Almagro’s March To Chili1. — Suffering Of The Troops. — He Returns And Seizes Cuzco. — Action Of Abancay. — Gaspar De Espinosa. — Almagro Leaves Cuzco. — Negotiations2 With Pizarro.
1535–1537.
While the events recorded in the preceding chapter were passing, the Marshal Almagro was engaged in his memorable4 expedition to Chili. He had set out, as we have seen, with only part of his forces, leaving his lieutenant5 to follow him with the remainder. During the first part of the way, he profited by the great military road of the Incas, which stretched across the table-land far towards the south. But as he drew near to Chili, the Spanish commander became entangled6 in the defiles7 of the mountains, where no vestige8 of a road was to be discerned. Here his progress was impeded9 by all the obstacles which belong to the wild scenery of the Cordilleras; deep and ragged10 ravines, round whose sides a slender sheep-path wound up to a dizzy height over the precipices11 below; rivers rushing in fury down the slopes of the mountains, and throwing themselves in stupendous cataracts12 into the yawning abyss; dark forests of pine that seemed to have no end, and then again long reaches of desolate13 table-land, without so much as a bush or shrub14 to shelter the shivering traveller from the blast that swept down from the frozen summits of the sierra.
The cold was so intense, that many lost the nails of their fingers, their fingers themselves. and sometimes their limbs. Others were blinded by the dazzling waste of snow, reflecting the rays of a sun made intolerably brilliant in the thin atmosphere of these elevated regions. Hunger came, as usual, in the train of woes16; for in these dismal17 solitudes18 no vegetation that would suffice for the food of man was visible, and no living thing, except only the great bird of the Andes, hovering19 over their heads in expectation of his banquet. This was too frequently afforded by the number of wretched Indians, who, unable, from the scantiness21 of their clothing, to encounter the severity of the climate, perished by the way. Such was the pressure of hunger, that the miserable23 survivors24 fed on the dead bodies of their countrymen, and the Spaniards forced a similar sustenance25 from the carcasses of their horses, literally26 frozen to death in the mountain passes. 1 — Such were the terrible penalties which Nature imposed on those who rashly intruded27 on these her solitary28 and most savage29 haunts.
1 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 10, cap. 1 — 3. — Oviedo Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 9, cap. 4. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
Yet their own sufferings do not seem to have touched the hearts of the Spaniards with any feeling of compassion31 for the weaker natives. Their path was everywhere marked by burnt and desolated32 hamlets, the inhabitants of which were compelled to do them service as beasts of burden. They were chained together in gangs of ten or twelve, and no infirmity or feebleness of body excused the unfortunate captive from his full share of the common toil33, till he sometimes dropped dead, in his very chains, from mere34 exhaustion35! 2 Alvarado’s company are accused of having been more cruel than Pizarro’s; and many of Almagro’s men, it may be remembered, were recruited from that source. The commander looked with displeasure, it is said, on these enormities, and did what he could to repress them. Yet he did not set a good example in his own conduct, if it be true that he caused no less than thirty Indian chiefs to be burnt alive, for the massacre36 of three of his followers37! 3 The heart sickens at the recital38 of such atrocities39 perpetrated on an unoffending people, or, at least, guilty of no other crime than that of defending their own soil too well.
2 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.
The writer must have made one on this expedition, as he speaks from personal observation. The poor natives had at least one friend in the Christian40 camp. “I si en el Real havia algun Espanol que era buen rancheador i cruel i matava muchos Indios tenianle por buen hombre i en grand reputacion i el que era inclinado a hacer bien i a hacer buenos tratamientos a los naturales i los favorecia no era tenido en tan buena estima, he apuntado esto que vi con30 mis ejos i en que por mis pecados anduve porque entiendan los que esto leyeren que de la manera que aqui digo i con mayores crueldades harto se hizo esta jornada i descubrimiento de Chile”]
3 “I para castigarlos por la muerte destos tres Espanoles juntolos en un aposento donde estava aposentado i mando cavalgar la jente de cavallo i la de apie que guardasen las puertas i todos estuviesen apercividos i los prendio i en conclusion hizo quemar mas de 30 senores vivos atados cada uno a su palo” (Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.) Oviedo, who always shows the hard feeling of the colonist41, excuses this on the old plea of necessity, — fue necesario este castigo, — and adds, that after this a Spaniard might send a messenger from one end of the country to the other, without fear of injury Hist. de las Indias, Ms, Parte 3 lib. 9, cap. 4.]
There is something in the possession of superior strength most dangerous, in a moral view, to its possessor. Brought in contact with semi-civilized42 man, the European, with his endowments and effective force so immeasurably superior, holds him as little higher than the brute43, and as born equally for his service. He feels that he has a natural right, as it were, to his obedience44, and that this obedience is to be measured, not by the powers of the barbarian45, but by the will of his conqueror46. Resistance becomes a crime to be washed out only in the blood of the victim. The tale of such atrocities is not confined to the Spaniard. Wherever the civilized man and the savage have come in contact, in the East or in the West, the story has been too often written in blood.
From the wild chaos47 of mountain scenery the Spaniards emerged on the green vale of Coquimbo, about the thirtieth degree of south latitude48. Here they halted to refresh themselves in its abundant plains, after their unexampled sufferings and fatigues49. Meanwhile Almagro despatched an officer with a strong party in advance, to ascertain50 the character of the country towards the south. Not long after, he was cheered by the arrival of the remainder of his forces under his lieutenant Rodrigo de Orgonez. This was a remarkable51 person, and intimately connected with the subsequent fortunes of Almagro.
He was a native of Oropesa, had been trained in the Italian wars, and held the rank of ensign in the army of the Constable52 of Bourbon at the famous sack of Rome. It was a good school in which to learn his iron trade, and to steel the heart against any too ready sensibility to human suffering. Orgonez was an excellent soldier; true to his commander, prompt, fearless, and unflinching in the execution of his orders. His services attracted the notice of the Crown, and, shortly after this period, he was raised to the rank of Marshal of New Toledo. Yet it may be doubted whether his character did not qualify him for an executive and subordinate station rather than for one of higher responsibility.
Almagro received also the royal warrant, conferring on him his new powers and territorial53 jurisdiction54. The instrument had been detained by the Pizarros to the very last moment. His troops, long since disgusted with their toilsome and unprofitable march, were now clamorous55 to return. Cuzco, they said, undoubtedly56 fell within the limits of his government, and it was better to take possession of its comfortable quarters than to wander like outcasts in this dreary57 wilderness58. They reminded their commander that thus only could he provide for the interests of his son Diego. This was an illegitimate son of Almagro, on whom his father doated with extravagant60 fondness, justified61 more than usual by the promising62 character of the youth.
After an absence of about two months, the officer sent on the exploring expedition returned, bringing unpromising accounts of the southern regions of Chili. The only land of promise for the Castilian was one that teemed63 with gold. 4 He had penetrated64 to the distance of a hundred leagues, to the limits, probably, of the conquests of the Incas on the river Maule. 5 The Spaniards had fortunately stopped short of the land of Arauco, where the blood of their countrymen was soon after to be poured out like water, and which still maintains a proud independence amidst the general humiliation65 of the Indian races around it.
4 It is the language of a Spaniard; “i como no le parecio bien la tierra por no ser quajada de oro.” Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
5 According to Oviedo, a hundred and fifty leagues, and very near, as they told him, to the end of the world; cerca del fin15 del mundo. (Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 9, cap. 5.) One must not expect to meet with very accurate notions of geography in the rude soldiers of America]
Almagro now yielded, with little reluctance66, to the renewed importunities of the soldiers, and turned his face towards the North. It is unnecessary to follow his march in detail. Disheartened by the difficulty of the mountain passage, he took the road along the coast, which led him across the great desert of Atacama. In crossing this dreary waste, which stretches for nearly a hundred leagues to the northern borders of Chili, with hardly a green spot in its expanse to relieve the fainting traveller, Almagro and his men experienced as great sufferings, though not of the same kind, as those which they had encountered in the passes of the Cordilleras. Indeed, the captain would not easily be found at this day, who would venture to lead his army across this dreary region. But the Spaniard of the sixteenth century had a strength of limb and a buoyancy of spirit which raised him to a contempt of obstacles, almost justifying67 the boast of the historian, that “he contended indifferently, at the same time, with man, with the elements, and with famine!” 6
6 “Peleando en un tiempo con los Enemigos, con los Elementos, i con la Hambre.” Herrera, Hist General, dec. 5, lib. 10, cap. 2
After traversing the terrible desert, Almagro reached the ancient town of Arequipa, about sixty leagues from Cuzco. Here he learned with astonishment68 the insurrection of the Peruvians, and further, that the young Inca Manco still lay with a formidable force at no great distance from the capital. He had once been on friendly terms with the Peruvian prince, and he now resolved, before proceeding69 farther, to send an embassy to his camp, and arrange an interview with him in the neighbourhood of Cuzco.
Almagro’s emissaries were well received by the Inca, who alleged70 his grounds of complaint against the Pizarros, and named the vale of Yucay as the place where he would confer with the marshal. The Spanish commander accordingly resumed his march, and, taking one half of his force, whose whole number fell somewhat short of five hundred men, he repaired in person to the place of rendezvous71; while the remainder of his army established their quarters at Urcos, about six leagues from the capital. 7
7 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 9, cap. 6
The Spaniards in Cuzco, startled by the appearance of this fresh body of troops in their neighbourhood, doubted, when they learned the quarter whence they came, whether it betided them good or evil. Hernando Pizarro marched out of the city with a small force, and, drawing near to Urcos, heard with no little uneasiness of Almagro’s purpose to insist on his pretensions72 to Cuzco. Though much inferior in strength to his rival, he determined73 to resist him.
Meanwhile, the Peruvians, who had witnessed the conference between the soldiers of the opposite camps, suspected some secret understanding between the parties, which would compromise the safety of the Inca. They communicated their distrust to Manco, and the latter, adopting the same sentiments, or perhaps, from the first, meditating74 a surprise of the Spaniards, suddenly fell upon the latter in the valley of Yucay with a body of fifteen thousand men. But the veterans of Chili were too familiar with Indian tactics to be taken by surprise. And though a sharp engagement ensued, which lasted more than an hour, in which Orgonez had a horse killed under him, the natives were finally driven back with great slaughter75, and the Inca was so far crippled by the blow, that he was not likely for the present to give further molestation76. 8
8 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 4. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 21.]
Almagro, now joining the division left at Urcos, saw no further impediment to his operations on Cuzco. He sent, at once, an embassy to the municipality of the place, requiring the recognition of him as its lawful77 governor, and presenting at the same time a copy of his credentials78 from the Crown. But the question of jurisdiction was not one easy to be settled, depending, as it did, on a knowledge of the true parallels of latitude, not very likely to be possessed79 by the rude followers of Pizarro. The royal grant had placed under his jurisdiction all the country extending two hundred and seventy leagues south of the river of Santiago, situated80 one degree and twenty minutes north of the equator. Two hundred and seventy leagues on the meridian81, by our measurement, would fall more than a degree short of Cuzco, and, indeed, would barely include the city of Lima itself. But the Spanish leagues, of only seventeen and a half to a degree, 9 would remove the southern boundary to nearly half a degree beyond the capital of the Incas, which would thus fall within the jurisdiction of Pizarro. 10 Yet the division-line ran so close to the disputed ground, that the true result might reasonably be doubted, where no careful scientific observations had been made to obtain it; and each party was prompt to assert, as they always are in such cases, that its own claim was clear and unquestionable. 11
9 “Contando diez i siete leg as i media por grado.” Herrera Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 3, cap. 5.]
10 The government had endeavoured early to provide against any dispute in regard to the limits of the respective jurisdictions82. The language of the original grants gave room to some misunderstanding; and, as early as 1536, Fray83 Jomas de Berlanga, Bishop84 of Tierra Firme, had been sent to Lima with full powers to determine the question of boundary, by fixing the latitude of the river of Santiago, and measuring two hundred and seventy leagues south on the meridian. But Pizarro, having engaged Almagro in his Chili expedition, did not care to revive the question, and the Bishop returned, re infecta, to his diocese, with strong feelings of disgust towards the governor. Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 3, cap. 1.]
11 “All say,” says Oviedo, in a letter to the emperor, “that Cuzco falls within the territory of Almagro.” Oviedo was, probably, the best-informed man in the colonies. Yet this was an error. Carta desde Sto. Domingo, Ms., 25 de Oct. 1539.]
Thus summoned by Almagro, the authorities of Cuzco, unwilling85 to give umbrage86 to either of the contending chiefs, decided87 that they must wait until they could take counsel — which they promised to do at once — with certain pilots better instructed than themselves in the position of the Santiago. Meanwhile, a truce88 was arranged between the parties, each solemnly engaging to abstain89 from hostile measures, and to remain quiet in their present quarters.
The weather now set in cold and rainy. Almagro’s soldiers, greatly discontented with their position, flooded as it was by the waters, were quick to discover that Hernando Pizarro was busily employed in strengthening himself in the city, contrary to agreement. They also learned with dismay, that a large body of men, sent by the governor from Lima, under command of Alonso de Alvarado, was on the march to relieve Cuzco. They exclaimed that they were betrayed, and that the truce had been only an artifice90 to secure their inactivity until the arrival of the expected succours. In this state of excitement, it was not very difficult to persuade their commander — too ready to surrender his own judgment91 to the rash advisers92 around him — to violate the treaty, and take possession of the capital. 12
12 According to Zarate, Almagro, on entering the capital, found no appearance of the designs imputed93 to Hernando, and exclaimed that “he had been deceived.” (Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 4.) He was probably easy of faith in the matter.]
Under cover of a dark and stormy night (April 8th, 1537), he entered the place without opposition94, made himself master of the principal church, established strong parties of cavalry95 at the head of the great avenues to prevent surprise, and detached Orgonez with a body of infantry96 to force the dwelling97 of Hernando Pizarro. That captain was lodged98 with his brother Gonzalo in one of the large halls built by the Incas for public diversions, with immense doors of entrance that opened on the plaza99. It was garrisoned100 by about twenty soldiers, who, as the gates were burst open, stood stoutly101 to the defence of their leader. A smart struggle ensued, in which some lives were lost, till at length Orgonez, provoked by the obstinate102 resistance, set fire to the combustible103 roof of the building. It was speedily in flames, and the burning rafters falling on the heads of the inmates104, they forced their reluctant leader to an unconditional105 surrender. Scarcely had the Spaniards left the building, when the whole roof fell in with a tremendous crash. 13
13 Carta de Espinall, Tesorero de N. Toledo, 15 de Junio, 1539. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 21.
Almagro was now master of Cuzco. He ordered the Pizarros, with fifteen or twenty of the principal cavaliers, to be secured and placed in confinement106. Except so far as required for securing his authority, he does not seem to have been guilty of acts of violence to the inhabitants, 14 and he installed one of Pizarro’s most able officers, Gabriel de Rojas, in the government of the city. The municipality, whose eyes were now open to the validity of Almagro’s pretensions, made no further scruple107 to recognize his title to Cuzco.
14 So it would appear from the general testimony108; yet Pedro Pizarro, one of the opposite faction109, and among those imprisoned110 by Almagro, complains that that chief plundered111 them of their horses and other property. Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
The marshal’s first step was to send a message to Alonso de Alvarado’s camp, advising that officer of his occupation of the city, and requiring his obedience to him, as its legitimate59 master. Alvarado was lying, with a body of five hundred men, horse and foot, at Xauxa, about thirteen leagues from the capital. He had been detached several months previously112 for the relief of Cuzco; but had, most unaccountably, and, as it proved, most unfortunately for the Peruvian capital, remained at Xauxa with the alleged motive113 of protecting that settlement and the surrounding country against the insurgents114. 15 He now showed himself loyal to his commander; and, when Almagro’s ambassadors reached his camp, he put them in irons, and sent advice of what had been done to the governor at Lima.
15 Pizarro’s secretary Picado had an encomienda in that neighbourhood, and Alvarado, who was under personal obligations to him, remained there, it is said, at his instigation. (Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 7.) Alvarado was a good officer, and largely trusted, both before and after, by the Pizarros; and we may presume there was some explanation of his conduct, of which we are not possessed.
Almagro, offended by the detention115 of his emissaries, prepared at once to march against Alonso de Alvarado, and take more effectual means to bring him to submission116. His lieutenant, Orgonez, strongly urged him before his departure to strike off the heads of the Pizarros, alleging117, “that, while they lived, his commander’s life would never be safe”; and concluding with the Spanish proverb, “Dead men never bite.” 16 But the marshal, though he detested118 Hernando in his heart, shrunk from so violent a measure; and, independently of other considerations, he had still an attachment119 for his old associate, Francis Pizarro, and was unwilling to sever22 the ties between them for ever. Contenting himself, therefore, with placing his prisoners under strong guard in one of the stone buildings belonging to the House of the Sun, he put himself at the head of his forces, and left the capital in quest of Alvarado.
16 “El muerto no mordia.” Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 2, cap. 8.
That officer had now taken up a position on the farther side of the Rio de Abancay, where he lay, with the strength of his little army, in front of a bridge, by which its rapid waters are traversed, while a strong detachment occupied a spot commanding a ford20 lower down the river. But in this detachment was a cavalier of much consideration in the army, Pedro de Lerma, who, from some pique120 against his commander, had entered into treasonable correspondence with the opposite party. By his advice, Almagro, on reaching the border of the river, established himself against the bridge in face of Alvarado, as if prepared to force a passage, thus concentrating his adversary’s attention on that point. But, when darkness had set in, he detached a large body under Orgonez to pass the ford, and operate in concert with Lerma. Orgonez executed this commission with his usual promptness. The ford was crossed, though the current ran so swiftly, that several of his men were swept away by it, and perished in the waters. Their leader received a severe wound himself in the mouth, as he was gaining the opposite bank, but, nothing daunted121, he cheered on his men, and fell with fury on the enemy. He was speedily joined by Lerma, and such of the soldiers as he had gained over, and, unable to distinguish friend from foe122, the enemy’s confusion was complete.
Meanwhile, Alvarado, roused by the noise of the attack on this quarter, hastened to the support of his officer, when Almagro, seizing the occasion, pushed across the bridge, dispersed123 the small body left to defend it, and, falling on Alvarado’s rear, that general saw himself hemmed124 in on all sides. The struggle did not last long; and the unfortunate chief, uncertain on whom he could rely, surrendered with all his force, — those only excepted who had already deserted125 to the enemy. Such was the battle of Abancay, as it was called, from the river on whose banks it was fought, on the twelfth of July, 1537. Never was a victory more complete, or achieved with less cost of life; and Almagro marched back, with an array of prisoners scarcely inferior to his own army in number, in triumph to Cuzco. 17
17 Carta de Francisco Pizarro al Obispo de Tierra Firme, Ms., 28 de Agosto, 1539. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., ubi supra. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Carta de Espinall, Ms.]
While the events related in the preceding pages were passing, Francisco Pizarro had remained at Lima, anxiously awaiting the arrival of the reinforcements which he had requested, to enable him to march to the relief of the beleaguered126 capital of the Incas. His appeal had not been unanswered. Among the rest was a corps127 of two hundred and fifty men, led by the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, one of the three original associates, it may be remembered, who engaged in the conquest of Peru. He had now left his own residence at Panama, and came in person, for the first time, it would seem, to revive the drooping128 fortunes of his confederates. Pizarro received also a vessel129 laden130 with provisions, military stores, and other necessary supplies, besides a rich wardrobe for himself, from Cortes, the Conqueror of Mexico, who generously stretched forth131 his hand to aid his kinsman132 in the hour of need. 18
18 “Fernando Cortes embio con Rodrigo de Grijalva en vn proprio Navio suio, desde la Nueva Espana, muchas Armas, Tiros, Jaeces, Aderecos, Vestidos de Seda, i vna Ropa de Martas.” Gomara, Hist de las Ind., cap. 136.]
With a force amounting to four hundred and fifty men, half of them cavalry, the governor quitted Lima, and began his march on the Inca capital. He had not advanced far, when he received tidings of the return of Almagro, the seizure133 of Cuzco, and the imprisonment134 of his brothers; and, before he had time to recover from this astounding135 intelligence, he learned the total defeat and capture of Alvarado. Filled with consternation136 at these rapid successes of his rival, he now returned in all haste to Lima, which he put in the best posture137 of defence, to secure it against the hostile movements, not unlikely, as he thought, to be directed against that capital itself. Meanwhile, far from indulging in impotent sallies of resentment138, or in complaints of his ancient comrade, he only lamented139 that Almagro should have resorted to these violent measures for the settlement of their dispute, and this less — if we may take his word for it — from personal considerations than from the prejudice it might do to the interests of the Crown. 19
19 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 2, cap. 7
But, while busily occupied with warlike preparations, he did not omit to try the effect of negotiation3. He sent an embassy to Cuzco, consisting of several persons in whose discretion140 he placed the greatest confidence, with Espinosa at their head, as the party most interested in an amicable142 arrangement.
The licentiate, on his arrival, did not find Almagro in as favorable a mood for an accommodation as he could have wished. Elated by his recent successes, he now aspired143 not only to the possession of Cuzco, but of Lima itself, as falling within the limits of his jurisdiction. It was in vain that Espinosa urged the propriety144, by every argument which prudence145 could suggest, of moderating his demands. His claims upon Cuzco, at least, were not to be shaken, and he declared himself ready to peril146 his life in maintaining them. The licentiate coolly replied by quoting the pithy147 Castilian proverb, El vencido vencido, y el vencidor perdido; “The vanquished148 vanquished, and the victor undone149.”
What influence the temperate150 arguments of the licentiate might eventually have had on the heated imagination of the soldier is doubtful; but unfortunately for the negotiation, it was abruptly151 terminated by the death of Espinosa himself, which took place most unexpectedly, though, strange to say, in those times, without the imputation152 of poison. 20 He was a great loss to the parties in the existing fermentation of their minds; for he had the weight of character which belongs to wise and moderate counsels, and a deeper interest than any other man in recommending them.
20 Carta de Pizarro al Obispo de Tierra Firme, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 2, cap. 13. — Carta de Espinall, Ms.
The name of Espinosa is memorable in history from his early connection with the expedition to Peru, which, but for the seasonable, though secret, application of his funds, could not then have been compassed. He had long been a resident in the Spanish colonies of Tierra Firme and Panama, where he had served in various capacities, sometimes as a legal functionary153 presiding in the courts of justice, 21 and not unfrequently as an efficient leader in the early expeditions of conquest and discovery. In these manifold vocations154 he acquired high reputation for probity155, intelligence, and courage, and his death at the present crisis was undoubtedly the most unfortunate event that could befall the country.
21 He incurred156 some odium as presiding officer in the trial and condemnation157 of the unfortunate Vasco Nunez de Balboa. But it must be allowed, that he made great efforts to resist the tyrannical proceedings158 of Pedrarias, and he earnestly recommended the prisoner to mercy. See Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 2, cap. 21, 22.]
All attempt at negotiation was now abandoned; and Almagro announced his purpose to descend159 to the sea-coast, where he could plant a colony and establish a port for himself. This would secure him the means, so essential, of communication with the mother-country, and here he would resume negotiations for the settlement of his dispute with Pizarro. Before quitting Cuzco, he sent Orgonez with a strong force against the Inca, not caring to leave the capital exposed in his absence to further annoyance160 from that quarter.
But the Inca, discouraged by his late discomfiture161, and unable, perhaps, to rally in sufficient strength for resistance, abandoned his strong-hold at Tambo, and retreated across the mountains. He was hotly pursued by Orgonez over hill and valley, till, deserted by his followers, and with only one of his wives to bear him company, the royal fugitive162 took shelter in the remote fastnesses of the Andes. 22
22 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Conq. i Pob. de Piru Ms.]
Before leaving the capital, Orgonez again urged his commander to strike off the heads of the Pizarros, and then march at once upon Lima. By this decisive step he would bring the war to an issue, and for ever secure himself from the insidious163 machinations of his enemies. But, in the mean time, a new friend had risen up to the captive brothers. This was Diego de Alvarado, brother of that Pedro, who, as mentioned in a preceding chapter, had conducted the unfortunate expedition to Quito. After his brother’s departure, Diego had attached himself to the fortunes of Almagro, had accompanied him to Chili, and, as he was a cavalier of birth, and possessed of some truly noble qualities, he had gained deserved ascendency over his commander. Alvarado had frequently visited Hernando Pizarro in his confinement, where, to beguile164 the tediousness of captivity165, he amused himself with gaming, — the passion of the Spaniard. They played deep, and Alvarado lost the enormous sum of eighty thousand gold castellanos. He was prompt in paying the debt, but Hernando Pizarro peremptorily166 declined to receive the money. By this politic167 generosity168, he secured an important advocate in the council of Almagro. It stood him now in good stead. Alvarado represented to the marshal, that such a measure as that urged by Orgonez would not only outrage169 the feelings of his followers, but would ruin his fortunes by the indignation it must excite at court. When Almagro acquiesced170 in these views, as in truth most grateful to his own nature, Orgonez, chagrined171 at his determination, declared that the day would come when he would repent172 this mistaken lenity. “A Pizarro,” he said, “was never known to forget an injury; and that which they had already received from Almagro was too deep for them to forgive.” Prophetic words!
On leaving Cuzco, the marshal gave orders that Gonzalo Pizarro and the other prisoners should be detained in strict custody173. Hernando he took with him, closely guarded, on his march. Descending174 rapidly towards the coast, he reached the pleasant vale of Chincha in the latter part of August. Here he occupied himself with laying the foundations of a town bearing his own name, which might serve as a counterpart to the City of the Kings, — thus bidding defiance175, as it were, to his rival on his own borders. While occupied in this manner, he received the unwelcome tidings, that Gonzalo Pizarro, Alonso de Alvarado, and the other prisoners, having tampered176 with their guards, had effected their escape from Cuzco, and he soon after heard of their safe arrival in the camp of Pizarro.
Chafed177 by this intelligence, the marshal was not soothed178 by the insinuations of Orgonez, that it was owing to his ill-advised lenity; and it might have gone hard with Hernando, but that Almagro’s attention was diverted by the negotiation which Francisco Pizarro now proposed to resume.
After some correspondence between the parties, it was agreed to submit the arbitration179 of the dispute to a single individual, Fray Francisco de Bovadilla, a Brother of the Order of Mercy. Though living in Lima, and, as might be supposed, under the influence of Pizarro, he had a reputation for integrity that disposed Almagro to confide141 the settlement of the question exclusively to him. In this implicit180 confidence in the friar’s impartiality181, Orgonez, of a less sanguine182 temper than his chief, did not participate. 23
23 Carta de Gutierrez al Emperador, Ms., 10 de Feb. 1539. — Carta de Espinall, Ms. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., Ms., ubi supra. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6 lib. 2, cap. 8–14. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y. Conq., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 8. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
An interview was arranged between the rival chiefs. It took place at Mala, November 13th, 1537; but very different was the deportment of the two commanders towards each other from that which they had exhibited at their former meetings. Almagro, indeed, doffing183 his bonnet184, advanced in his usual open manner to salute185 his ancient comrade; but Pizarro, hardly condescending186 to return the salute, haughtily187 demanded why the marshal had seized upon his city of Cuzco, and imprisoned his brothers. This led to a recrimination on the part of his associate. The discussion assumed the tone of an angry altercation188, till Almagro, taking a hint — or what he conceived to be such — from an attendant, that some treachery was intended, abruptly quitted the apartment, mounted his horse, and galloped189 back to his quarters at Chincha. 24 The conference closed, as might have been anticipated from the heated temper of their minds when they began it, by widening the breach190 it was intended to heal. The friar, now left wholly to himself, after some deliberation, gave his award. He decided that a vessel, with a skilful191 pilot on board, should be sent to determine the exact latitude of the river of Santiago, the northern boundary of Pizarro’s territory, by which all the measurements were to be regulated. In the mean time, Cuzco was to be delivered up by Almagro, and Hernando Pizarro to be set at liberty, on condition of his leaving the country in six weeks for Spain. Both parties were to retire within their undisputed territories, and to abandon all further hostilities192. 25
24 It was said that Gonzalo Pizarro lay in ambush193 with a strong force in the neighbourhood to intercept194 the marshal, and that the latter was warned of his danger by an honorable cavalier of the opposite party, who repeated a distich of an old ballad195,
“Tiempo es el Caballero
Tiempo es de andar de aqui.”
(Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 3, cap. 4.) Pedro Pizarro admits the truth of the design imputed to Gonzalo, which he was prevented from putting into execution by the commands of the governor, who, the chronicler, with edifying196 simplicity197, or assurance, informs us, was a man that scrupulously198 kept his word. “Porque el marquez don Francisco Picarro hera hombre que guardava mucho su palabra.” Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
25 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Carta de Espinall, Ms.
This award, as may be supposed, highly satisfactory to Pizarro, was received by Almagro’s men with indignation and scorn. They had been sold, they cried, by their general, broken, as he was, by age and infirmities. Their enemies were to occupy Cuzco and its pleasant places, while they were to be turned over to the barren wilderness of Charcas. Little did they dream that under this poor exterior199 were hidden the rich treasures of Potosi. They denounced the umpire as a hireling of the governor, and murmurs200 were heard among the troops, stimulated201 by Orgonez, demanding the head of Hernando. Never was that cavalier in greater danger. But his good genius in the form of Alvarado again interposed to protect him. His life in captivity was a succession of reprieves202. 26
26 Espinall, Almagro’s treasurer203, denounces the friar “as proving himself a very devil” by this award. (Carta al Emperador, Ms.) And Oviedo, a more dispassionate judge, quotes, without condemning204, a cavalier who told the father, that “a sentence so unjust had not been pronounced since the time of Pontius Pilate”! Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 21.
Yet his brother, the governor, was not disposed to abandon him to his fate. On the contrary, he was now prepared to make every concession205 to secure his freedom. Concessions206, that politic chief well knew, cost little to those who are not concerned to abide207 by them. After some preliminary negotiation, another award, more equitable208, or, at all events, more to the satisfaction of the discontented party, was given. The principal articles of it were, that, until the arrival of some definitive209 instructions on the point from Castile, the city of Cuzco, with its territory, should remain in the hands of Almagro; and that Hernando Pizarro should be set at liberty, on the condition, above stipulated210, of leaving the country in six weeks. — When the terms of this agreement were communicated to Orgonez, that officer intimated his opinion of them, by passing his finger across his throat, and exclaiming, “What has my fidelity211 to my commander cost me!” 27
27 “I tomando la barba con la mano izquierda, con la derecha hico senal de cortarse la cabeca, diciendo: Orgonez, Orgonez, por el amistad de Don Diego de Almagro te han de cortar esta.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 3, cap. 9.]
Almagro, in order to do greater honor to his prisoner, visited him in person, and announced to him that he was from that moment free. He expressed a hope, at the same time, that “all past differences would be buried in oblivion, and that henceforth they should live only in the recollection of then ancient friendship.” Hernando replied, with apparent cordiality, that “he desired nothing better for himself.” He then swore in the most solemn manner, and pledged his knightly212 honor, — the latter, perhaps, a pledge of quite as much weight in his own mind as the former, — that he would faithfully comply with the terms stipulated in the treaty. He was next conducted by the marshal to his quarters, where he partook of a collation213 in company with the principal officers; several of whom, together with Diego Almagro, the general’s son, afterward214 escorted the cavalier to his brother’s camp, which had been transferred to the neighbouring town of Mala. Here the party received a most cordial greeting from the governor, who entertained them with a courtly hospitality, and lavished215 many attentions, in particular, on the son of his ancient associate. In short, such, on their return, was the account of their reception, that it left no doubt in the mind of Almagro that all was at length amicably216 settled. 28 — He did not know Pizarro.
28 Ibid., loc. cit. — Carta de Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Zarate Gutierrez, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 9.]
收听单词发音 |
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chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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precipices
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cataracts
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| n.大瀑布( cataract的名词复数 )；白内障 | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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shrub
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| n.灌木，灌木丛 | |
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fin
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| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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scantiness
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| n.缺乏 | |
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sever
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| v.切开，割开；断绝，中断 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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intruded
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| n.侵入的，推进的v.侵入，侵扰，打扰( intrude的过去式和过去分词 )；把…强加于 | |
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28
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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43
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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46
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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47
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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48
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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49
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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50
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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51
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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52
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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53
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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54
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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55
clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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56
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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57
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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58
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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59
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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60
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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61
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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62
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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63
teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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64
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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65
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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66
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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67
justifying
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| 证明…有理( justify的现在分词 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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68
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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69
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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70
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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71
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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75
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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76
molestation
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| n.骚扰，干扰，调戏；折磨 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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credentials
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| n.证明，资格，证明书，证件 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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meridian
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| adj.子午线的；全盛期的 | |
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82
jurisdictions
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| 司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 )； 裁判权； 管辖区域； 管辖范围 | |
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83
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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84
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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85
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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101
stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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102
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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103
combustible
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| a. 易燃的,可燃的; n. 易燃物,可燃物 | |
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104
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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105
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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106
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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107
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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108
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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109
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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110
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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113
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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114
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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115
detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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116
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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117
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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118
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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120
pique
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| v.伤害…的自尊心，使生气 n.不满，生气 | |
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121
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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123
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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124
hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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125
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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126
beleaguered
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| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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127
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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128
drooping
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| adj. 下垂的，无力的 动词droop的现在分词 | |
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129
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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130
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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131
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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132
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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133
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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134
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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135
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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136
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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137
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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138
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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139
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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141
confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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142
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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143
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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145
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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146
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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147
pithy
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| adj.(讲话或文章)简练的 | |
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148
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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149
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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150
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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151
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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152
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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153
functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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154
vocations
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| n.（认为特别适合自己的）职业( vocation的名词复数 )；使命；神召；（认为某种工作或生活方式特别适合自己的）信心 | |
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155
probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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156
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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157
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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158
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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159
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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160
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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161
discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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162
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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163
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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164
beguile
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| vt.欺骗，消遣 | |
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165
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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166
peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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167
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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168
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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169
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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170
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
chagrined
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| adj.懊恼的，苦恼的v.使懊恼，使懊丧，使悔恨( chagrin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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173
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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174
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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175
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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176
tampered
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| v.窜改( tamper的过去式 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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177
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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178
soothed
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| v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
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179
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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180
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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181
impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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182
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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183
doffing
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| n.下筒，落纱v.脱去，（尤指）脱帽( doff的现在分词 ) | |
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184
bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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185
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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186
condescending
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| adj.谦逊的,故意屈尊的 | |
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187
haughtily
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| adv. 傲慢地, 高傲地 | |
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188
altercation
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| n.争吵，争论 | |
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189
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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190
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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191
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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192
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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193
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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194
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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195
ballad
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| n.歌谣，民谣，流行爱情歌曲 | |
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196
edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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197
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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198
scrupulously
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| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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199
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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200
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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201
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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202
reprieves
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| n.（死刑）缓期执行令( reprieve的名词复数 )；暂缓，暂止v.缓期执行（死刑）( reprieve的第三人称单数 ) | |
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203
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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204
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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205
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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206
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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207
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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208
equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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209
definitive
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| adj.确切的，权威性的；最后的，决定性的 | |
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210
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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211
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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212
knightly
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| adj. 骑士般的 adv. 骑士般地 | |
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213
collation
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| n.便餐；整理 | |
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214
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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215
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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216
amicably
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| adv.友善地 | |
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