Pizarro Revisits Cuzco. — Hernando Returns To Castile. — His long Imprisonment1. — Commissioner2 Sent To Peru. — Hostilities3 With The Inca. — Pizarro’s Active Administration. — Gonzalo Pizarro.
1539–1540.
On the departure of his brother in pursuit of Almagro, the Marquess Francisco Pizarro, as we have seen, returned to Lima. There he anxiously awaited the result of the campaign; and on receiving the welcome tidings of the victory of Las Salinas, he instantly made preparations for his march to Cuzco. At Xauxa, however, he was long detained by the distracted state of the country, and still longer, as it would seem, by a reluctance5 to enter the Peruvian capital while the trial of Almagro was pending6.
He was met at Xauxa by the marshal’s son Diego, who had been sent to the coast by Hernando Pizarro. The young man was filled with the most gloomy apprehensions7 respecting his father’s fate, and he besought8 the governor not to allow his brother to do him any violence. Pizarro, who received Diego with much apparent kindness, bade him take heart, as no harm should come to his father; 1 adding, that he trusted their ancient friendship would soon be renewed. The youth, comforted by these assurances, took his way to Lima, where, by Pizarro’s orders, he was received into his house, and treated as a son.
1 “I dixo, que no tuviese ninguna pena, porque no consentiria, que su Padre fuese muerto.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 3.
The same assurances respecting the marshal’s safety were given by the governor to Bishop10 Valverde, and some of the principal cavaliers who interested themselves in behalf of the prisoner. 2 Still Pizarro delayed his march to the capital; and when he resumed it, he had advanced no farther than the Rio de Abancay when he received tidings of the death of his rival. He appeared greatly shocked by the intelligence, his whole frame was agitated11, and he remained for some time with his eyes bent12 on the ground, showing signs of strong emotion. 3
2 “Que lo haria asi como lo decia, i que su de seo no era otro, sino ver el Reino en paz; i que en lo que tocaba al Adelantado, perdiese cuidado, que bolveria a tener el antigua amistad con9 el.” Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 4, cap. 9.]
3 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
He even shed many tears, derramo muchas lagrimas, according to Herrera, who evidently gives him small credit for them. Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 7. — Conf. lib 5 cap. 1.]
Such is the account given by his friends. A more probable version of the matter represents him to have been perfectly13 aware of the state of things at Cuzco. When the trial was concluded, it is said he received a message from Hernando, inquiring what was to be done with the prisoner. He answered in a few words: — “Deal with him so that he shall give us no more trouble.” 4 It is also stated that Hernando, afterwards, when laboring14 under the obloquy15 caused by Almagro’s death, shielded himself under instructions affirmed to have been received from the governor. 5 It is quite certain, that, during his long residence at Xauxa, the latter was in constant communication with Cuzco; and that had he, as Valverde repeatedly urged him, 6 quickened his march to that capital, he might easily have prevented the consummation of the tragedy. As commander-inchief, Almagro’s fate was in his hands; and, whatever his own partisans17 may affirm of his innocence18, the impartial19 judgment20 of history must hold him equally accountable with Hernando for the death of his associate.
4 “Respondio, que hiciese de manera, que el Adelantado no los pusiese en mas alborotos.” (Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 7.) “De todo esto,” says Espinall, “fue sabidor el dicho Governador Pizarro a lo que mi juicio i el de otros que en ello quisieron mirar alcanzo.” Carta de Espinall, Ms.]
5 Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 5, cap. 1.
Herrera’s testimony21 is little short of that of a contemporary, since it was derived22, he tells us, from the correspondence of the Conquerors24, and the accounts given him by their own sons. Lib. 6, cap. 7.]
6 Carta de Valverde al Emperador, Ms.]
Neither did his subsequent conduct show any remorse25 for these proceedings26. He entered Cuzco, says one who was present there to witness it, amidst the flourish of clarions and trumpets27, at the head of his martial28 cavalcade29, and dressed in the rich suit presented him by Cortes, with the proud bearing and joyous30 mien31 of a conqueror23. 7 When Diego de Alvarado applied32 to him for the government of the southern provinces, in the name of the young Almagro, whom his father, as we have seen, had consigned33 to his protection, Pizarro answered, that “the marshal, by his rebellion, had forfeited34 all claims to the government.” And, when he was still further urged by the cavalier, he bluntly broke off the conversation by declaring that “his own territory covered all on this side of Flanders”! 8 — intimating, no doubt, by this magnificent vaunt, that he would endure no rival on this side of the water.
7 “En este medio tiempo vino a la dicha cibdad del Cuzco el Gobernador D. Franco Pizarro, el qual entro con tronpetas i chirimias vestido con ropa de martas que fue e luto con que entro.” Carta de Espinall, Ms.]
8 Carta de Espinall, Ms.
“Mui asperamente le respondio el Governador, diciendo, que su Governacion no tenia Termino, i que llegaba hasta Flandes.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 7.]
In the same spirit, he had recently sent to supersede35 Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, who, he was informed, aspired36 to an independent government. Pizarro’s emissary had orders to send the offending captain to Lima; but Benalcazar, after pushing his victorious37 career far into the north, had returned to Castile to solicit38 his guerdon from the emperor.
To the complaints of the injured natives, who invoked39 his protection, he showed himself strangely insensible, while the followers40 of Almagro he treated with undisguised contempt. The estates of the leaders were confiscated41, and transferred without ceremony to his own partisans. Hernando had made attempts to conciliate some of the opposite faction42 by acts of liberality, but they had refused to accept any thing from the man whose hands were stained with the blood of their commander. 9 The governor held to them no such encouragement; and many were reduced to such abject43 poverty, that, too proud to expose their wretchedness to the eyes of their conquerors, they withdrew from the city, and sought a retreat among the neighbouring mountains. 10
9 “Avia querido hazer amigos de los principales de Chile, y ofrecidoles daria rrepartimientos y no lo avian aceptado ni querido.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
10 “Viendolas oy en dia, muertos de ambre, fechos pedazos e adeudados, andando por los montes desesperados por no parecer ante gentes, porque no tienen otra cosa que se vestir sino ropa de los Indios, ni dineros con que lo comprar” Carta de Espinall, Ms.]
For his own brothers he provided by such ample repartimientos, as excited the murmurs44 of his adherents45. He appointed Gonzalo to the command of a strong force destined46 to act against the natives of Charcas, a hardy47 people occupying the territory assigned by the Crown to Almagro. Gonzalo met with a sturdy resistance, but, after some severe fighting, succeeded in reducing the province to obedience48. He was recompensed, together with Hernando, who aided him in the conquest, by a large grant in the neighbourhood of Porco, the productive mines of which had been partially49 wrought50 under the Incas. The territory, thus situated51, embraced part of those silver hills of Potosi which have since supplied Europe with such stores of the precious metals. Hernando comprehended the capabilities52 of the ground, and he began working the mines on a more extensive scale than that hitherto adopted, though it does not appear that any attempt was then made to penetrate53 the rich crust of Potosi. 11 A few years more were to elapse before the Spaniards were to bring to light the silver quarries54 that lay hidden in the bosom55 of its mountains. 12
11 “Con la quietud,” writes Hernando Pizarro to the emperor, “questa tierra agora tiene han descubierto i descubren cada dia los vecinos muchas minas ricas de oro i plata, de que los quintos i rentas reales de V. M. cada dia se le ofrecen i hacer casa a todo el Mundo.” Carta al Emperador, Ms., de Puerto Viejo, 6 de Julii, 1539.]
12 Carta de Carbajal al Emperador, Ms., del Cuzco, 3 de Nov. 1539. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1539.
The story is well known of the manner in which the mines of Potosi were discovered by an Indian, who pulled a bush out of the ground to the fibres of which a quantity of silver globules was attached. The mine was not registered till 1545. The account is given by Acosta, lib. 4, cap. 6.
It was now the great business of Hernando to collect a sufficient quantity of treasure to take with him to Castile. Nearly a year had elapsed since Almagro’s death; and it was full time that he should return and present himself at court, where Diego de Alvarado and other friends of the marshal, who had long since left Peru, were industriously56 maintaining the claims of the younger Almagro, as well as demanding redress57 for the wrongs done to his father. But Hernando looked confidently to his gold to dispel58 the accusations59 against him.
Before his departure, he counselled his brother to beware of the “men of Chili60,” as Almagro’s followers were called; desperate men, who would stick at nothing, he said, for revenge. He besought the governor not to allow them to consort61 together in any number within fifty miles of his person; if he did, it would be fatal to him. And he concluded by recommending a strong body-guard; “for I,” he added, “shall not be here to watch over you.” But the governor laughed at the idle fears, as he termed them, of his brother, bidding the latter take no thought of him, “as every hair in the heads of Almagro’s followers was a guaranty for his safety.” 13 He did not know the character of his enemies so well as Hernando.
13 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 10. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 12. — Gomara, Hist de las Ind., cap. 142.
“No consienta vuestra senoria que se junten diez juntos en cinquenta leguas alrrededor de adonde vuestra senoria estuviere, porque si los dexa juntar le an de matar. Si a Vuestra Senoria matan, yo negociare mal y de vuestra senoria no quedara memoria. Estas palabras dixo Hernando Picarro altas que todos le oymos. Y abracando al marquez se partio y se fue.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
The latter soon after embarked63 at Lima in the summer of 1539. He did not take the route of Panama, for he had heard that it was the intention of the authorities there to detain him. He made a circuitous64 passage, therefore, by way of Mexico, landed in the Bay of Tecoantepec, and was making his way across the narrow strip that divides the great oceans, when he was arrested and taken to the capital. But the Viceroy Mendoza did not consider that he had a right to detain him, and he was suffered to embark62 at Vera Cruz, and to proceed on his voyage. Still he did not deem it safe to trust himself in Spain without further advices. He accordingly put in at one of the Azores, where he remained until he could communicate with home. He had some powerful friends at court, and by them he was encouraged to present himself before the emperor. He took their advice, and, shortly after, reached the Spanish coast in safety. 14
14 Carta de Hernando Pizarro al Emperador, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 10. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1539.
The Court was at Valladolid; but Hernando, who made his entrance into that city, with great pomp and a display of his Indian riches, met with a reception colder than he had anticipated. 15 For this he was mainly indebted to Diego de Alvarado, who was then residing there, and who, as a cavalier of honorable standing65, and of high connections, had considerable influence. He had formerly66, as we have seen, by his timely interposition, more than once saved the life of Hernando; and he had consented to receive a pecuniary67 obligation from him to a large amount. But all were now forgotten in the recollection of the wrong done to his commander; and, true to the trust reposed68 in him by that chief in his dying hour, he had come to Spain to vindicate69 the claims of the young Almagro.
15 Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 143.]
But although coldly received at first, Hernando’s presence, and his own version of the dispute with Almagro, aided by the golden arguments which he dealt with no stinted70 hand, checked the current of indignation, and the opinion of his judges seemed for a time suspended. Alvarado, a cavalier more accustomed to the prompt and decisive action of a camp than to the tortuous71 intrigues72 of a court, chafed73 at the delay, and challenged Hernando to settle their quarrel by single combat. But his prudent74 adversary75 had no desire to leave the issue to such an ordeal76; and the affair was speedily terminated by the death of Alvarado himself, which happened five days after the challenge. An event so opportune77 naturally suggested the suspicion of poison. 16
16 “Pero todo lo atajo la repentina muerte de Diego de Alvarado, que sucedio luego en cinco dias, no sin sospecha de veneno.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 9.]
But his accusations had not wholly fallen to the ground; and Hernando Pizarro had carried measures with too high a hand, and too grossly outraged79 public sentiment, to be permitted to escape. He received no formal sentence, but he was imprisoned80 in the strong fortress81 of Medina del Campo, where he was allowed to remain for twenty years, when in 1560, after a generation had nearly passed away, and time had, in some measure, thrown its softening82 veil over the past, he was suffered to regain83 his liberty. 17 But he came forth84 an aged16 man, bent down with infirmities and broken in spirit, — an object of pity, rather than indignation. Rarely has retributive justice been meted85 out in fuller measure to offenders86 so high in authority, — most rarely in Castile. 18
17 This date is established by Quintana, from a legal process instituted by Hernando’s grandson, in vindication87 of the title of Marquess, in the year 1625.]
18 Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilustres p 341. — Montesinos, Annales, M., ano 1539. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 142.]
Yet Hernando bore this long imprisonment with an equanimity88 which, had it been founded on principle, might command our respect. He saw brothers and kindred, all on whom he leaned for support cut off one after another; his fortune, in part, confiscated, while he was involved in expensive litigation for the remainder; 19 his fame blighted89, his career closed in an untimely hour, himself an exile in the heart of his own country; — yet he bore it all with the constancy of a courageous90 spirit. Though very old when released, he still survived several years, and continued to the extraordinary age of a hundred. 20 He lived long enough to see friends, rivals, and foes91 all called away to their account before him.
19 Caro de Torres gives a royal cedula in reference to the working of the silver mines of Porco, still owned by Hernando Pizarro, in 1555; and another document of nearly the same date, noticing his receipt of ten thousand ducats by the fleet from Peru. (Historia de las Ordenes Militares Madrid, 1629, p. 144.) Hernando’s grandson was created by Philip IV. Marquess of the Conquest, Marques de la Conquista, with a liberal pension from government. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilustres, p. 342, and Discurso, p. 72.]
20 “Multos da, Jupiter, annos”, the greatest boon92, in Pizarro y Orellana’s opinion, that Heaven can confer! “Diole Dios, por todo, el premio mayor desta vida, pues fue tan larga, que excedio de cien anos.” (Varones Ilustres, p. 342) According to the same somewhat partial authority, Hernando died, as he had lived, in the odor of sanctity! “Viviendo aprender a morir, y saber morir, quando llego la muerte.
Hernando Pizarro was in many respects a remarkable93 character. He was the eldest94 of the brothers, to whom he was related only by the father’s side, for he was born in wedlock95, of honorable parentage on both sides of his house. In his early years, he received a good education, — good for the time. He was taken by his father while quite young, to Italy, and there learned the art of war under the Great Captain. Little is known of his history after his return to Spain; but, when his brother had struck out for himself his brilliant career of discovery in Peru, Hernando consented to take part in his adventures.
He was much deferred96 to by Francisco, not only as his elder brother, but from his superior education and his knowledge of affairs. He was ready in his perceptions, fruitful in resources, and possessed97 of great vigor98 in action. Though courageous, he was cautious; and his counsels, when not warped99 by passion, were wise and wary100. But he had other qualities, which more than counterbalanced the good resulting from excellent parts and attainments101. His ambition and avarice102 were insatiable. He was supercilious103 even to his equals; and he had a vindictive104 temper, which nothing could appease105. Thus, instead of aiding his brother in the Conquest, he was the evil genius that blighted his path. He conceived from the first an unwarrantable contempt for Almagro, whom he regarded as his brother’s rival, instead of what he then was, the faithful partner of his fortunes. He treated him with personal indignity106, and, by his intrigues at court, had the means of doing him sensible injury. He fell into Almagro’s hands, and had nearly paid for these wrongs with his life. This was not to be forgiven by Hernando, and he coolly waited for the hour of revenge. Yet the execution of Almagro was a most impolitic act; for an evil passion can rarely be gratified with impunity107. Hernando thought to buy off justice with the gold of Peru. He had studied human nature on its weak and wicked side, and he expected to profit by it. Fortunately, he was deceived. He had, indeed, his revenge; but the hour of his revenge was that of his ruin.
The disorderly state of Peru was such as to demand the immediate108 interposition of government. In the general license109 that prevailed there, the rights of the Indian and of the Spaniard were equally trampled110 under foot. Yet the subject was one of great difficulty; for Pizarro’s authority was now firmly established over the country, which itself was too remote from Castile to be readily controlled at home. Pizarro, moreover, was a man not easy to be approached, confident in his own strength, jealous of interference, and possessed of a fiery111 temper, which would kindle112 into a flame at the least distrust of the government. It would not answer to send out a commission to suspend him from the exercise of his authority until his conduct could be investigated, as was done with Cortes, and other great colonial officers, on whose rooted loyalty113 the Crown could confidently rely. Pizarro’s loyalty sat, it was feared, too lightly on him to be a powerful restraint on his movements; and there were not wanting those among his reckless followers, who, in case of extremity114, would be prompt to urge him to throw off his allegiance altogether, and set up an independent government for himself.
Some one was to be sent out, therefore, who should possess, in some sort, a controlling, or, at least, concurrent115 power with the dangerous chief, while ostensibly he should act only in subordination to him. The person selected for this delicate mission, was the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, a member of the Royal Audience of Valladolid. He was a learned judge, a man of integrity and wisdom, and, though not bred to arms, had so much address, and such knowledge of character, as would enable him readily to turn the resources of others to his own account.
His commission was guarded in a way which showed the embarrassment116 of the government. He was to appear before Pizarro in the capacity of a royal judge; to consult with him on the redress of grievances117, especially with reference to the unfortunate natives; to concert measures for the prevention of future evils; and above all, to possess himself faithfully of the condition of the country in all its details, and to transmit intelligence of it to the Court of Castile. But, in case of Pizarro’s death, he was to produce his warrant as royal governor, and as such to claim the obedience of the authorities throughout the land. — Events showed the wisdom of providing for this latter contingency118. 21
21 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 146. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap 9. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms. ano 1540.
This latter writer sees nothing short of a “divine mystery” in this forecast of government, so singularly sustained by events. “Prevencion del gran espiritu del Rey, no sin misterio.” Ubi supra.]
The licentiate, thus commissioned, quitted his quiet residence at Valladolid, embarked at Seville, in the autumn of 1540, and, after a tedious voyage across the Atlantic, he traversed the Isthmus119, and, encountering a succession of tempests on the Pacific, that had nearly sent his frail120 bark to the bottom, put in with her, a mere121 wreck122, at the northerly port of Buenaventura. 22 The affairs of the country were in a state to require his presence.
22 Or, as the port should rather be called, Mala Ventura, as Pedro Pizarro punningly remarks. “Tuvo tan mal viaje en la mar4 que vbo de desembarcar en la Buena Ventura, aunque yo la llamo Mala. Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
The civil war which had lately distracted the land had left it in so unsettled a state, that the agitation123 continued long after the immediate cause had ceased. This was especially the case among the natives. In the violent transfer of repartimientos, the poor Indian hardly knew to whom he was to look as his master. The fierce struggles between the rival chieftains left him equally in doubt whom he was to regard as the rulers of the land. As to the authority of a common sovereign, across the waters, paramount124 over all, he held that in still greater distrust; for what was the authority which could not command the obedience even of its own vassals125? 23 The Inca Manco was not slow in taking advantage of this state of feeling. He left his obscure fastnesses in the depths of the Andes, and established himself with a strong body of followers in the mountain country lying between Cuzco and the coast. From this retreat, he made descents on the neighbouring plantations126, destroying the houses, sweeping127 off the cattle, and massacring the people. He fell on travellers, as they were journeying singly or in caravans128 from the coast, and put them to death — it is told by his enemies — with cruel tortures. Single detachments were sent against him, from time to time, but without effect. Some he eluded129, others he defeated; and, on one occasion, cut off a party of thirty troopers, to a man. 24
23 “Piensan que les mienten los que aca les dizen que ai un gran Senor en Castilla, viendo que aca pelean unos capitanes contra otros; y piensan que no ai otro Rei sino aquel que venze al otro, porque aca entrellos no se acostumbra que un capitan pelee contra otro, estando entrambos debaxo de un Senor” Carta de Valverde al Emperador, Ms.]
24 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib 6, cap. 7. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Carta de Espinall, Ms. — Carta de Valverde al Emperador, Ms.]
At length, Pizarro found it necessary to send a considerable force under his brother Gonzalo against the Inca. The hardy Indian encountered his enemy several times in the rough passes of the Cordilleras. He was usually beaten, and sometimes with heavy loss, which he repaired with astonishing facility; for he always contrived130 to make his escape, and so true were his followers, that, in defiance131 of pursuit and ambuscade, he found a safe shelter in the secret haunts of the sierra.
Thus baffled, Pizarro determined132 to try the effect of pacific overtures133. He sent to the Inca, both in his own name, and in that of the Bishop of Cuzco, whom the Peruvian prince held in reverence134, to invite him to enter into negotiation135. 25 Manco acquiesced136, and indicated, as he had formerly done with Almagro, the valley of Yucay, as the scene of it. The governor repaired thither137, at the appointed time, well guarded, and, to propitiate138 the barbarian139 monarch140, sent him a rich present by the hands of an African slave. The slave was met on the route by a party of the Inca’s men, who, whether with or without their master’s orders, cruelly murdered him, and bore off the spoil to their quarters. Pizarro resented this outrage78 by another yet more atrocious.
25 The Inca declined the interview with the bishop, on the ground that he had seen him pay obeisance141 by taking off his cap to Pizarro. It proved his inferiority to the latter, he said, and that he could never protect him against the governor. The passage in which it is related is curious. “Preguntando a indios del inca que anda alzado que si sabe el inca que yo soi venido a la tierra en nombre de S. M. para defendellos, dixo que mui bien lo sabia; y preguntado que porque no se benia a mi de paz, dixo el indio que dezia el inca que porque yo quando vine hize la mocha al gobernador, que quiere dezir que le quite el Bonete; que no queria venir a mi de paz, que el que no havia de venir de paz sino a uno que viniese de castilla que no hiziese la mocha al gobernador, porque le paresze a el que este lo podra defender142 por lo que ha hecho y no otro.” Carta de Valverde al Emperador, Ms]
Among the Indian prisoners was one of the Inca’s wives, a young and beautiful woman, to whom he was said to be fondly attached. The governor ordered her to be stripped naked, bound to a tree, and, in presence of the camp, to be scourged143 with rods, and then shot to death with arrows. The wretched victim bore the execution of the sentence with surprising fortitude144. She did not beg for mercy, where none was to be found. Not a complaint, scarcely a groan145, escaped her under the infliction146 of these terrible torments148. The iron Conquerors were amazed at this power of endurance in a delicate woman, and they expressed their admiration149, while they condemned150 the cruelty of their commander, — in their hearts. 26 Yet constancy under the most excruciating tortures that human cruelty can inflict147 is almost the universal characteristic of the American Indian.
26 At least, we may presume they did so, since they openly condemn151 him in their accounts of the transaction. I quote Pedro Pizarro, not disposed to criticise152 the conduct of his general too severely153. “Se tomo una muger de mango ynga que le queria mucho y se guardo, creyendo que por ella saldria de paz. Esta muger mando matar al marquez despues en Yncay, haziendola varear con varas y flechar con flechas por una burla que mango ynga le hizo que aqui contare, y entiendo yo que por esta crueldad y otra hermana del ynga que mando matar en Lima quando los yndios pusieron cerco sobrella que se llamava Acarpay. me paresce a mi que nuestro senor le castigo en el fin154 que tuvo.” Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
Pizarro now prepared, as the most effectual means of checking these disorders155 among the natives, to establish settlements in the heart of the disaffected156 country. These settlements, which received the dignified157 name of cities, might be regarded in the light of military colonies. The houses were usually built of stone, to which were added the various public offices, and sometimes a fortress. A municipal corporation was organized. Settlers were invited by the distribution of large tracts158 of land in the neighbourhood, with a stipulated159 number of Indian vassals to each. The soldiers then gathered there, sometimes accompanied by their wives and families; for the women of Castile seem to have disdained160 the impediments of sex, in the ardor161 of conjugal162 attachment163, or, it may be, of romantic adventure. A populous164 settlement rapidly grew up in the wilderness165, affording protection to the surrounding territory, and furnishing a commercial depot166 for the country, and an armed force ready at all times to maintain public order.
Such a settlement was that now made at Guamanga, midway between Cuzco and Lima, which effectually answered its purpose by guarding the communications with the coast. 27 Another town was founded in the mining district of Charcas, under the appropriate name of the Villa167 de la Plata, the “City of Silver.” And Pizarro, who journeyed by a circuitous route along the shores of the southern sea towards Lima, established the city of Arequipa, since arisen to such commercial celebrity168.
27 Cieza de Leon notices the uncommon169 beauty and solidity of the buildings at Guamanga. “La qual han edificado las mayores y mejores casas que ay en todo el Peru, todas de piedra, ladrillo, y teja, con grandes torres: de manera que no falta aposentos. La placa esta llana y bien grande’ Cronica, cap. 87.]
Once more in his favorite capital of Lima, the governor found abundant occupation in attending to its municipal concerns, and in providing for the expansive growth of its population. Nor was he unmindful of the other rising settlements on the Pacific. He encouraged commerce with the remoter colonies north of Peru, and took measures for facilitating internal intercourse170. He stimulated171 industry in all its branches, paying great attention to husbandry, and importing seeds of the different European grains, which he had the satisfaction, in a short time, to see thriving luxuriantly in a country where the variety of soil and climate afforded a home for almost every product. 28 Above all, he promoted the working of the mines, which already began to make such returns, that the most common articles of life rose to exorbitant172 prices, while the precious metals themselves seemed the only things of little value. But they soon changed hands, and found their way to the mother-country, where they rose to their true level as they mingled173 with the general currency of Europe. The Spaniards found that they had at length reached the land of which they had been so long in search, — the land of gold and silver. Emigrants174 came in greater numbers to the country, and, spreading over its surface, formed in the increasing population the most effectual barrier against the rightful owners of the soil. 29
28 “I con que ia comencaba a haver en aquellas Tierras cosecha de Trigo, Cevada, i otras muchas cosas de Castilla.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 2.]
29 Carta de Carvajal al Emperador, Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., anos 1539 et 1541. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6 lib. 7, cap. 1. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 76 et alibi175.
Pizarro, strengthened by the arrival of fresh adventurers, now turned his attention to the remoter quarters of the country. Pedro de Valdivia was sent on his memorable176 expedition to Chili; and to his own brother Gonzalo the governor assigned the territory of Quito, with instructions to explore the unknown country towards the east, where, as report said, grew the cinnamon. As this chief, who had hitherto acted but a subordinate part in the Conquest, is henceforth to take the most conspicuous177, it may be well to give some account of him.
Little is known of his early life, for he sprang from the same obscure origin with Francisco, and seems to have been as little indebted as his elder brother to the fostering care of his parents. He entered early on the career of a soldier; a career to which every man in that iron age, whether cavalier or vagabond, seems, if left to himself, to have most readily inclined. Here he soon distinguished178 himself by his skill in martial exercises, was an excellent horseman, and, when he came to the New World, was esteemed179 the best lance in Peru. 30
30 The cavalier Pizarro y Orellana has given biographical notices of each of the brothers. It requires no witchcraft180 to detect that the blood of the Pizarros flowed in the veins181 of the writer to his fingers’ ends. Yet his facts are less suspicious than his inferences.
In talent and in expansion of views, he was inferior to his brothers. Neither did he discover the same cool and crafty182 policy; but he was equally courageous, and in the execution of his measures quite as unscrupulous. He had a handsome person, with open, engaging features, a free, soldier-like address, and a confiding183 temper, which endeared him to his followers. His spirit was high and adventurous184, and, what was equally important, he could inspire others with the same spirit, and thus do much to insure the success of his enterprises. He was an excellent captain in guerilla warfare185, an admirable leader in doubtful and difficult expeditions; but he had not the enlarged capacity for a great military chief, still less for a civil ruler. It was his misfortune to be called to fill both situations.
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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cavalcade
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| n.车队等的行列 | |
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joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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mien
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| n.风采；态度 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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capabilities
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| n.能力( capability的名词复数 )；可能；容量；[复数]潜在能力 | |
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penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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quarries
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| n.（采）石场( quarry的名词复数 )；猎物（指鸟，兽等）；方形石；（格窗等的）方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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industriously
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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dispel
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| vt.驱走，驱散，消除 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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stinted
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| v.限制，节省（stint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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tortuous
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| adj.弯弯曲曲的，蜿蜒的 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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softening
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| 变软，软化 | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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meted
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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equanimity
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| n.沉着，镇定 | |
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blighted
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| adj.枯萎的，摧毁的 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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wedlock
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| n.婚姻，已婚状态 | |
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deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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supercilious
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| adj.目中无人的，高傲的；adv.高傲地；n.高傲 | |
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vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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concurrent
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| adj.同时发生的，一致的 | |
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embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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118
contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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119
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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120
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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121
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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122
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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123
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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124
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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125
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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126
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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caravans
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| （可供居住的）拖车（通常由机动车拖行）( caravan的名词复数 )； 篷车； （穿过沙漠地带的）旅行队（如商队） | |
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129
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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130
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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134
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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136
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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139
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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obeisance
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| n.鞠躬，敬礼 | |
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defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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143
scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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torments
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| （肉体或精神上的）折磨，痛苦( torment的名词复数 )； 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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fin
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| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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conjugal
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| adj.婚姻的，婚姻性的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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depot
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| n.仓库，储藏处；公共汽车站；火车站 | |
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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173
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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alibi
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| n.某人当时不在犯罪现场的申辩或证明；借口 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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178
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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180
witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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181
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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182
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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183
confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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184
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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