eyes would be turned on them, as its defenders224, and their failure, by giving confidence to the enemy, might decide the fate of their countrymen throughout the land. They were placed in that post as the post of honor, and better would it be to die there than to desert it.
16 “Pues Hernando Picarro nunca estuvo en ello y les respondia que todos aviamos de morir y no desamparar el cuzco. Juntavanse a estas consultas Hernando Picarro y sus hermanos, Graviel de Rojas, Hernan Ponce de Leon, el Thesorero Riquelme.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq, Ms.]
There seemed, indeed, no alternative; for every avenue to escape was cut off by an enemy who had perfect knowledge of the country, and possession of all its passes. But this state of things could not last long. The Indian could not, in the long run, contend with the white man. The spirit of insurrection would die out of itself. Their great army would melt away, unaccustomed as the natives were to the privations incident to a protracted225 campaign. Reinforcements would be daily coming in from the colonies; and, if the Castilians would be but true to themselves for a season, they would be relieved by their own countrymen, who would never suffer them to die like outcasts among the mountains.
The cheering words and courageous bearing of the cavaliers went to the hearts of their followers226 for the soul of the Spaniard readily responded to the call of honor, if not of humanity. All now agreed to stand by their leader to the last. But, if they would remain longer in their present position, it was absolutely necessary to dislodge the enemy from the fortress; and, before venturing on this dangerous service, Hernando Pizarro resolved to strike such a blow as should intimidate227 the besiegers from further attempt to molest228 his present quarters.
He communicated his plan of attack to his officers; and, forming his little troop into three divisions, he placed them under command of his brother Gonzalo, of Gabriel de Rojas, an officer in whom he reposed229 great confidence, and Hernan Ponce de Leon. The Indian pioneers were sent forward to clear away the rubbish, and the several divisions moved simultaneously230 up the principal avenues towards the camp of the besiegers. Such stragglers as they met in their way were easily cut to pieces, and the three bodies, bursting impetuously on the disordered lines of the Peruvians, took them completely by surprise. For some moments there was little resistance, and the slaughter was terrible. But the Indians gradually rallied, and, coming into something like order, returned to the fight with the courage of men who had long been familiar with danger. They fought hand to hand with their copper-headed war-clubs and pole-axes, while a storm of darts231, stones, and arrows rained on the well-defended bodies of the Christians232.
The barbarians showed more discipline than was to have been expected; for which, it is said, they were indebted to some Spanish prisoners, from several of whom, the Inca, having generously spared their lives, took occasional lessons in the art of war. The Peruvians had, also, learned to manage with some degree of skill the weapons of their conquerors; and they were seen armed with bucklers, helmets, and swords of European workmanship, and even, in a few instances, mounted on the horses which they had taken from the white men. 17 The young Inca, in particular, accoutred in the European fashion, rode a war-horse which he managed with considerable address, and, with a long lance in his hand, led on his followers to the attack. — This readiness to adopt the superior arms and tactics of the Conquerors intimates a higher civilization than that which belonged to the Aztec, who, in his long collision with the Spaniards, was never so far divested233 of his terrors for the horse as to venture to mount him.
17 Herrera assures us, that the Peruvians even turned the fire-arms of their Conquerors against them, compelling their prisoners to put the muskets234 in order, and manufacture powder for them. Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 5, 6]
But a few days or weeks of training were not enough to give familiarity with weapons, still less with tactics, so unlike those to which the Peruvians had been hitherto accustomed. The fight, on the present occasion, though hotly contested, was not of long duration. After a gallant235 struggle, in which the natives threw themselves fearlessly on the horsemen, endeavouring to tear them from their saddles, they were obliged to give way before the repeated shock of their charges. Many were trampled under foot, others cut down by the Spanish broadswords, while the arquebusiers, supporting the cavalry, kept up a running fire that did terrible execution on the flanks and rear of the fugitives236. At length, sated with slaughter, and trusting that the chastisement237 he had inflicted on the enemy would secure him from further annoyance for the present, the Castilian general drew back his forces to their quarters in the capital. 18
18 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 8 cap. 4, 5.]
His next step was the recovery of the citadel238. It was an enterprise of danger. The fortress, which overlooked the northern section of the city, stood high on a rocky eminence239, so steep as to be inaccessible240 on this quarter, where it was defended only by a single wall. Towards the open country, it was more easy of approach; but there it was protected by two semicircular walls, each about twelve hundred feet in length, and of great thickness. They were built of massive stones, or rather rocks, put together without cement, so as to form a kind of rustic-work. The level of the ground between these lines of defence was raised up so as to enable the garrison211 to discharge its arrows at the assailants, while their own persons were protected by the parapet. Within the interior wall was the fortress, consisting of three strong towers, one of great height, which, with a smaller one, was now held by the enemy, under the command of an Inca noble, a warrior of well-tried valor, prepared to defend it to the last extremity241.
The perilous enterprise was intrusted by Hernando Pizarro to his brother Juan, a cavalier in whose bosom242 burned the adventurous spirit of a knighterrant of romance. As the fortress was to be approached through the mountain passes, it became necessary to divert the enemy’s attention to another quarter. A little while before sunset Juan Pizarro left the city with a picked corps244 of horsemen, and took a direction opposite to that of the fortress, that the besieging245 army might suppose the object was a foraging246 expedition. But secretly countermarching in the night, he fortunately found the passes unprotected, and arrived before the outer wall of the fortress, without giving the alarm to the garrison. 19
19 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
The entrance was through a narrow opening in the centre of the rampart; but this was now closed up with heavy stones, that seemed to form one solid work with the rest of the masonry247. It was an affair of time to dislodge these huge masses, in such a manner as not to rouse the garrison. The Indian nations, who rarely attacked in the night, were not sufficiently acquainted with the art of war even to provide against surprise by posting sentinels. When the task was accomplished248, Juan Pizarro and his gallant troop rode through the gateway249, and advanced towards the second parapet.
But their movements had not been conducted so secretly as to escape notice, and they now found the interior court swarming with warriors, who, as the Spaniards drew near, let off clouds of missiles that compelled them to come to a halt. Juan Pizarro, aware that no time was to be lost, ordered one half of his corps to dismount, and, putting himself at their head, prepared to make a breach250 as before in the fortifications. He had been wounded some days previously251 in the jaw252, so that, finding his helmet caused him pain, he rashly dispensed253 with it, and trusted for protection to his buckler. 20 Leading on his men, he encouraged them in the work of demolition254, in the face of such a storm of stones, javelins255, and arrows, as might have made the stoutest256 heart shrink from encountering it. The good mail of the Spaniards did not always protect them; but others took the place of such as fell, until a breach was made, and the cavalry, pouring in, rode down all who opposed them.
20 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms]
The parapet was now abandoned, and the enemy, hurrying with disorderly flight across the inclosure took refuge on a kind of platform or terrace, commanded by the principal tower. Here rallying, they shot off fresh volleys of missiles against the Spaniards, while the garrison in the fortress hurled257 down fragments of rock and timber on their heads. Juan Pizarro, still among the foremost, sprang forward on the terrace, cheering on his men by his voice and example, but at this moment he was struck by a large stone on the head, not then protected by his buckler, and was stretched on the ground. The dauntless chief still continued to animate258 his followers by his voice, till the terrace was carried, and its miserable259 defenders were put to the sword. His sufferings were then too much for him, and he was removed to the town below, where, notwithstanding every exertion260 to save him, he survived the injury but a fortnight, and died in great agony. 21 — To say that he was a Pizarro is enough to attest166 his claim to valor. But it is his praise, that his valor was tempered by courtesy. His own nature appeared mild by contrast with the haughty temper of his brothers, and his manners made him a favorite of the army. He had served in the conquest of Peru from the first, and no name on the roll of its conquerors is less tarnished261 by the reproach of cruelty, or stands higher in all the attributes of a true and valiant262 knight243. 22
21 “Y estando batallando con ellos para echallos de alli Joan Picarro se descuido descubrirse la cabeca con la adarga y con las muchas pedradas que tiravan le acertaron vna en la caveca que le quebraron los cascos y dende a quince dias murio desta herida y ansi herido estuvo forcejando con los yndios y espanoles hasta que se gano este terrado y ganado le abaxaron al Cuzco.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
22 “Hera valiente,” says Pedro Pizarro, “y muy animoso, gentil hombre, magnanimo y afable.” (Descub. y Conq., Ms.) Zarate dismisses him with this brief panegyric263: — “Fue gran perdida en la Tierra, porque era Juan Picarro mui valiente, i experimentado en las Guerras de los Indios, i bien quisto, i amado de todos.” Conq del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 3.
Though deeply sensible to his brother’s disaster, Hernando Pizarro saw that no time was to be lost in profiting by the advantages already gained. Committing the charge of the town to Gonzalo, he put himself at the head of the assailants, and laid vigorous siege to the fortresses265. One surrendered after a short resistance. The other and more formidable of the two still held out under the brave Inca noble who commanded it. He was a man of an athletic266 frame, and might be seen striding along the battlements, armed with a Spanish buckler and cuirass, and in his hand wielding267 a formidable mace94, garnished with points or knobs of copper. With this terrible weapon he struck down all who attempted to force a passage into the fortress. Some of his own followers who proposed a surrender he is said to have slain268 with his own hand. Hernando prepared to carry the place by escalade. Ladders were planted against the walls, but no sooner did a Spaniard gain the topmost round, than he was hurled to the ground by the strong arm of the Indian warrior. His activity was equal to his strength; and he seemed to be at every point the moment that his presence was needed.
The Spanish commander was filled with admiration269 at this display of valor; for he could admire valor even in an enemy. He gave orders that the chief should not be injured, but be taken alive, if possible. 23 This was not easy. At length, numerous ladders having been planted against the tower, the Spaniards scaled it on several quarters at the same time, and, leaping into the place, overpowered the few combatants who still made a show of resistance. But the Inca chieftain was not to be taken; and, finding further resistance ineffectual, he sprang to the edge of the battlements, and, casting away his war-club, wrapped his mantle270 around him and threw himself headlong from the summit. 24 He died like an ancient Roman. He had struck his last stroke for the freedom of his country, and he scorned to survive her dishonor. — The Castilian commander left a small force in garrison to secure his conquest, and returned in triumph to his quarters.
23 ‘Y mando hernando picarro a los Espanoles que subian que no matasen a este yndio sino que se lo tomasen a vida, jurando de no matalle si lo avia bivo.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq. Ms.]
24 “Visto este orejon que se lo vian ganado y le avian ganado y le avian tomado por dos o tres partes el fuerte, arrojando las armas se tapo la caveca y el rrostro con la manta y se arrojo del cubo abajo mas de cien estados, y ansi se hizo pedazos. A hernando Picarro le peso mucho por no tomalle a vida.” Ibid., Ms.]
Week after week rolled away, and no relief came to the beleaguered271 Spaniards. They had long since begun to feel the approaches of famine. Fortunately, they were provided with water from the streams which flowed through the city. But, though they had well husbanded their resources, their provision were exhausted272, and they had for some time depended on such scanty273 supplies of grain as they could gather from the ruined magazines and dwellings, mostly consumed by the fire, or from the produce of some successful foray. 25 This latter resource was attended with no little difficulty; for every expedition led to a fierce encounter with the enemy, which usually cost the lives of several Spaniards, and inflicted a much heavier injury on the Indian allies. Yet it was at least one good result of such loss, that it left fewer to provide for. But the whole number of the besieged was so small, that any loss greatly increased the difficulties of defence by the remainder.
25 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 24
As months passed away without bringing any tidings of their countrymen, their minds were haunted with still gloomier apprehensions274 as to their fate. They well knew that the governor would make every effort to rescue them from their desperate condition. That he had not succeeded in this made it probable, that his own situation was no better than theirs, or, perhaps, he and his followers had already fallen victims to the fury of the insurgents275. It was a dismal thought, that they alone were left in the land, far from all human succour, to perish miserably276 by the hands of the barbarians among the mountains.
Yet the actual state of things, though gloomy in the extreme, was not quite so desperate as their imaginations had painted it. The insurrection, it is rue18, had been general throughout the country, a east that portion of it occupied by the Spaniards It had been so well concerted, that it broke out almost simultaneously, and the Conquerors, who were living in careless security on their estates, had been massacred to the number of several hundreds An Indian force had sat down before Xauxa, and a considerable army had occupied the valley of Rimac and laid siege to Lima. But the country around that capital was of an open, level character, very favorable to the action of cavalry. Pizarro no sooner saw himself menaced by the hostile array, than he sent such a force against the Peruvians as speedily put them to flight; and, following up his advantage, he inflicted on them such a severe chastisement, that, although they still continued to hover162 in the distance and cut off his communications with the interior, they did not care to trust themselves on the other side of the Rimac.
The accounts that the Spanish commander now eceived of the state of the country filled him with the most serious alarm. He was particularly solicitous277 for the fate of the garrison at Cuzco, and he made repeated efforts to relieve that capital. Four several detachments, amounting to more than four hundred men in all, half of them cavalry, were sent by him at different times, under some of his bravest officers. But none of them reached their place of destination. The wily natives permitted them to march into the interior of the country, until they were fairly entangled in the passes of the Cordilleras. They then enveloped them with greatly superior numbers, and, occupying the heights, showered down their fatal missiles on the heads of the Spaniards, or crushed them under the weight of fragments of rock which they rolled on them from the mountains. In some instances, the whole detachment was cut off to a man. In others, a few stragglers only survived to return and tell the bloody278 tale to their countrymen at Lima. 26
26 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 5. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap 5. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 28.
According to the historian of the Incas, there fell in these expeditions four hundred and seventy Spaniards. Cieza de Leon computes279 the whole number of Christians who perished in this insurrection at seven hundred, many of them, he adds, under circumstances of great cruelty. (Cronica, cap. 82.) The estimate, considering the spread and spirit of the insurrection, does not seem extravagant]
Pizzaro was now filled with consternation. He had the most dismal forebodings of the fate of the Spaniards dispersed280 throughout the country, and even doubted the possibility of maintaining his own foothold in it without assistance from abroad. He despatched a vessel281 to the neighbouring colony at Truxillo, urging them to abandon the place, with all their effects, and to repair to him at Lima. The measure was, fortunately, not adopted. Many of his men were for availing themselves of the vessels282 which rode at anchor in the port to make their escape from the country at once, and take refuge in Panama. Pizarro would not hearken to so dastardly a counsel, which involved the desertion of the brave men in the interior who still looked to him for protection. He cut off the hopes of these timid spirits by despatching all the vessels then in port on a very different mission. He sent letters by them to the governors of Panama, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Mexico, representing the gloomy state of his affairs, and invoking283 their aid. His epistle to Alvarado, then established at Guatemala, is preserved. He conjures284 him by every sentiment of honor and patriotism285 to come to his assistance, and this before it was too late. Without assistance, the Spaniards could no longer maintain their footing in Peru, and that great empire would be lost to the Castilian Crown. He finally engages to share with him such conquests as they may make with their united arms. 27 — Such concessions286, to the very man whose absence from the country, but a few months before, Pizarro would have been willing to secure at almost any price, are sufficient evidence of the extremity of his distress1. The succours thus earnestly solicited287 arrived in time, not to quell288 the Indian insurrection, but to aid him in a struggle quite as formidable with his own countrymen.
27 “E crea V. S *a sino somos socorridos se perdera el Cusco, ques la cosa mas senalada e de mas importancia que se puede descubrir, e luego nos perderemos todos: porque somos pocos e tenemos pocas armas, e los Indios estan atrevidos.” Carta de Francisco Pizarro a D. Pedro de Alvarado, desde la Ciudad le los Reyes. 29 de julio, 1536, Ms.
It was now August. More than five months had elapsed since the commencement of the siege of Cuzco, yet the Peruvian legions still lay encamped around the city. Peruvian legions still lay encamped around the city. The siege had been protracted much beyond what was usual in Indian warfare, and showed the resolution of the natives to exterminate20 the white men. But the Peruvians themselves had for some time been straitened by the want of provisions. It was no easy matter to feed so numerous a host; and the obvious resource of the magazines of grain, so providently289 prepared by the Incas, did them but little service, since their contents had been most prodigally290 used, and even dissipated, by the Spaniards, on their first occupation of the country. 28 The season for planting had now arrived, and the Inca well knew, that, if his followers were to neglect it, they would be visited by a scourge291 even more formidable than their invaders. Disbanding the greater part of his forces, therefore, he ordered them to withdraw to their homes, and, after the labors293 of the field were over, to return and resume the blockade of the capital. The Inca reserved a considerable force to attend on his own person, with which he retired294 to Tambo, a strongly fortified295 place south of the valley of Yucay, the favorite residence of his ancestors. He also posted a large body as a corps of observation in the environs of Cuzco, to watch the movements of the enemy, and to intercept296 supplies.
28 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim297. y Seg., Ms.]
The Spaniards beheld with joy the mighty host which had so long encompassed298 the city, now melting away. They were not slow in profiting by the circumstance, and Hernando Pizarro took advantage of the temporary absence to send out foraging parties to scour292 the country, and bring back supplies to his famishing soldiers. In this he was so successful that on one occasion no less than two thousand head of cattle — the Peruvian sheep — were swept away from the Indian plantations and brought safely to Cuzco. 29 This placed the army above all apprehensions on the score of want for the present.
29 “Recoximos hasta dos mil cavezas de ganado.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
Yet these forays were made at the point of the lance, and many a desperate contest ensued, in which the best blood of the Spanish chivalry299 was shed. The contests, indeed, were not confined to large bodies of troops, but skirmishes took place between smaller parties, which sometimes took the form of personal combats. Nor were the parties so unequally matched as might have been supposed in these single rencontres; and the Peruvian warrior, with his sling, his bow, and his lasso, proved no contemptible300 antagonist301 for the mailed horseman, whom he sometimes even ventured to encounter, hand to hand, with his formidable battle-axe. The ground around Cuzco became a battle-field, like the vega of Granada, in which Christian and Pagan displayed the characteristics of their peculiar warfare; and many a deed of heroism302 was performed, which wanted only the song of the minstrel to shed around it a glory like that which rested on the last days of the Moslem303 of Spain. 30
30 Pedro Pizarro recounts several of these deeds of arms, in some of which his own prowess is made quite apparent. One piece of cruelty recorded by him is little to the credit of his commander, Hernando Pizarro, who, he says, after a desperate rencontre, caused the right hands of his prisoners to be struck off, and sent them in this mutilated condition back to their countrymen! (Descub. Conq., Ms.) Such atrocities304 are not often noticed by the chroniclers; and we may hope they were exceptions to the general policy of the Conquerors in this invasion.
But Hernando Pizarro was not content to act wholly on the defensive; and he meditated305 a bold stroke, by which at once to put an end to the war. This was the capture of the Inca Manco, whom he hoped to surprise in his quarters at Tambo.
For this service he selected about eighty of his best-mounted cavalry, with a small body of foot, and, making a large detour306 through the less frequented mountain defiles307, he arrived before Tambo without alarm to the enemy. He found the place more strongly fortified than he had imagined. The palace, or rather fortress, of the Incas stood on a lofty eminence, the steep sides of which, on the quarter where the Spaniards approached, were cut into terraces, defended by strong walls of stone and sunburnt brick. 31 The place was impregnable on this side. On the opposite, it looked towards the Yucay, and the ground descended by a gradual declivity308 towards the plain through which rolled its deep but narrow current. 32 This was the quarter on which to make the assault.
31 “Tambo tan fortalescido que hera cosa de grima, porquel assiento donde Tambo esta es muy fuerte, de andenes muy altos y de muy gran canterias fortalescidos” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
32 “El rio de yucay ques grande por aquella parte va muy angosto y hondo.” Ibid., Ms.]
Crossing the stream without much difficulty, the Spanish commander advanced up the smooth glacis with as little noise as possible. The morning light had hardly broken on the mountains; and Pizarro, as he drew near the outer defences, which, as in the fortress of Cuzco, consisted of a stone parapet of great strength drawn round the inclosure, moved quickly forward, confident that the garrison were still buried in sleep. But thousands of eyes were upon him; and as the Spaniards came within bow-shot, a multitude of dark forms suddenly rose above the rampart, while the Inca, with his lance in hand, was seen on horseback in the inclosure, directing the operations of his troops. 33 At the same moment the air was darkened with innumerable missiles, stones, javelins, and arrows, which fell like a hurricane on the troops, and the mountains rang to the wild war-whoop of the enemy. The Spaniards, taken by surprise, and many of them sorely wounded, were staggered; and, though they quickly rallied, and made two attempts to renew the assault, they were at length obliged to fall back, unable to endure the violence of the storm. To add to their confusion, the lower level in their rear was flooded by the waters, which the natives, by opening the sluices309, had diverted from the bed of the river, so that their position was no longer tenable. 34 A council of war was then held, and it was decided310 to abandon the attack as desperate, and to retreat in as good order as possible.
33 “Parecia el Inga a caballo entre su gente, con su lanca en la mano.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 7.]
34 “Pues hechos dos o tres acometimientos a tomar este pueblo188 tantas vezes nos hizieron bolver dando de manos. Ansi estuvimos todo este dia hasta puesta de sol; os indios sin entendello nos hechavan el rrio en el llano donde estavamos, y aguardar mas perescieramos aqui todos.” Pedro Pizarro Descub. y Conq. Ms.]
The day had been consumed in these ineffectual operations; and Hernando, under cover of the friendly darkness, sent forward his infantry and baggage, taking command of the centre himself, and trusting the rear to his brother Gonzalo. The river was happily recrossed without accident, although the enemy, now confident in their strength, rushed out of their defences, and followed up the retreating Spaniards, whom they annoyed with repeated discharges of arrows. More than once they pressed so closely on the fugitives, that Gonzalo and his chivalry were compelled to turn and make one of those desperate charges that effectually punished their audacity311, and stayed the tide of pursuit. Yet the victorious foe198 still hung on the rear of the discomfited312 cavaliers, till they had emerged from the mountain passes, and come within sight of the blackened walls of the capital. It was the last triumph of the Inca. 35
35 Ibid., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 7.]
Among the manuscripts for which I am indebted to the liberality of that illustrious Spanish scholar, the lamented313 Navarrete, the most remarkable, in connection with this history, is the work of Pedro Pizarro; Relaciones del Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reynos del Peru. But a single copy of this important document appears to have been preserved, the existence of which was but little known till it came into the hands of Senor de Navarrete; though it did not escape the indefatigable314 researches of Herrera, as is evident from the mention of several incidents, some of them having personal relation to Pedro Pizarro himself, which the historian of the Indies could have derived315 through no other channel. The manuscript has lately been given to the public as part of the inestimable collection of historical documents now in process of publication at Madrid, under auspices316 which, we may trust, will insure its success. As the printed work did not reach me till my present labors were far advanced, I have preferred to rely on the manuscript copy for the brief remainder of my narrative317, as I had been compelled to do for the previous portion of it.
Nothing, that I am aware of, is known respecting the author, but what is to be gleaned318 from incidental notices of himself in his own history. He was born at Toledo in Estremadura, the fruitful province of adventurers to the New World, whence the family of Francis Pizarro, to which Pedro was allied191, also emigrated. When that chief came over to undertake the conquest of Peru, after receiving his commission from the emperor in 1529, Pedro Pizarro, then only fifteen years of age, accompanied him in quality of page. For three years he remained attached to the household of his commander, and afterwards continued to follow his banner as a soldier of fortune. He was present at most of the memorable events of the Conquest, and seems to have possessed319 in a great degree the confidence of his leader, who employed him on some difficult missions, in which he displayed coolness and gallantry. It is true, we must take the author’s own word for all this. But he tells his exploits with an air of honesty, and without any extraordinary effort to set them off in undue320 relief. He speaks of himself in the third person, and, as his manuscript was not intended solely321 for posterity322, he would hardly have ventured on great misrepresentation, where fraud could so easily have been exposed.
After the Conquest, our author still remained attached to the fortunes of his commander, and stood by him through all the troubles which ensued; and on the assassination323 of that chief, he withdrew to Arequipa, to enjoy in quiet the repartimiento of lands and Indians, which had been bestowed324 on him as the recompense of his services. He was there on the breaking out of the great rebellion under Gonzalo Pizarro. But he was true to his allegiance, and chose rather, as he tells us, to be false to his name and his lineage than to his loyalty325. Gonzalo, in retaliation326, seized his estates, and would have proceeded to still further extremities327 against him, when Pedro Pizarro had fallen into his hands at Lima, but for the interposition of his lieutenant328, the famous Francisco de Carbajal, to whom the chronicler had once the good fortune to render an important service. This, Carbajal requited329 by sparing his life on two occasions, — but on the second coolly remarked, “No man has a right to a brace330 of lives; and if you fall into my hands a third time, God only can grant you another.” Happily, Pizarro did not find occasion to put this menace to the test. After the pacification331 of the country, he again retired to Arequipa; but, from the querulous tone of his remarks, it would seem he was not fully reinstated in the possessions he had sacrificed by his loyal devotion to government. The last we hear of him is in 1571, the date which he assigns as that of the completion of his history.
Pedro Pizarro’s narrative covers the whole ground of the Conquest, from the date of the first expedition that sallied out from Panama, to the troubles that ensued on the departure of President Gasca. The first part of the work was gathered from the testimony332 of others, and, of course, cannot claim the distinction of rising to the highest class of evidence. But all that follows the return of Francis Pizarro from Castile, all, in short, which constitutes the conquest of the country, may be said to be reported on his own observation, as an eyewitness and an actor. This gives to his narrative a value to which it could have no pretensions333 on the score of its literary execution. Pizarro was a soldier, with as little education, probably, as usually falls to those who have been trained from youth in this rough school, — the most unpropitious in the world to both mental and moral progress. He had the good sense, more over, not to aspire334 to an excellence335 which he could not reach. There is no ambition of fine writing in his chronicle; there are none of those affectations of ornament99 which only make more glaring the beggarly condition of him who assumes them. His object was simply to tell the story of the Conquest, as he had seen it. He was to deal with facts, not with words, which he wisely left to those who came into the field after the laborers336 had quitted it, to garner337 up what they could at second hand.
Pizarro’s situation may be thought to have necessarily exposed him to party influences, and thus given an undue bias338 to his narrative. It is not difficult, indeed, to determine under whose banner he had enlisted339. He writes like a partisan340, and yet like an honest one, who is no further warped341 from a correct judgment342 of passing affairs than must necessarily come from preconceived opinions. There is no management to work a conviction in his reader on this side or the other, still less any obvious perversion343 of fact. He evidently believes what he says, and this is the great point to be desired. We can make allowance for the natural influences of his position. Were he more impartial344 than this, the critic of the present day, by making allowance for a greater amount of prejudice and partiality, might only be led into error.
Pizarro is not only independent, but occasionally caustic345 in his condemnation346 of those under whom he acted. This is particularly the case where their measures bear too unfavorably on his own interests, or those of the army. As to the unfortunate natives, he no more regards their sufferings than the Jews of old did those of the Philistines347, whom they considered as delivered up to their swords, and whose lands they regarded as their lawful348 heritage. There is no mercy shown by the hard Conqueror in his treatment of the infidel.
Pizarro was the representative of the age in which he lived. Yet it is too much to cast such obloquy349 on the age. He represented more truly the spirit of the fierce warriors who overturned the dynasty of the Incas. He was not merely a crusader, fighting to extend the empire of the Cross over the darkened heathen. Gold was his great object; the estimate by which he judged of the value of the Conquest; the recompense that he asked for a life of toil139 and danger. It was with these golden visions, far more than with visions of glory, above all, of celestial350 glory, that the Peruvian adventurer fed his gross and worldly imagination. Pizarro did not rise above his caste. Neither did he rise above it in a mental view, any more than in a moral. His history displays no great penetration351, or vigor264 and comprehension of though. It is the work of a soldier, telling simply his tale of blood. Its value is, that it is told by him who acted it. And this, to the modern compiler, renders it of higher worth than far abler productions at second hand. It is the rude ore, which, submitted to the regular process of purification and refinement352, may receive the current stamp that fits it for general circulation.
Another authority, to whom I have occasionally referred, and whose writings still slumber353 in manuscript, is the Licentiate Fernando Montesinos. He is, in every respect, the opposite of the military chronicler who has just come under our notice. He flourished about a century after the Conquest. Of course, the value of his writings as an authority for historical facts must depend on his superior opportunities for consulting original documents. For this his advantages were great. He was twice sent in an official capacity to Peru, which required him to visit the different parts of the country. These two missions occupied fifteen years; so that, while his position gave him access to the colonial archives and literary repositories, he was enabled to verify his researches, to some extent, by actual observation of the country.
The result was his two historical works, Memorias Antiguas Historiales del Peru, and his Annales, sometimes cited in these pages. The former is taken up with the early history of the country, — very early, it must be admitted, since it goes back to the deluge354. The first part of this treatise355 is chiefly occupied with an argument to show the identity of Peru with the golden Ophir of Solomon’s time! This hypothesis, by no means original with the author, may give no unfair notion of the character of his mind. In the progress of his work he follows down the line of Inca princes, whose exploits, and names even, by no means coincide with Garcilasso’s catalogue; a circumstance, however, far from establishing their inaccuracy. But one will have little doubt of the writer’s title to this reproach, that reads the absurd legends told in the grave tone of reliance by Montesinos, who shared largely in the credulity and the love of the marvellous which belong to an earlier and less enlightened age.
These same traits are visible in his Annals, which are devoted356 exclusively to the Conquest. Here, indeed, the author, after his cloudy flight, has descended on firm ground, where gross violations357 of truth, or, at least, of probability, are not to be expected. But any one who has occasion to compare his narrative with that of contemporary writers will find frequent cause to distrust it. Yet Montesinos has one merit. In his extensive researches, he became acquainted with original instruments, which he has occasionally transferred to his own pages, and which it would be now difficult to meet elsewhere.
His writings have been commended by some of his learned countrymen, as showing diligent358 research and information. My own experience would not assign them a high rank as historical vouchers359. They seem to me entitled to little praise, either for the accuracy of their statements, or the sagacity of their reflections. The spirit of cold indifference which they manifest to the sufferings of the natives is an odious360 feature, for which there is less apology in a writer of the seventeenth century than in one of the primitive361 Conquerors, whose passions had been inflamed362 by long-protracted hostility363. M. Ternaux–Compans has translated the Memorias Antiguas with his usual elegance364 and precision, for his collection of original documents relating to the New World. He speaks in the Preface of doing the same kind office to the Annales, at a future time. I am not aware that he has done this; and I cannot but think that the excellent translator may find a better subject for his labors in some of the rich collection of the Munoz manuscripts in his possession.
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1
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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scrupled
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| v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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subverted
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| v.颠覆，破坏（政治制度、宗教信仰等）( subvert的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某人）道德败坏或不忠 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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dependant
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| n.依靠的，依赖的，依赖他人生活者 | |
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ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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41
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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42
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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43
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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44
hems
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| 布的褶边，贴边( hem的名词复数 )； 短促的咳嗽 | |
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45
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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46
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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47
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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48
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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50
rivet
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| n.铆钉；vt.铆接，铆牢；集中(目光或注意力) | |
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51
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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52
heeded
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| v.听某人的劝告，听从( heed的过去式和过去分词 )；变平，使（某物）变平( flatten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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54
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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55
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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56
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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57
thicket
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| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
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58
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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59
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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60
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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61
ballads
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| 民歌，民谣，特别指叙述故事的歌( ballad的名词复数 )； 讴 | |
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62
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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63
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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64
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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65
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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66
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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67
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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68
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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69
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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70
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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71
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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72
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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74
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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75
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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77
secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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78
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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81
vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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82
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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83
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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84
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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85
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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86
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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87
plunging
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| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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88
rattled
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| 慌乱的，恼火的 | |
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89
crevice
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| n.(岩石、墙等)裂缝；缺口 | |
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90
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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91
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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92
enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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94
mace
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| n.狼牙棒，豆蔻干皮 | |
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95
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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96
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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98
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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100
garnished
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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102
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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103
enumeration
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| n.计数，列举；细目；详表；点查 | |
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104
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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105
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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106
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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107
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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108
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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109
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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110
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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111
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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112
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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114
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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115
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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116
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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117
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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118
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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119
entangle
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| vt.缠住，套住；卷入，连累 | |
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120
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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121
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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122
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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123
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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125
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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126
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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127
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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128
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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129
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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130
crests
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| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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131
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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132
panoplies
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| n.全套礼服( panoply的名词复数 )；盛装；全副甲胄；雄伟的阵式 | |
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133
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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134
junta
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| n.团体；政务审议会 | |
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135
beleaguering
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| v.围攻( beleaguer的现在分词 )；困扰；骚扰 | |
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136
shun
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| vt.避开，回避，避免 | |
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137
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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138
toils
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| 网 | |
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139
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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140
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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141
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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142
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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143
swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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144
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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145
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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146
eyewitness
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| n.目击者，见证人 | |
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147
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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148
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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149
scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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150
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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151
thatch
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| vt.用茅草覆盖…的顶部；n.茅草(屋) | |
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152
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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153
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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154
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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155
pall
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| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
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156
suffocation
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| n.窒息 | |
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157
plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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158
awnings
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| 篷帐布 | |
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159
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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160
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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161
hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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162
hover
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| vi.翱翔，盘旋；徘徊；彷徨，犹豫 | |
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163
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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164
apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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165
gloss
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| n.光泽，光滑；虚饰；注释；vt.加光泽于；掩饰 | |
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166
attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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167
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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168
conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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169
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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170
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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171
lurid
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| adj.可怕的；血红的；苍白的 | |
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172
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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173
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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174
countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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175
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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176
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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177
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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178
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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179
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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180
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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181
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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182
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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183
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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184
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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185
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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186
trophy
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| n.优胜旗，奖品，奖杯，战胜品，纪念品 | |
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187
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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188
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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189
pueblos
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| n.印第安人村庄( pueblo的名词复数 ) | |
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190
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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191
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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192
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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193
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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194
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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195
barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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196
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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197
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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198
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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199
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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200
assailing
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| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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201
sling
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| vt.扔；悬挂；n.挂带；吊索，吊兜；弹弓 | |
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202
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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203
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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204
noose
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| n.绳套，绞索（刑）；v.用套索捉；使落入圈套；处以绞刑 | |
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205
adroitly
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| adv.熟练地，敏捷地 | |
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206
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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207
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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208
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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209
picketed
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| 用尖桩围住（picket的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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210
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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211
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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212
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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213
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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214
improvident
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| adj.不顾将来的，不节俭的，无远见的 | |
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215
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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216
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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217
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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218
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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219
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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220
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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221
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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222
ignominiously
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| adv.耻辱地，屈辱地，丢脸地 | |
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223
suffocated
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| （使某人）窒息而死( suffocate的过去式和过去分词 )； （将某人）闷死； 让人感觉闷热； 憋气 | |
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224
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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225
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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226
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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227
intimidate
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| vt.恐吓，威胁 | |
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228
molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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229
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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230
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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231
darts
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| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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232
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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233
divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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234
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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235
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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236
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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237
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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238
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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239
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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240
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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241
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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242
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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243
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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244
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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245
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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246
foraging
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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247
masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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248
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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249
gateway
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| n.大门口，出入口，途径，方法 | |
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250
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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251
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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252
jaw
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| n.颚，颌，说教，流言蜚语；v.喋喋不休，教训 | |
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253
dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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254
demolition
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| n.破坏,毁坏,毁坏之遗迹 | |
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255
javelins
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| n.标枪( javelin的名词复数 ) | |
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256
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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257
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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258
animate
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| v.赋于生命，鼓励；adj.有生命的，有生气的 | |
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259
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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260
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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261
tarnished
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|
| （通常指金属）（使）失去光泽，（使）变灰暗( tarnish的过去式和过去分词 )； 玷污，败坏 | |
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262
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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263
panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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264
vigor
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|
| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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265
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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266
athletic
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| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
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267
wielding
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的现在分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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268
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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269
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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270
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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271
beleaguered
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|
| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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272
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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273
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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274
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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275
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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276
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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277
solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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278
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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279
computes
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|
| v.计算，估算( compute的第三人称单数 ) | |
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280
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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281
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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282
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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283
invoking
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| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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284
conjures
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|
| 用魔术变出( conjure的第三人称单数 )； 祈求，恳求； 变戏法； （变魔术般地） 使…出现 | |
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285
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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286
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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287
solicited
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|
| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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288
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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289
providently
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| adv.有远虑地 | |
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290
prodigally
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|
| adv.浪费地，丰饶地 | |
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291
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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292
scour
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| v.搜索；擦，洗，腹泻，冲刷 | |
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293
labors
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|
| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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294
retired
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|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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295
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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296
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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297
prim
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| adj.拘泥形式的，一本正经的；n.循规蹈矩，整洁；adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
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298
encompassed
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|
| v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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299
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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300
contemptible
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|
| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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301
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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302
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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303
Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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304
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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305
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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306
detour
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| n.绕行的路，迂回路；v.迂回，绕道 | |
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307
defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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308
declivity
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| n.下坡，倾斜面 | |
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309
sluices
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| n.水闸( sluice的名词复数 )；（用水闸控制的）水；有闸人工水道；漂洗处v.冲洗( sluice的第三人称单数 )；（指水）喷涌而出；漂净；给…安装水闸 | |
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310
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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311
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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312
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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313
lamented
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|
| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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314
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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315
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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316
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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317
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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318
gleaned
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| v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的过去式和过去分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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319
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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320
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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321
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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322
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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323
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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324
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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325
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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326
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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327
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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328
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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329
requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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330
brace
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| n. 支柱,曲柄,大括号; v. 绷紧,顶住,(为困难或坏事)做准备 | |
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331
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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332
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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333
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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334
aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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335
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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336
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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337
garner
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| v.收藏；取得 | |
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338
bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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339
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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340
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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341
warped
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|
| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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342
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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343
perversion
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| n.曲解；堕落；反常 | |
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344
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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345
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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346
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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347
philistines
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| n.市侩，庸人( philistine的名词复数 )；庸夫俗子 | |
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348
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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349
obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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350
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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351
penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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352
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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353
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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354
deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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355
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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356
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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357
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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358
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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359
vouchers
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| n.凭证( voucher的名词复数 )；证人；证件；收据 | |
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360
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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361
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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362
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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363
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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364
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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