First Civil War. — Almagro Retreats To Cuzco. — Battle Of Las Salinas. — Cruelty Of The Conquerors1. — Trial And Execution Of Almagro. — His Character.
1537–1538.
Scarcely had Almagro’s officers left the governor’s quarters, when the latter, calling his little army together, briefly4 recapitulated5 the many wrongs which had been done him by his rival, the seizure6 of his capital, the imprisonment7 of his brothers, the assault and defeat of his troops; and he concluded with the declaration, — heartily8 echoed back by his military audience, — that the time had now come for revenge. All the while that the negotiations10 were pending11, Pizarro had been busily occupied with military preparations. He had mustered13 a force considerably14 larger than that of his rival, drawn15 from various quarters, but most of them familiar with service. He now declared, that, as he was too old to take charge of the campaign himself, he should devolve that duty on his brothers; and he released Hernando from all his engagements to Almagro, as a measure justified16 by necessity. That cavalier, with graceful17 pertinacity18, intimated his design to abide19 by the pledges he had given, but, at length yielded a reluctant assent20 to the commands of his brother, as to a measure imperatively22 demanded by his duty to the Crown. 1
1 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 3, cap. 10.
The governor’s next step was to advise Almagro that the treaty was at an end. At the same time, he warned him to relinquish23 his pretensions24 to Cuzco, and withdraw into his own territory, or the responsibility of the consequences would lie on his own head.
Reposing25 in his false security, Almagro was now fully26 awakened27 to the consciousness of the error he had committed; and the warning voice of his lieutenant28 may have risen to his recollection. The first part of the prediction was fulfilled. And what should prevent the latter from being so? To add to his distress29, he was laboring30 at this time under a grievous malady31, the result of early excesses, which shattered his constitution, and made him incapable32 alike of mental and bodily exertion33. 2
2 “Cayo enfermo i estuvo malo a punto de muerte de bubas i dolores” (Carta de Espinall, Ms.) It was a hard penalty, occurring at this crisis, for the sins, perhaps, of earlier days; but
“The gods are just, and of our pleasant vices34
Make instruments to scourge35 us.”
In this forlorn condition, he confided36 the management of his affairs to Orgonez, on whose loyalty37 and courage he knew he might implicitly38 rely. The first step was to secure the passes of the Guaitara, a chain of hills that hemmed39 in the valley of Zangalla, where Almagro was at present established. But, by some miscalculation, the passes were not secured in season; and the active enemy, threading the dangerous defiles40, effected a passage across the sierra, where a much inferior force to his own might have taken him at advantage. The fortunes of Almagro were on the wane41.
His thoughts were now turned towards Cuzco, and he was anxious to get possession of this capital before the arrival of the enemy. Too feeble to sit on horseback, he was obliged to be carried in a litter; and, when he reached the ancient town of Bilcas, not far from Guamanga, his indisposition was so severe that he was compelled to halt and remain there three weeks before resuming his march.
The governor and his brothers, in the mean time, after traversing the pass of Guaitara, descended43 into the valley of Ica, where Pizarro remained a considerable while, to get his troops into order and complete his preparations for the campaign. Then, taking leave of the army, he returned to Lima, committing the prosecution44 of the war, as he had before announced, to his younger and more active brothers. Hernando, soon after quitting Ica, kept along the coast as far as Nasca, proposing to penetrate45 the country by a circuitous46 route in order to elude48 the enemy, who might have greatly embarrassed him in some of the passes of the Cordilleras. But unhappily for him, this plan of operations, which would have given him such manifest advantage, was not adopted by Almagro; and his adversary49, without any other impediment than that arising from the natural difficulties of the march, arrived, in the latter part of April, 1538, in the neighbourhood of Cuzco.
But Almagro was already in possession of that capital, which he had reached ten days before. A council of war was held by him respecting the course to be pursued. Some were for making good the defence of the city. Almagro would have tried what could be done by negotiation9. But Orgonez bluntly replied, — “It is too late; you have liberated50 Hernando Pizarro, and nothing remains51 but to fight him.” The opinion of Orgonez finally prevailed, to march out and give the enemy battle on the plains. The marshal, still disabled by illness from taking the command, devolved it on his trusty lieutenant, who, mustering53 his forces, left the city, and took up a position at Las Salinas, less than a league distant from Cuzco. The place received its name from certain pits or vats54 in the ground, used for the preparation of salt, that was obtained from a natural spring in the neighbourhood. It was an injudicious choice of ground, since its broken character was most unfavorable to the free action of cavalry56, in which the strength of Almagro’s force consisted. But, although repeatedly urged by the officers to advance into the open country, Orgonez persisted in his position, as the most favorable for defence, since the front was protected by a marsh52, and by a little stream that flowed over the plain. His forces amounted in all to about five hundred, more than half of them horse. His infantry57 was deficient58 in fire-arms, the place of which was supplied by the long pike. He had also six small cannon59, or falconets, as they were called, which, with his cavalry, formed into two equal divisions, he disposed on the flanks of his infantry. Thus prepared, he calmly awaited the approach of the enemy.
It was not long before the bright arms and banners of the Spaniards under Hernando Pizarro were seen emerging from the mountain passes. The troops came forward in good order, and like men whose steady step showed that they had been spared in the march, and were now fresh for action. They advanced slowly across the plain, and halted on the opposite border of the little stream which covered the front of Orgonez. Here Hernando, as the sun had set, took up his quarters for the night, proposing to defer60 the engagement till daylight. 3
3 Carta de Gutierrez, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 4, cap. 1 — 5. — Carta de Espinall, Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 10, 11. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2 lib. 2, cap. 36, 37.]
The rumors61 of the approaching battle had spread far and wide over the country; and the mountains and rocky heights around were thronged62 with multitudes of natives, eager to feast their eyes on a spectacle, where, whichever side were victorious63, the defeat would fall on their enemies. 4 The Castilian women and children, too, with still deeper anxiety, had thronged out from Cuzco to witness the deadly strife64 in which brethren and kindred were to contend for mastery. 5 The whole number of the combatants was insignificant65; though not as compared with those usually engaged in these American wars It is not, however, the number of the players, but the magnitude of the stake, that gives importance and interest to the game; and in this bloody66 game, they were to play for the possession of an empire.
4 Herrera, Hist. General, dec 6, lib. 4, cap. 5, 6.]
5 Ibid., ubi supra.]
The night passed away in silence, unbroken by the vast assembly which covered the surrounding hill-tops. Nor did the soldiers of the hostile camps, although keeping watch within hearing of one another, and with the same blood flowing in their veins67, attempt any communication. So deadly was the hate in their bosoms69! 6
6 “I fue cosa de notar, que se estuvieron toda la Noche, sin que nadie de la vna i otra parte pensase en mover tratos de Paz: tanta era la ira i aborrecimiento de ambas partes.” Ibid., cap. 6.]
The sun rose bright, as usual in this beautiful climate, on Saturday, the twenty-sixth day of April, 1538. 7 But long before his beams were on the plain, the trumpet70 of Hernando Pizarro had called his men to arms. His forces amounted in all to about seven hundred. They were drawn from various quarters, the veterans of Pizarro, the followers71 of Alonso de Alvarado, — many of whom, since their defeat, had found their way back to Lima, — and the late reinforcement from the isles72, most of them seasoned by many a toilsome march in the Indian campaigns, and many a hard-fought field. His mounted troops were inferior to those of Almagro; but this was more than compensated73 by the strength of his infantry, comprehending a well-trained corps74 of arquebusiers, sent from St. Domingo, whose weapons were of the improved construction recently introduced from Flanders. They were of a large calibre, and threw double-headed shot, consisting of bullets linked together by an iron chain. It was doubtless a clumsy weapon compared with modern fire-arms, but, in hands accustomed to wield75 it, proved a destructive instrument. 8
7 A church dedicated76 to Saint Lazarus was afterwards erected77 on the battle-ground, and the bodies of those slain78 in the action were interred79 within its walls. This circumstance leads Garcilasso to suppose that the battle took place on Saturday, the sixth, — the day after the Feast of Saint Lazarus, — and not on the twenty-sixth of April, as commonly reported. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap 38. See also Montesinos, (Annales, Ms., ano 1538,) — an indifferent authority for any thing]
8 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 8. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 36.]
Hernando Pizarro drew up his men in the same order of battle as that presented by the enemy, — throwing his infantry into the centre, and disposing his horse on the flanks; one corps of which he placed under command of Alonso de Alvarado, and took charge of the other himself. The infantry was headed by his brother Gonzalo, supported by Pedro de Valdivia, the future hero of Arauco, whose disastrous80 story forms the burden of romance as well as of chronicle. 9
9 The Araucana of Ercilla may claim the merit, indeed, — if it be a merit, — of combining both romance and history in one. Surely never did the Muse81 venture on such a specification82 of details, not merely poetical83, but political, geographical85, and statistical86, as in this celebrated87 Castilian epic88. It is a military journal done into rhyme.]
Mass was said, as if the Spaniards were about to fight what they deemed the good fight of the faith, instead of imbruing their hands in the blood of their countrymen. Hernando Pizarro then made a brief address to his soldiers. He touched on the personal injuries he and his family had received from Almagro; reminded his brother’s veterans that Cuzco had been wrested89 from their possession; called up the glow of shame on the brows of Alvarado’s men as he talked of the rout47 of Abancay, and, pointing out the Inca metropolis90 that sparkled in the morning sunshine, he told them that there was the prize of the victor. They answered his appeal with acclamations; and the signal being given, Gonzalo Pizarro, heading his battalion91 of infantry, led it straight across the river. The water was neither broad nor deep, and the soldiers found no difficulty in gaining a landing, as the enemy’s horse was prevented by the marshy92 ground from approaching the borders. But, as they worked their way across the morass93, the heavy guns of Orgonez played with effect on the leading files, and threw them into disorder94. Gonzalo and Valdivia threw themselves into the midst of their followers, menacing some, encouraging others, and at length led them gallantly95 forward to the firm ground. Here the arquebusiers, detaching themselves from the rest of the infantry, gained a small eminence96, whence, in their turn, they opened a galling97 fire on Orgonez, scattering98 his array of spearmen, and sorely annoying the cavalry on the flanks.
Meanwhile, Hernando, forming his two squadrons of horse into one column, crossed under cover of this well-sustained fire, and, reaching the firm ground, rode at once against the enemy. Orgonez, whose infantry was already much crippled, advancing his horse, formed the two squadrons into one body, like his antagonist99, and spurred at full gallop100 against the assailants. The shock was terrible; and it was hailed by the swarms101 of Indian spectators on the surrounding heights with a fiendisn yell of triumph, that rose far above the din12 of battle, till it was lost in distant echoes among the mountains. 10
10 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 4, cap. 6. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Carta de Espinall, Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 11.
Every thing relating to this battle, — the disposition42 of the forces, the character of the ground, the mode of attack, are told as variously and confusedly, as if it had been a contest between two great armies, instead of a handful of men on either side. It would seem that truth is nowhere so difficult to come at, as on the battle-field.]
The struggle was desperate. For it was not that of the white man against the defenceless Indian, but of Spaniard against Spaniard; both parties cheering on their comrades with their battle-cries of “El Rey y Almagro,” or “El Rey y Pizarro,” — while they fought with a hate, to which national antipathy102 was as nothing; a hate strong in proportion to the strength of the ties that had been rent asunder103.
In this bloody field well did Orgonez do his duty, fighting like one to whom battle was the natural element. Singling out a cavalier, whom, from the color of the sobre-vest on his armour104, he erroneously supposed to be Hernando Pizarro, he charged him in full career, and overthrew105 him with his lance. Another he ran through in like manner, and a third he struck down with his sword, as he was prematurely106 shouting “Victory!” But while thus doing the deeds of a paladin of romance, he was hit by a chain-shot from an arquebuse, which, penetrating107 the bars of his visor, grazed his forehead, and deprived him for a moment of reason. Before he had fully recovered, his horse was killed under him, and though the fallen cavalier succeeded in extricating108 himself from the stirrups, he was surrounded, and soon overpowered by numbers. Still refusing to deliver up his sword, he asked “if there was no knight109 to whom he could surrender.” One Fuentes, a menial of Pizarro, presenting himself as such, Orgonez gave his sword into his hands, — and the dastard110, drawing his dagger111, stabbed his defenceless prisoner to the heart! His head, then struck off, was stuck on a pike, and displayed, a bloody trophy112, in the great square of Cuzco, as the head of a traitor113. 11 Thus perished as loyal a cavalier, as decided114 in council, and as bold in action, as ever crossed to the shores of America.
11 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera Hist. General, ubi supra. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, ubi supra.
The fight had now lasted more than an hour, and the fortune of the day was turning against the followers of Almagro. Orgonez being down, their confusion increased. The infantry, unable to endure the fire of the arquebusiers, scattered115 and took refuge behind the stone-walls, that here and there straggled across the country. Pedro de Lerma, vainly striving to rally the cavalry, spurred his horse against Hernando Pizarro, with whom he had a personal feud116. Pizarro did not shrink from the encounter. The lances of both the knights117 took effect. That of Hernando penetrated118 the thigh119 of his opponent, while Lerma’s weapon, glancing by his adversary’s saddle-bow, struck him with such force above the groin, that it pierced the joints120 of his mail, slightly wounding the cavalier, and forcing his horse back on his haunches. But the press of the fight soon parted the combatants, and, in the turmoil121 that ensued, Lerma was unhorsed, and left on the field covered with wounds. 12
12 Herrera, Hist. General, ubi supra. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 36.
Hernando Pizarro wore a surcoat of orange-colored velvet122 over his armour, according to Garcilasso, and before the battle sent notice of it to Orgonez, that the latter might distinguish him in the melee123. But a knight in Hernando’s suite124 also wore the same colors, it appears, which led Orgonez into error.]
There was no longer order, and scarcely resistance, among the followers of Almagro. They fled, making the best of their way to Cuzco, and happy was the man who obtained quarter when he asked it. Almagro himself, too feeble to sit so long on his horse, reclined on a litter, and from a neighbouring eminence surveyed the battle, watching its fluctuations125 with all the interest of one who felt that honor, fortune, life itself, hung on the issue. With agony not to be described, he had seen his faithful followers, after their hard struggle, borne down by their opponents, till, convinced that all was lost, he succeeded in mounting a mule126, and rode off for a temporary refuge to the fortress127 of Cuzco. Thither128 he was speedily followed, taken, and brought in triumph to the capital, where, ill as he was, he was thrown into irons, and confined in the same in the same apartment of the stone building in which he had imprisoned129 the Pizarros.
The action lasted not quite two hours. The number of killed, variously stated, was probably not less than a hundred and fifty, — one of the combatants calls it two hundred, 13 — a great number, considering the shortness of the time, and the small amount of forces engaged. No account is given of the wounded. Wounds were the portion of the cavalier. Pedro de Lerma is said to have received seventeen, and yet was taken alive from the field! The loss fell chiefly on the followers of Almagro But the slaughter130 was not confined to the heat of the action. Such was the deadly animosity of the parties, that several were murdered in cold blood, like Orgonez, after they had surrendered. Pedro de Lerma himself, while lying on his sick couch in the quarters of a friend in Cuzco, was visited by a soldier, named Samaniego, whom he had once struck for an act of disobedience. This person entered the solitary132 chamber133 of the wounded man, took his place by his bed-side, and then, upbraiding134 him for the insult, told him that he had come to wash it away in his blood! Lerma in vain assured him, that, when restored to health, he would give him the satisfaction he desired. The miscreant135, exclaiming “Now is the hour!” plunged136 his sword into his bosom68. He lived several years to vaunt this atrocious exploit, which he proclaimed as a reparation to his honor. It is some satisfaction to know that the insolence137 of this vaunt cost him his life. 14 — Such anecdotes138, revolting as they are, illustrate139 not merely the spirit of the times, but that peculiarly ferocious140 spirit which is engendered141 by civil wars, — the most unforgiving in their character of any, but wars of religion.
13 “Murieron en esta Batalla de las Salinas casi dozientos hombres de vna parte y de otra.” (Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.) Most authorities rate the loss at less. The treasurer142 Espinall, a partisan143 of Almagro, says they massacred a hundred and fifty after the fight, in cold blood. “Siguiecon el alcanze la mas cruelmente que en el mundo se ha visto, porque matavan a los hombres rendidos e desarmados, e por les quitar las armas los mataban si presto144 no se las quitaban, e trayendo a las ancas de un caballo a un Ruy Diaz viniendo rendido e desarmado le mataron, i desta manera mataron mas de ciento e cinquenta hombres” Carta, Ms.]
14 Carta de Espinall, Ms. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 38.
He was hanged for this very crime by the governor of Puerto Viejo, about five years after this time, having outraged145 the feelings of that officer and the community by the insolent147 and open manner in which he boasted of his atrocious exploit.]
In the hurry of the flight of one party, and the pursuit by the other, all pouring towards Cuzco, the field of battle had been deserted148. But it soon swarmed149 with plunderers, as the Indians, descending150 like vultures from the mountains, took possession of the bloody ground, and, despoiling151 the dead, even to the minutest article of dress, left their corpses152 naked on the plain. 15 It has been thought strange that the natives should not have availed themselves of their superior numbers to fall on the victors after they had been exhausted154 by the battle. But the scattered bodies of the Peruvians were without a leader; they were broken in spirits, moreover, by recent reverses, and the Castilians, although weakened for the moment by the struggle, were in far greater strength in Cuzco than they had ever been before.
15 “Los Indios viendo la Batalla fenescida, ellos tambien se dejaron de la suia, iendo los vnos i los otros a desnudar los Espanoles muertos, i aun algunos vivos, que por sus heridas no se podian defender155, porque como paso el tropel de la Gente, siguiendo la Victoria, no huvo quien se lo impidiese; de manera que dexaron en cueros a todos los caidos.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 11]
Indeed, the number of troops now assembled within its walls, amounting to full thirteen hundred, composed, as they were, of the most discordant157 materials, gave great uneasiness to Hernando Pizarro. For there were enemies glaring on each other and on him with deadly though smothered158 rancor159, and friends, if not so dangerous, not the less troublesome from their craving160 and unreasonable161 demands. He had given the capital up to pillage162, and his followers found good booty in the quarters of Almagro’s officers. But this did not suffice the more ambitious cavaliers; and they clamorously urged their services, and demanded to be placed in charge of some expedition, nothing doubting that it must prove a golden one. All were in quest of an El Dorado. Hernando Pizarro acquiesced163 as far as possible in these desires, most willing to relieve himself of such importunate164 creditors165. The expeditions, it is true, usually ended in disaster; but the country was explored by them. It was the lottery166 of adventure; the prizes were few, but they were splendid; and in the excitement of the game, few Spaniards paused to calculate the chances of success.
Among those who left the capital was Diego, the son of Almagro. Hernando was mindful to send him, with a careful escort, to his brother the governor, desirous to remove him at this crisis from the neighbourhood of his father. Meanwhile the marshal himself was pining away in prison under the combined influence of bodily illness and distress of mind. Before the battle of Salinas, it had been told to Hernando Pizarro that Almagro was like to die. “Heaven forbid,” he exclaimed, “that this should come to pass before he falls into my hands!” 16 Yet the gods seemed now disposed to grant but half of this pious167 prayer, since his captive seemed about to escape him just as he had come into his power. To console the unfortunate chief, Hernando paid him a visit in his prison, and cheered him with the assurance that he only waited for the governor’s arrival to set him at liberty; adding, ‘that, if Pizarro did not come soon to the capital, he himself would assume the responsibility of releasing him, and would furnish him with a conveyance168 to his brother’s quarters.” At the same time, with considerate attention to his comfort, he inquired of the marshal “what mode of conveyance would be best suited to his state of health.” After this he continued to send him delicacies169 from his own table to revive his faded appetite. Almagro, cheered by these kind attentions, and by the speedy prospect170 of freedom, gradually mended in health and spirits. 17
16 “Respondia Hernando Pizarro, que no le haria Dios tan gran mal, que le dexase morir, sin que le huviese a las manos.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6 lib. 4, cap. 5.]
17 Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 4, cap. 9.]
He little dreamed that all this while a process was industriously171 preparing against him. It had been instituted immediately on his capture, and every one, however humble172, who had any cause of complaint against the unfortunate prisoner, was invited to present it. The summons was readily answered; and many an enemy now appeared in the hour of his fallen fortunes, like the base reptiles173 crawling into light amidst the ruins of some noble edifice174; and more than one, who had received benefits from his hands, were willing to court the favor of his enemy by turning on their benefactor175. From these loath176 some sources a mass of accusations178 was collected which spread over four thousand folio pages! Yet Almagro was the idol179 of his soldiers! 18
18 “De tal manera que los Escrivanos no se davan manos, i ia tenian oscritas mas de dos mil hojas.” Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 4, cap. 7.
Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Carta de Gutierrez, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Carta de Espinall, Ms.
Having completed the process, (July 8th, 1538,) it was not difficult to obtain a verdict against the prisoner. The principal charges on which he was pronounced guilty were those of levying180 war against the Crown, and thereby181 occasioning the death of many of his Majesty’s subjects; of entering into conspiracy182 with the Inca; and finally, of dispossessing the royal governor of the city of Cuzco. On these charges he was condemned183 to suffer death as a traitor, by being publicly beheaded in the great square of the city. Who were the judges, or what was the tribunal that condemned him, we are not informed. Indeed, the whole trial was a mockery; if that can be called a trial, where the accused himself is not even aware of the accusation177.
The sentence was communicated by a friar deputed for the purpose to Almagro. The unhappy man, who all the while had been unconsciously slumbering184 on the brink185 of a precipice186, could not at first comprehend the nature of his situation. Recovering from the first shock, “It was impossible,” he said, “that such wrong could be done him, — he would not believe it.” He then besought187 Hernando Pizarro to grant him an interview. That cavalier, not unwilling188, it would seem, to witness the agony of his captive, consented; and Almagro was so humbled189 by his misfortunes, that he condescended190 to beg for his life with the most piteous supplications. He reminded Hernando of his ancient relations with his brother, and the good offices he had rendered him and his family in the earlier part of their career. He touched on his acknowledged services to his country, and besought his enemy “to spare his gray hairs, and not to deprive him of the shore remnant of an existence from which he had now nothing more to fear.” — To this the other coldly replied, that “he was surprised to see Almagro demean himself in a manner so unbecoming a brave cavalier; that his fate was no worse than had befallen many a soldier before him; and that, since God had given him the grace to be a Christian191, he should employ his remaining moments in making up his account with Heaven!” 19
19 “I que pues tuvo tanta gracia de Dios, que le hico Christiano, ordenase su Alma, i temiese a Dios.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 5, cap. 1.]
But Almagro was not to be silenced. He urged the service he had rendered Hernando himself. “This was a hard requital,” he said, “for having spared his life so recently under similar circumstances, and that, too, when he had been urged again and again by those around him to take it away.” And he concluded by menacing his enemy with the vengeance192 of the emperor, who would never suffer this outrage146 on one who had rendered such signal services to the Crown to go unrequited. It was all in vain; and Hernando abruptly193 closed the conference by repeating, that “his doom194 was inevitable195, and he must prepare to meet it.” 20
20 Ibid., ubi supra.
The marshal appealed from the sentence of his judges to the Crown, supplicating196 his conqueror3, (says the treasurer Espinall, in his letter to the emperor,) in terms that would have touched the heart of an infidel. “De la qual el dicho Adelantado apelo para ante V. M. i le rogo que por amor de Dios hincado de rodillas le otorgase el apelacion, diciendole que mirase sus canas e vejez e quanto havia servido a V. M. i qe el havia sido el primer escalon para que el 1 sus hermanos subiesen en el estado en que estavan, i diciendole otras muchas palabras de dolor e compasion que despues de muerto supe que dixo, que a qualquier hombre, aunque fuera infiel, moviera a piedad.” Carta, Ms.]
Almagro, finding that no impression was to be made on his iron-hearted conqueror, now seriously addressed himself to the settlement of his affairs. By the terms of the royal grant he was empowered to name his successor. He accordingly devolved his office on his son, appointing Diego de Alvarado, on whose integrity he had great reliance, administrator197 of the province during his minority. All his property and possessions in Peru, of whatever kind, he devised to his master the emperor, assuring him that a large balance was still due to him in his unsettled accounts with Pizarro. By this politic84 bequest198, he hoped to secure the monarch’s protection for his son, as well as a strict scrutiny199 into the affairs of his enemy.
The knowledge of Almagro’s sentence produced a deep sensation in the community of Cuzco. All were amazed at the presumption200 with which one, armed with a little brief authority, ventured to sit in judgment201 on a person of Almagro’s station. There were few who did not call to mind some generous or good-natured act of the unfortunate veteran. Even those who had furnished materials for the accusation, now startled by the tragic202 result to which it was to lead, were heard to denounce Hernando’s conduct as that of a tyrant203. Some of the principal cavaliers, and among them Diego de Alvarado, to whose intercession, as we have seen Hernando Pizarro, when a captive, had owed his own life, waited on that commander, and endeavoured to dissuade204 him from so high-handed and atrocious a proceeding205. It was in vain. But it had the effect of changing the mode of execution, which, instead of the public square, was now to take place in prison. 21
21 Carta de Espinall, Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1538.
Bishop206 Valverde, as he assures the emperor, remonstrated207 with Francisco Pizarro in Lima, against allowing violence towards the marshal; urging it on him, as an imperative21 duty, to go himself at once to Cuzco, and set him at liberty. “It was too grave a matter,” he rightly added, “to trust to a third party.” (Carta al Emperador, Ms.) The treasurer Espinall, then in Cuzco, made a similar ineffectual attempt to turn Hernando from his purpose.]
On the day appointed, a strong corps of arquebusiers was drawn up in the plaza208. The guards were doubled over the houses were dwelt the principal partisans209 of Almagro. The executioner, attended by a priest, stealthily entered his prison; and the unhappy man, after confessing and receiving the sacrament, submitted without resistance to the garrote. Thus obscurely, in the gloomy silence of a dungeon210, perished the hero of a hundred battles! His corpse153 was removed to the great square of the city, where, in obedience131 to the sentence, the head was severed211 from the body. A herald212 proclaimed aloud the nature of the crimes for which he had suffered; and his remains, rolled in their bloody shroud213, were borne to the house of his friend Hernan Ponce de Leon, and the next day laid with all due solemnity in the church of Our Lady of Mercy. The Pizarros appeared among the principal mourners. It was remarked, that their brother had paid similar honors to the memory of Atahuallpa. 22
22 Carta de Espinall, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, loc. cit. — Carta de Valverde al Emperador, Ms. — Carta de Gutierrez, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1538.
The date of Almagro’s execution is not given; a strange omission214; but of little moment, as that event must have followed soon on the condemnation215.]
Almagro, at the time of his death, was probably not far from seventy years of age. But this is somewhat uncertain; for Almagro was a foundling, and his early history is lost in obscurity. 23 He had many excellent qualities by nature; and his defects, which were not few, may reasonably be palliated by the circumstances of his situation. For what extenuation216 is not authorized217 by the position of a foundling, — without parents, or early friends, or teacher to direct him, — his little bark set adrift on the ocean of life, to take its chance among the rude billows and breakers, without one friendly hand stretched forth218 to steer219 or to save it! The name of “foundling” comprehends an apology for much, very much, that is wrong in after life. 24
23 Ante, vol. I. p. 207.]
24 Montesinos, for want of a better pedigree, says, — “He was the son of his own great deeds, and such has been the parentage of many a famous hero!” (Annales, Ms., ano 1538.) It would go hard with a Castilian, if he could not make out something like a genealogy220, — however shadowy.
He was a man of strong passions, and not too well used to control them. 25 But he was neither vindictive221 nor habitually222 cruel. I have mentioned one atrocious outrage which he committed on the natives. But insensibility to the rights of the Indian he shared with many a better-instructed Spaniard. Yet the Indians, after his conviction, bore testimony223 to his general humanity, by declaring that they had no such friend among the white men. 26 Indeed, far from being vindictive, he was placable, and easily yielded to others. The facility with which he yielded, the result of good-natured credulity, made him too often the dupe of the crafty224; and it showed, certainly, a want of that self-reliance which belongs to great strength of character. Yet his facility of temper, and the generosity225 of his nature, made him popular with his followers. No commander was ever more beloved by his soldiers. His generosity was often carried to prodigality226. When he entered on the campaign of Chili227, he lent a hundred thousand gold ducats to the poorer cavaliers to equip themselves, and afterwards gave them up the debt. 27 He was profuse228 to ostentation229. But his extravagance did him no harm among the roving spirits of the camp, with whom prodigality is apt to gain more favor than a strict and well-regulated economy.
25 “Hera vn hombre muy profano, de muy mala lengua, que en enojandose tratava muy mal a todos los que con2 el andavan aunque fuesen cavalleros. “(Descub. y Conq., Ms.) It is the portrait drawn by an enemy.]
26 “Los Indios lloraban amargamente, diciendo, que de el nunca recibieron mal tratamiento.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 5, cap. 1.]
27 If we may credit Herrera, he distributed a hundred and eighty roads of silver and twenty of gold among his followers! “Mando sacar de su Posada mas de ciento i ochenta cargas de Plata i veinte de Oro, i las repartio.” (Dec. 5, lib. 7, cap. 9.) A load was what a man could easily carry. Such a statement taxes our credulity, but it is difficult to set the proper limits to one’s credulity, in what relates to this land of gold.
He was a good soldier, careful and judicious55 in his plans, patient and intrepid230 in their execution. His body was covered with the scars of his battles, till the natural plainness of his person was converted almost into deformity. He must not be judged by his closing campaign, when, depressed231 by disease, he yielded to the superior genius of his rival; but by his numerous expeditions by land and by water for the conquest of Peru and the remote Chili. Yet it may be doubted whether he possessed232 those uncommon233 qualities, either as a warrior234 or as a man, that, in ordinary circumstances, would have raised him to distinction. He was one of the three, or, to speak more strictly235, of the two associates, who had the good fortune and the glory to make one of the most splendid discoveries in the Western World. He shares largely in the credit of this with Pizarro; for, when he did not accompany that leader in his perilous236 expeditions, he contributed no less to their success by his exertions237 in the colonies.
Yet his connection with that chief can hardly be considered a fortunate circumstance in his career. A partnership238 between individuals for discovery and conquest is not likely to be very scrupulously239 observed, especially by men more accustomed to govern others than to govern themselves. If causes for discord156 do not arise before, they will be sure to spring up on division of the spoil. But this association was particularly ill-assorted. For the free, sanguine240, and confiding241 temper of Almagro was no match for the cool and crafty policy of Pizarro; and he was invariably circumvented242 by his companion, whenever their respective interests came in collision.
Still the final ruin of Almagro may be fairly imputed243 to himself. He made two capital blunders. The first was his appeal to arms by the seizure of Cuzco. The determination of a boundary-line was not to be settled by arms. It was a subject for arbitration244; and, if arbitrators could not be trusted, it should have been referred to the decision of the Crown. But, having once appealed to arms, he should not then have resorted to negotiation, — above all, to negotiation with Pizarro. This was his second and greatest error. He had seen enough of Pizarro to know that he was not to be trusted. Almagro did trust him, and he paid for it with his life.
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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recapitulated
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| v.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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reposing
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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wane
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| n.衰微，亏缺，变弱；v.变小，亏缺，呈下弦 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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vats
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| varieties 变化，多样性，种类 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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interred
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| v.埋，葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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muse
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| n.缪斯（希腊神话中的女神），创作灵感 | |
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specification
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| n.详述；[常pl.]规格，说明书，规范 | |
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poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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statistical
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| adj.统计的，统计学的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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gallop
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| v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔；飞速发展 | |
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swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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104
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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105
overthrew
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| overthrow的过去式 | |
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106
prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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107
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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108
extricating
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的现在分词 ) | |
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109
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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110
dastard
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| n.卑怯之人，懦夫；adj.怯懦的，畏缩的 | |
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111
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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112
trophy
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| n.优胜旗，奖品，奖杯，战胜品，纪念品 | |
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113
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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114
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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115
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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116
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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117
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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118
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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119
thigh
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| n.大腿；股骨 | |
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120
joints
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| 接头( joint的名词复数 )； 关节； 公共场所（尤指价格低廉的饮食和娱乐场所） （非正式）； 一块烤肉 （英式英语） | |
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121
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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122
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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123
melee
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| n.混战；混战的人群 | |
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124
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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125
fluctuations
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| 波动，涨落，起伏( fluctuation的名词复数 ) | |
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126
mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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127
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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128
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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129
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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130
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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131
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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132
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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133
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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134
upbraiding
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| adj.& n.谴责（的）v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的现在分词 ) | |
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135
miscreant
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| n.恶棍 | |
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136
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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137
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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138
anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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139
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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140
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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141
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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143
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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144
presto
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| adv.急速地；n.急板乐段；adj.急板的 | |
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145
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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146
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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147
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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148
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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149
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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150
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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151
despoiling
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的现在分词 ) | |
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152
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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153
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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154
exhausted
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|
| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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155
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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156
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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157
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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158
smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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159
rancor
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| n.深仇，积怨 | |
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160
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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161
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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162
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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163
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
importunate
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| adj.强求的；纠缠不休的 | |
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165
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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166
lottery
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| n.抽彩；碰运气的事，难于算计的事 | |
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167
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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168
conveyance
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|
| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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169
delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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170
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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171
industriously
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172
humble
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|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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173
reptiles
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| n.爬行动物，爬虫( reptile的名词复数 ) | |
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174
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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175
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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176
loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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177
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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178
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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179
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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180
levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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181
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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182
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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183
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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184
slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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185
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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186
precipice
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| n.悬崖，危急的处境 | |
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187
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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188
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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189
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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190
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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191
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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192
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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193
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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194
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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195
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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196
supplicating
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| v.祈求，哀求，恳求( supplicate的现在分词 ) | |
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197
administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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198
bequest
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| n.遗赠；遗产，遗物 | |
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199
scrutiny
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| n.详细检查，仔细观察 | |
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200
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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201
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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202
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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203
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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204
dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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205
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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206
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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207
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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208
plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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209
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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210
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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211
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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212
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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213
shroud
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| n.裹尸布，寿衣；罩，幕；vt.覆盖，隐藏 | |
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214
omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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215
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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216
extenuation
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| n.减轻罪孽的借口；酌情减轻；细 | |
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217
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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218
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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219
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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220
genealogy
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| n.家系，宗谱 | |
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221
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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222
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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223
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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224
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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225
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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226
prodigality
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| n.浪费，挥霍 | |
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227
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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228
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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229
ostentation
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| n.夸耀，卖弄 | |
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230
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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231
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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232
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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233
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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234
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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235
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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236
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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237
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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238
partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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239
scrupulously
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| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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240
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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241
confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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242
circumvented
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| v.设法克服或避免（某事物），回避( circumvent的过去式和过去分词 )；绕过，绕行，绕道旅行 | |
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243
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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244
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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