The Almagro Faction1. — Their Desperate Condition. — Conspiracy3 Against Francisco Pizarro. — Assassination4 Of Pizarro. — Acts Of The Conspirators5. — Pizarro’s Character
1541.
When Gonzalo Pizarro reached Quito, he received tidings of an event which showed that his expedition to the Amazon had been even more fatal to his interests than he had imagined. A revolution had taken place during his absence, which had changed the whole condition of things in Peru.
In a preceding chapter we have seen, that, when Hernando Pizarro returned to Spain, his brother the marquess repaired to Lima, where he continued to occupy himself with building up his infant capital, and watching over the general interests of the country. While thus employed, he gave little heed6 to a danger that hourly beset7 his path, and this, too, in despite of repeated warnings from more circumspect8 friends.
After the execution of Almagro, his followers9, to the number of several hundred, remained scattered10 through the country; but, however scattered, still united by a common sentiment of indignation against the Pizarros, the murderers, as they regarded them, of their leader. The governor was less the object of these feelings than his brother Hernando, as having been less instrumental in the perpetration of the deed. Under these circumstances, it was clearly Pizarro’s policy to do one of two things; to treat the opposite faction either as friends, or as open enemies. He might conciliate the most factious12 by acts of kindness, efface13 the remembrance of past injury, if he could, by present benefits; in short, prove to them that his quarrel had been with their leader, not with themselves, and that it was plainly for their interest to come again under his banner. This would have been the most politic14, as well as the most magnanimous course; and, by augmenting15 the number of his adherents16, would have greatly strengthened his power in the land. But, unhappily, he had not the magnanimity to pursue it. It was not in the nature of a Pizarro to forgive an injury, or the man whom he had injured. As he would not, therefore, try to conciliate Almagro’s adherents, it was clearly the governor’s policy to regard them as enemies, — not the less so for being in disguise, — and to take such measures as should disqualify them for doing mischief17. He should have followed the counsel of his more prudent18 brother Hernando, and distributed them in different quarters, taking care that no great number should assemble at any one point, or, above all, in the neighbourhood of his own residence.
But the governor despised the broken followers of Almagro too heartily19 to stoop to precautionary measures. He suffered the son of his rival to remain in Lima, where his quarters soon became the resort of the disaffected20 cavaliers. The young man was well known to most of Almagro’s soldiers, having been trained along with them in the camp under his father’s eye, and, now that his parent was removed, they naturally transferred their allegiance to the son who survived him.
That the young Almagro, however, might be less able to maintain this retinue22 of unprofitable followers, he was deprived by Pizarro of a great part of his Indians and lands, while he was excluded from the government of New Toledo, which had been settled on him by his father’s testament23. 1 Stripped of all means of support, without office or employment of any kind, the men of Chili24, for so Almagro’s adherents continued to be called, were reduced to the utmost distress25. So poor were they, as is the story of the time, that twelve cavaliers, who lodged26 in the same house, could muster27 only one cloak among them all; and, with the usual feeling of pride that belongs to the poor hidalgo, unwilling28 to expose their poverty, they wore this cloak by turns, those who had no right to it remaining at home. 2 Whether true or not, the anecdote29 well illustrates30 the extremity32 to which Almagro’s faction was reduced. And this distress was rendered yet more galling33 by the effrontery34 of their enemies, who, enriched by their forfeitures35, displayed before their eyes all the insolent36 bravery of equipage and apparel that could annoy their feelings.
1 Carta de Almagro, Ms.]
2 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 6.
Men thus goaded37 by insult and injury were too dangerous to be lightly regarded. But, although Pizarro received various intimations intended to put him on his guard, he gave no heed to them. “Poor devils!” he would exclaim, speaking with contemptuous pity of the men of Chili; “they have had bad luck enough. We will not trouble them further.” 3 And so little did he consider them, that he went freely about, as usual, riding without attendants to all parts of the town and to its immediate38 environs. 4
3 Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 144.]
4 Garcilasso, Com Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 6.
News now reached the colony of the appointment of a judge by the Crown to take cognizance of the affairs of Peru. Pizarro, although alarmed by the intelligence, sent orders to have him well entertained on his landing, and suitable accommodations prepared for him on the route. The spirits of Almagro’s followers were greatly raised by the tidings. They confidently looked to this high functionary39 for the redress40 of their wrongs; and two of their body, clad in suits of mourning, were chosen to go to the north, where the judge was expected to land, and to lay their grievances41 before him.
But months elapsed, and no tidings came of his arrival, till, at length, a vessel42, coming into port, announced that most of the squadron had foundered43 in the heavy storms on the coast, and that the commissioner44 had probably perished with them. This was disheartening intelligence to the men of Chili, whose “miseries,” to use the words of their young leader, “had become too grievous to be borne.” 5 Symptoms of disaffection had already begun openly to manifest themselves. The haughty45 cavaliers did not always doff46 their bonnets48, on meeting the governor in the street; and on one occasion, three ropes were found suspended from the public gallows49, with labels attached to them, bearing the names of Pizarro, Velasquez the judge, and Picado the governor’s secretary. 6 This last functionary was peculiarly odious50 to Almagro and his followers. As his master knew neither how to read nor write, all his communications passed through Picado’s hands; and, as the latter was of a hard and arrogant51 nature, greatly elated by the consequence which his position gave him, he exercised a mischievous52 influence on the governor’s measures. Almagro’s poverty-stricken followers were the objects of his open ridicule53, and he revenged the insult now offered him by riding before their young leader’s residence, displaying a tawdry magnificence in his dress, sparkling with gold and silver, and with the inscription54, “For the Men of Chili,” set in his bonnet47. It was a foolish taunt55; but the poor cavaliers who were the object of it, made morbidly56 sensitive by their sufferings, had not the philosophy to despise it. 7
5 “My sufferings,” says Almagro, in his letter to the Royal Audience of Panama, “were enough to unsettle my reason.” See his Letter in the original, Appendix, No. 12.]
6 “Hizo Picado el secreptario del Marquez mucho dano a muchos, porque el marquez don Francisco Picarro como no savia ler ni escrivir fiavase del y no hacia mas de lo que el le aconsejava y ansi hizo este mucho mal en estos rreinos, porque el que no andava a su voluntad sirviendole aunque tuviese meritos le destruya y este Picado fue causa de que los de Chile tomasen mas odio al marquez por donde le mataron. Porque queria este que todos lo reverenciasen, y los de chile no hazian caso del, y por esta causa los perseguia este mucho, y ansi vinieron a hazer lo que hizieron los de Chile.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Also Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 6.]
7 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 6. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 2.]
At length, disheartened by the long protracted57 coming of Vaca de Castro, and still more by the recent reports of his loss, Almagro’s faction, despairing of redress from a legitimate58 authority, determined59 to take it into their own hands. They came to the desperate resolution of assassinating60 Pizarro. The day named for this was Sunday, the twenty-sixth of June, 1541. The conspirators, eighteen or twenty in number, were to assemble in Almagro’s house, which stood in the great square next to the cathedral, and, when the governor was returning from mass, they were to issue forth61 and fall on him in the street. A white flag, unfurled at the same time from an upper window in the house, was to be the signal for the rest of their comrades to move to the support of those immediately engaged in the execution of the deed. 8
8 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1541. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 6.]
These arrangements could hardly have been concealed62 from Almagro, since his own quarters were to be the place of rendezvous63. Yet there is no good evidence of his having taken part in the conspiracy. 9 He was, indeed, too young to make it probable that he took a leading part in it. He is represented by contemporary writers to have given promise of many good qualities, though, unhappily, he was not placed in a situation favorable for their development. He was the son of an Indian woman of Panama; but from early years had followed the troubled fortunes of his father, to whom he bore much resemblance in his free and generous nature, as well as in the violence of his passions. His youth and inexperience disqualified him from taking the lead in the perplexing circumstances in which he was placed, and made him little more than a puppet in the hands of others. 10
9 Yet this would seem to be contradicted by Almagro’s own letter to the audience of Panama, in which he states, that, galled64 by intolerable injuries, he and his followers had resolved to take the remedy into their own hands, by entering the governor’s house and seizing his person. (See the original in Appendix, No. 12.) It is certain, however, that in the full accounts we have of the affair by writers who had the best means of information, we do not find Almagro’s name mentioned as one who took an active part in the tragic65 drama. His own letter merely expresses that it was his purpose to have taken part in it with the further declaration, that it was simply to seize, not to slay67, Pizarro; — a declaration that no one who reads the history of the transaction will be very ready to credit.]
10 “Mancebo virtuoso68, i de grande Animo, i bien ensenado: i especialmente se havia exercitado mucho en cavalgar a Caballo, de ambas sillas, lo qual hacia con2 mucha gracia, i destreca, i tambien en escrevir, i leer, lo qual hacia mas liberalmente, i mejor de lo que requeria su Profesion. De este tenia cargo69, como Aio, Juan de Herrada.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 6.]
The most conspicuous70 of his advisers71 was Juan de Herrada, or Rada, as his name is more usually spelt, — a cavalier of respectable family, but who, having early enlisted72 as a common soldier, had gradually risen to the highest posts in the army by his military talents. At this time he was well advanced in years; but the fires of youth were not quenched73 in his bosom74, and he burned with desire to avenge75 the wrongs done to his ancient commander. The attachment76 which he had ever felt for the elder Almagro he seems to have transferred in full measure to his son; and it was apparently77 with reference to him, even more than to himself, that he devised this audacious plot, and prepared to take the lead in the execution of it.
There was one, however, in the band of conspirators who felt some compunctions of conscience at the part he was acting78, and who relieved his bosom by revealing the whole plot to his confessor. The latter lost no time in reporting it to Picado, by whom in turn it was communicated to Pizarro. But, strange to say, it made little more impression on the governor’s mind than the vague warnings he had so frequently received. “It is a device of the priest,” said he; “he wants a mitre.” 11 Yet he repeated the story to the judge Velasquez, who, instead of ordering the conspirators to be seized, and the proper steps taken for learning the truth of the accusation79, seemed to be possessed80 with the same infatuation as Pizarro; and he bade the governor be under no apprehension81, “for no harm should come to him, while the rod of justice,” not a metaphorical82 badge of authority in Castile, “was in his hands.” 12 Still, to obviate83 every possibility of danger, it was deemed prudent for Pizarro to abstain84 from going to mass on Sunday, and to remain at home on pretence85 of illness.
11 “Pues un dia antes un sacerdote clerigo llamado Benao fue de noche y avisso a Picado el secreptario y dixole manana Domingo quando el marquez saliere a misa tienen concertado los de Chile de matar al marquez y a vos y a sus amigos. Esto me a dicho vno en confision para que os venga a avisar. Pues savido esto Picado se fue luego y lo conto al marquez y el le rrespondio. Ese clerigo obispado quiere.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
12 “El Juan Velazquez le dixo. No tema vuestra senoria que mientras yo tuviere esta vara en la mano nadie se atrevera.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub, y Conq., Ms.]
On the day appointed, Rada and his companions met in Almagro’s house, and waited with anxiety for the hour when the governor should issue from the church. But great was their consternation86, when they learned that he was not there, but was detained at home, as currently reported, by illness. Little doubting that their design was discovered, they felt their own ruin to be the inevitable87 consequence, and that, too, without enjoying the melancholy88 consolation89 of having struck the blow for which they had incurred90 it. Greatly perplexed91, some were for disbanding, in the hope that Pizarro might, after all, be ignorant of their design. But most were for carrying it into execution at once, by assaulting him in his own house. The question was summarily decided92 by one of the party, who felt that in this latter course lay their only chance of safety. Throwing open the doors, he rushed out, calling on his comrades “to follow him, or he would proclaim the purpose for which they had met.” There was no longer hesitation93, and the cavaliers issued forth, with Rada at their head, shouting, as they went, “Long live the king! Death to the tyrant94!” 13
13 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 6. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 8. — Naharro, Rel. Sumaria, Ms. — Carta del Maestro, Martin de Arauco, Ms., 15 de Julio, 1541.]
It was the hour of dinner, which, in this primitive95 age of the Spanish colonies, was at noon. Yet numbers, roused by the cries of the assailants, came out into the square to inquire the cause. “They are going to kill the marquess,” some said very coolly; others replied, “It is Picado.” No one stirred in their defence. The power of Pizarro was not seated in the hearts of his people.
As the conspirators traversed the plaza96, one of the party made a circuit to avoid a little pool of water that lay in their path. “What!” exclaimed Rada, “afraid of wetting your feet, when you are to wade97 up to your knees in blood!” And he ordered the man to give up the enterprise and go home to his quarters. The anecdote is characteristic. 14
14 “Gomez Perez por haver alli agua derramada de una acequia, rodeo algun tanto por no mojarse; reparo en ello Juan de Rada, y entrandose atrevido por e agua le dijo: i Bamos a banarnos en sangre humana, y rehusais mojaros los pies en agua? Ea volveos. hizolo volver y no asistio al hecho.’ Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1541.
The governor’s palace stood on the opposite side of the square. It was approached by two courtyards. The entrance to the outer one was protected by a massive gate, capable of being made good against a hundred men or more. But it was left open, and the assailants, hurrying through to the inner court, still shouting their fearful battle-cry, were met by two domestics loitering in the yard. One of these they struck down. The other, flying in all haste towards the house, called out, “Help, help! the men of Chili are all coming to murder the marquess!”
Pizarro at this time was at dinner, or, more probably, had just dined. He was surrounded by a party of friends, who had dropped in, it seems, after mass, to inquire after the state of his health, some of whom had remained to partake of his repast. Among these was Don Martinez de Alcantara, Pizarro’s half-brother by the mother’s side, the judge Velasquez, the bishop98 elect of Quito, and several of the principal cavaliers in the place, to the number of fifteen or twenty. Some of them, alarmed by the uproar99 in the court-yard, left the saloon, and, running down to the first landing on the stairway, inquired into the cause of the disturbance100. No sooner were they informed of it by the cries of the servant, than they retreated with precipitation into the house; and, as they had no mind to abide101 the storm unarmed, or at best imperfectly armed, as most of them were, they made their way to the a corridor that overlooked the gardens, into which they easily let themselves down without injury. Velasquez, the judge, the better to have the use of his hands in the descent, held his rod of office in his mouth, thus taking care, says a caustic102 old chronicler, not to falsify his assurance, that “no harm should come to Pizarro while the rod of justice was in his hands”! 15
15 “En lo qual no paresce haver quebrantado su palabra, porque despues huiendo (como adelante se dira) al tiempo, que quisieron matar al Marques, se hecho de vna Ventana abajo, a la Huerta, llevando la Vara en la boca.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 7.
Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Carta del Maestro, Martin de Arauco, Ms. — Carta de Fray103 Vicente de Valverde a la Audiencia de Panama, Ms., desde Tumbez, 15 Nov. 1541. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 145.]
Meanwhile, the marquess, learning the nature of the tumult104, called out to Francisco de Chaves, an officer high in his confidence, and who was in the outer apartment opening on the staircase, to secure the door, while he and his brother Alcantara buckled105 on their armour107. Had this order, coolly given, been as coolly obeyed, it would have saved them all, since the entrance could easily have been maintained against a much larger force, till the report of the cavaliers who had fled had brought support to Pizarro. But unfortunately, Chaves, disobeying his commander, half opened the door, and attempted to enter into a parley108 with the conspirators. The latter had now reached the head of the stairs, and cut short the debate by running Chaves through the body, and tumbling his corpse109 down into the area below. For a moment they were kept at bay by the attendants of the slaughtered110 cavalier, but these too, were quickly despatched; and Rada and his companions, entering the apartment, hurried across it, shouting out, “Where is the marquess? Death to the tyrant!” Martinez de Alcantara, who in the adjoining room was assisting his brother to buckle106 on his mail, no sooner saw that the entrance to the antechamber had been gained, than he sprang to the doorway111 of the apartment, and, assisted by two young men, pages of Pizarro, and by one or two cavaliers in attendance, endeavoured to resist the approach of the assailants. A desperate struggle now ensued. Blows were given on both sides, some of which proved fatal, and two of the conspirators were slain112, while Alcantara and his brave companions were repeatedly wounded.
At length, Pizarro, unable, in the hurry of the moment, to adjust the fastenings of his cuirass threw it away, and enveloping113 one arm in his cloak, with the other seized his sword, and sprang to his brother’s assistance. It was too late; for Alcantara was already staggering under the loss of blood, and soon fell to the ground. Pizarro threw himself on his invaders114, like a lion roused in his lair115, and dealt his blows with as much rapidity and force, as if age had no power to stiffen116 his limbs. “What ho!” he cried, “traitors! have you come to kill me in my own house?” The conspirators drew back for a moment, as two of their body fell under Pizarro’s sword; but they quickly rallied, and, from their superior numbers, fought at great advantage by relieving one another in the assault. Still the passage was narrow, and the struggle lasted for some minutes, till both of Pizarro’s pages were stretched by his side, when Rada, impatient of the delay, called out, “Why are we so long about it? Down with the tyrant!” and taking one of his companions, Narvaez, in his arms, he thrust him against the marquess. Pizarro, instantly grappling with his opponent, ran him through with his sword. But at that moment he received a wound in the throat, and reeling, he sank on the floor, while the swords of Rada and several of the conspirators were plunged117 into his body. “Jesu!” exclaimed the dying man and, tracing a cross with his finger on the bloody118 floor, he bent119 down his head to kiss it, when a stroke, more friendly than the rest, put an end to his existence. 16 [See Assassination Of Pizarro: He traced a cross with his finger on the bloody floor and bent his head down to kiss it, when a stroke, more friendly than the rest, put an end to his existence.]
16 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 8. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 6. — Carta de la Justicia y Regimiento de la Ciudad de los Reyes, Ms., 15 de Julio, 1541. — Carta del Maestro, Martin de Arauco, Ms. — Carta de Fray Vicente Valverde, desde Tumbez, Ms. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., ubi supra. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1541.
Pizarro y Orellana seems to have no doubt that his slaughtered kinsman120 died in the odor of sanctity. — “Alli le acabaron los traidores enemigos, dandole cruelissimas heridas, con que acabo el Julio Cesar Espanol, estando tan en si que pidiendo confession121 con gran acto de contricion, haziendo la senal de la Cruz con su misma sangre, y besandola murio.” Varones Ilustres, p. 186.
According to one authority, the mortal blow was given by a soldier named Borregan, who, when Pizarro was down, struck him on the back of the head with a water-jar, which he had snatched from the table. (Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 6.) Considering the hurry and confusion of the scene, the different narratives122 of the catastrophe123, though necessarily differing in minute details have a remarkable124 agreement with one another.]
The conspirators, having accomplished125 their bloody deed, rushed into the street, and, brandishing126 their dripping weapons, shouted out, “The tyrant is dead! The laws are restored! Long live our master the emperor, and his governor, Almagro!” The men of Chili, roused by the cheering cry, now flocked in from every side to join the banner of Rada, who soon found himself at the head of nearly three hundred followers, all armed and prepared to support his authority. A guard was placed over the houses of the principal partisans127 of the late governor, and their persons were taken into custody128. Pizarro’s house, and that of his secretary Picado, were delivered up to pillage129, and a large booty in gold and silver was found in the former. Picado himself took refuge in the dwelling130 of Riquelme, the treasurer131; but his hiding-place was detected, — betrayed, according to some accounts, by the looks, though not the words, of the treasurer himself, — and he was dragged forth and committed to a secure prison. 17 The whole city was thrown into consternation, as armed bodies hurried to and fro on their several errands, and all who were not in the faction of Almagro trembled lest they should be involved in the proscription132 of their enemies. So great was the disorder133, that the Brothers of Mercy, turning out in a body, paraded the streets in solemn procession, with the host elevated in the air, in hopes by the presence of the sacred symbol to calm the passions of the multitude.
17 “No se olvidaron de buscar a Antonio Picado, i iendo en casa del Tesorero Alonso Riquelme, el mismo iba diciendo: No se adonde esta el Senor Picado, i con los ojos le mostraba, i le hallaron debaxo de la cama.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 7.
We find Riquelme’s name, soon after this, enrolled134 among the municipality of Lima, showing that he found it convenient to give in his temporary adhesion, at least, to Almagro. Carta de la Justicia y Regimiento de la Ciudad de los Reyes, Ms.]
But no other violence was offered by Rada and his followers than to apprehend135 a few suspected persons, and to seize upon horses and arms wherever they were to be found. The municipality was then summoned to recognize the authority of Almagro; the refractory136 were ejected without ceremony from their offices, and others of the Chili faction were substituted. The claims of the new aspirant137 were fully138 recognized; and young Almagro, parading the streets on horseback, and escorted by a well-armed body of cavaliers, was proclaimed by sound of trumpet139 governor and captain-general of Peru.
Meanwhile, the mangled140 bodies of Pizarro and his faithful adherents were left weltering in their blood. Some were for dragging forth the governor’s corpse to the market-place, and fixing his head upon a gibbet. But Almagro was secretly prevailed on to grant the entreaties141 of Pizarro’s friends, and allow his interment. This was stealthily and hastily performed, in the fear of momentary142 interruption. A faithful attendant and his wife, with a few black domestics, wrapped the body in a cotton cloth and removed it to the cathedral. A grave was hastily dug in an obscure corner, the services were hurried through, and, in secrecy143, and in darkness dispelled144 only by the feeble glimmering145 of a few tapers146 furnished by these humble147 menials, the remains148 of Pizarro, rolled in their bloody shroud149, were consigned150 to their kindred dust. Such was the miserable151 end of the Conqueror152 of Peru, — of the man who but a few hours before had lorded it over the land with as absolute a sway as was possessed by its hereditary153 Incas. Cut off in the broad light of day, in the heart of his own capital, in the very midst of those who had been his companions in arms and shared with him his triumphs and his spoils, he perished like a wretched outcast. “There was none even,” in the expressive154 language of the chronicler “to say, God forgive him!” 18
18 “Murio pidiendo confesion, i haciendo la Cruz, sin que nadie lijese, Dios te perdone.” Gomara, Hist de las Ind., cap. 144.
Ms. de Caravantes. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 8. — Carta del Maestro, Martin de Arauco, Ms. — Carta de Fray Vicente Valverde, desde Tumbez, Ms.]
A few years later, when tranquillity155 was restored to the country, Pizarro’s remains were placed in a sumptuous156 coffin157 and deposited under a monument in a conspicuous part of the cathedral. And in 1607, when time had thrown its friendly mantle158 over the past, and the memory of his errors and his crimes was merged159 in the consideration of the great services he had rendered to the Crown by the extension of her colonial empire, his bones were removed to the new cathedral, and allowed to repose160 side by side with those of Mendoza, the wise and good viceroy of Peru. 19
19 “Sus huesos encerrados en una caxa guarnecida de terciopelo morado con passamanos de oro que yo he visto.” Ms. de Caravantes.
Pizarro was, probably, not far from sixty-five years of age at the time of his death; though this, it must be added, is but loose conjecture161, since there exists no authentic162 record of the date of his birth. 20 He was never married; but by an Indian princess of the Inca blood, daughter of Atahuallpa and granddaughter of the great Huayna Capac, he had two children, a son and a daughter. Both survived him; but the son did not live to manhood. Their mother, after Pizarro’s death, wedded163 a Spanish cavalier, named Ampuero, and removed with him to Spain. Her daughter Francisca accompanied her, and was there subsequently married to her uncle Hernando Pizarro, then a prisoner in the Mota del Medina. Neither the title nor estates of the Marquess Francisco descended164 to his illegitimate offspring. But in the third generation, in the reign165 of Philip the Fourth, the title was revived in favor of Don Juan Hernando Pizarro, who, out of gratitude166 for the services of his ancestor, was created Marquess of the Conquest, Marques de la Conquista, with a liberal pension from government. His descendants, bearing the same title of nobility, are still to be found, it is said, at Truxillo, in the ancient province of Estremadura, the original birthplace of the Pizarros. 21
20 Ante, Book 2, chap. 2, note 1.]
21 Ms. de Caravantes. — Quintana, Espanoles Celebres, tom. II., p. 417.
See also the Discurso, Legal y Politico, annexed167 by Pizarro y Orellana to his bulky tome, in which that cavalier urges the claims of Pizarro. It is in the nature of a memorial to Philip IV in behalf of Pizarro’s descendants, in which the writer, after setting forth the manifold services of the Conqueror, shows how little his posterity168 had profited by the magnificent grants conferred on him by the Crown. The argument of the Royal Counsellor was not without its effect.
Pizarro’s person has been already described. He was tall in stature169, well-proportioned, and with a countenance170 not unpleasing. Bred in camps, with nothing of the polish of a court, he had a soldier-like bearing, and the air of one accustomed to command. But though not polished, there was no embarrassment171 or rusticity172 in his address, which, where it served his purpose, could be plausible173 and even insinuating174. The proof of it is the favorable impression made by him, on presenting himself, after his second expedition — stranger as he was to all its forms and usages — at the punctilious175 court of Castile.
Unlike many of his countrymen, he had no passion for ostentatious dress, which he regarded as an incumbrance. The costume which he most affected21 on public occasions was a black cloak, with a white hat, and shoes of the same color; the last, it is said, being in imitation of the Great Captain, whose character he had early learned to admire in Italy, but to which his own, certainly, bore very faint resemblance. 22
22 Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 144. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru. lib. 4, cap. 9.
The portrait of Pizarro, in the viceregal palace at Lima, represents him in a citizen’s dress, with a sable176 cloak, — the capa y espada of a Spanish gentleman. Each panel in the spacious177 sala de los Vireyes was reserved for the portrait of a viceroy. The long file is complete, from Pizarro to Pezuela; and it is a curious fact, noticed by Stevenson, that the last panel was exactly filled when the reign of the viceroys was abruptly178 terminated by the Revolution. (Residence in South America, vol. I. p. 228.) It is a singular coincidence that the same thing should have occurred at Venice, where, if my memory serves me, the last niche179 reserved for the effigies180 of its doges was just filled, when the ancient aristocracy was overturned.
He was temperate181 in eating, drank sparingly, and usually rose an hour before dawn. He was punctual in attendance to business, and shrunk from no toil182. He had, indeed, great powers of patient endurance. Like most of his nation, he was fond of play, and cared little for the quality of those with whom he played; though, when his antagonist183 could not afford to lose, he would allow himself, it is said, to be the loser; a mode of conferring an obligation much commended by a Castilian writer, for its delicacy184. 23
23 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 9.
Though avaricious185, it was in order to spend and not to hoard186. His ample treasures, more ample than those, probably, that ever before fell to the lot of an adventurer, 24 were mostly dissipated in his enterprises, his architectural works, and schemes of public improvement, which, in a country where gold and silver might be said to have lost their value from their abundance, absorbed an incredible amount of money. While he regarded the whole country, in a manner, as his own, and distributed it freely among his captains, it is certain that the princely grant of a territory with twenty thousand vassals187, made to him by the Crown, was never carried into effect; nor did his heirs ever reap the benefit of it. 25
24 “Hallo, i tuvo mas Oro, i Plata, que otro ningun Espanol de quantos han pasado a Indias, ni que ninguno de quantos Capitanes han sido por el Mundo.” Gomara Hist. de las Ind., cap. 144.]
25 Ms. de Caravantes. — Pizarro y Orellana, Discurso Leg. y Pol., ap. Varones Ilust. Gonzalo Pizarro, when taken prisoner by President Gasca, challenged him to point out any quarter of the country in which the royal grant had been carried into effect by a specific assignment of land to his brother. See Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 36.
To a man possessed of the active energies of Pizarro, sloth188 was the greatest evil. The excitement of play was in a manner necessary to a spirit accustomed to the habitual189 stimulants190 of war and adventure. His uneducated mind had no relish191 for more refined, intellectual recreation. The deserted192 foundling had neither been taught to read nor write. This has been disputed by some, but it is attested193 by unexceptionable authorities. 26 Montesinos says, indeed, that Pizarro, on his first voyage, tried to learn to read; but the impatience194 of his temper prevented it, and he contented195 himself with learning to sign his name. 27 But Montesinos was not a contemporary historian. Pedro Pizarro, his companion in arms, expressly tells us he could neither read nor write; 28 and Zarate, another contemporary, well acquainted with the Conquerors196, confirms this statement, and adds, that Pizarro could not so much as sign his name. 29 This was done by his secretary — Picado, in his latter years — while the governor merely made the customary rubrica or flourish at the sides of his name. This is the case with the instruments I have examined, in which his signature, written probably by his secretary, or his title of Marques, in later life substituted for his name, is garnished197 with a flourish at the ends, executed in as bungling198 a manner as if done by the hand of a ploughman. Yet we must not estimate this deficiency as we should in this period of general illumination, — general, at least, in our own fortunate country. Reading and writing, so universal now, in the beginning of the sixteenth century might be regarded in the light of accomplishments199; and all who have occasion to consult the autograph memorials of that time will find the execution of them, even by persons of the highest rank, too often such as would do little credit to a schoolboy of the present day.
26 Even so experienced a person as Munoz seems to have fallen into this error. On one of Pizarro’s letters I find the following copy of an autograph memorandum200 by this eminent201 scholar: — Carta de Francisco Pizarro, su letra i buena letra.]
27 “En este viage trato Pizarro de aprender a leer; no le dio su viveza lugar a ello; contentose solo con saber firmar, de lo que se veia Almagro, y decia, que firmar sin saber leer era lo mismo que recibir herida, sin poder darla. En adelante firmo siempre Pizarro por si, y por Almagro su Secretario.” Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1525.]
28 “Porque el marquez don Francisco Picarro como no savia ler ni escrivir.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms]
29 “Siendo personas,” says the author, speaking both of Pizarro and Almagro, “no solamente, no leidas, pero que de todo punto no sabian leer, ni aun firmar, que en ellos fue cosa de gran defecto. . . . . . Fue el Marques tan confiado de sus Criados, i Amigos, que todos los Despachos, que hacia, asi de Governacion, como de Repartimientos de Indios, libraba ha ciendo el dos senales, en medio de las quales Antonio Picado, su Secretario, firmaba el nombre de Francisco Picarro.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 9.]
Though bold in action and not easily turned from his purpose, Pizarro was slow in arriving at a decision. This gave him an appearance of irresolution202 foreign to his character. 30 Perhaps the consciousness of this led him to adopt the custom of saying “No,” at first, to applicants203 for favor; and afterwards, at leisure, to revise his judgment204, and grant what seemed to him expedient205. He took the opposite course from his comrade Almagro, who, it was observed, generally said “Yes,” but too often failed to keep his promise. This was characteristic of the careless and easy nature of the latter, governed by impulse rather than principle. 31
30 This tardiness206 of resolve has even led Herrera to doubt his resolution altogether; a judgment certainly contradicted by the whole tenor207 of his history. “Porque aunque era astuto, i recatado, por la maior parte fue de animo suspenso, i no mui resoluto.” Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 7, cap. 13.]
31 “Tenia por costumbre de quando algo le pedian dezir siempre de no. esto dezia el que hazia por no faltar su palabra, y no obstante que dezia no, correspondia con hazer lo que le pedian no aviendo inconvenimente. . . . . . Don Diego de Almagro hera a la contra que a todos dezia si, y con pocos lo cumplia.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
It is hardly necessary to speak of the courage of a man pledged to such a career as that of Pizarro. Courage, indeed, was a cheap quality among the Spanish adventurers, for danger was their element. But he possessed something higher than mere66 animal courage, in that constancy of purpose which was rooted too deeply in his nature to be shaken by the wildest storms of fortune. It was this inflexible208 constancy which formed the key to his character, and constituted the secret of his success. A remarkable evidence of it was given in his first expedition, among the mangroves and dreary209 marshes210 of Choco. He saw his followers pining around him under the blighting211 malaria212, wasting before an invisible enemy, and unable to strike a stroke in their own defence. Yet his spirit did not yield, nor did he falter213 in his enterprise.
There is something oppressive to the imagination in this war against nature. In the struggle of man against man, the spirits are raised by a contest conducted on equal terms; but in a war with the elements, we feel, that, however bravely we may contend, we can have no power to control. Nor are we cheered on by the prospect214 of glory in such a contest; for, in the capricious estimate of human glory, the silent endurance of privations, however painful, is little, in comparison with the ostentatious trophies215 of victory. The laurel of the hero — alas216 for humanity that it should be so! — grows best on the battle-field. This inflexible spirit of Pizarro was shown still more strongly, when, in the little island of Gallo, he drew the line on the sand, which was to separate him and his handful of followers from their country and from civilized217 man. He trusted that his own constancy would give strength to the feeble, and rally brave hearts around him for the prosecution218 of his enterprise. He looked with confidence to the future, and he did not miscalculate. This was heroic, and wanted only a nobler motive219 for its object to constitute the true moral sublime220.
Yet the same feature in his character was displayed in a manner scarcely less remarkable, when, landing on the coast and ascertaining221 the real strength and civilization of the Incas, he persisted in marching into the interior at the head of a force of less than two hundred men. In this he undoubtedly222 proposed to himself the example of Cortes, so contagious223 to the adventurous224 spirits of that day, and especially to Pizarro, engaged, as he was, in a similar enterprise. Yet the hazard assumed by Pizarro was far greater than that of the Conqueror of Mexico, whose force was nearly three times as large, while the terrors of the Inca name — however justified225 by the result — were as widely spread as those of the Aztecs.
It was doubtless in imitation of the same captivating model, that Pizarro planned the seizure226 of Atahuallpa. But the situations of the two Spanish captains were as dissimilar as the manner in which their acts of violence were conducted. The wanton massacre227 of the Peruvians resembled that perpetrated by Alvarado in Mexico, and might have been attended with consequences as disastrous228, if the Peruvian character had been as fierce as that of the Aztecs. 32 But the blow which roused the latter to madness broke the tamer spirits of the Peruvians. It was a bold stroke, which left so much to chance, that it scarcely merits the name of policy.
32 See Conquest of Mexico, Book 4, chap 8.]
When Pizarro landed in the country, he found it distracted by a contest for the crown. It would seem to have been for his interest to play off one party against the other, throwing his own weight into the scale that suited him. Instead of this, he resorted to an act of audacious violence which crushed them both at a blow. His subsequent career afforded no scope for the profound policy displayed by Cortes, when he gathered conflicting nations under his banner, and directed them against a common foe229. Still less did he have the opportunity of displaying the tactics and admirable strategy of his rival. Cortes conducted his military operations on the scientific principles of a great captain at the head of a powerful host. Pizarro appears only as an adventurer, a fortunate knight-errant. By one bold stroke, he broke the spell which had so long held the land under the dominion230 of the Incas. The spell was broken, and the airy fabric231 of their empire, built on the superstition232 of ages, vanished at a touch. This was good fortune, rather than the result of policy.
Pizarro was eminently233 perfidious234. Yet nothing is more opposed to sound policy. One act of perfidy235 fully established becomes the ruin of its author. The man who relinquishes236 confidence in his good faith gives up the best basis for future operations. Who will knowingly build on a quicksand? By his perfidious treatment of Almagro, Pizarro alienated237 the minds of the Spaniards. By his perfidious treatment of Atahuallpa, and subsequently of the Inca Manco, he disgusted the Peruvians. The name of Pizarro became a by-word for perfidy. Almagro took his revenge in a civil war; Manco in an insurrection which nearly cost Pizarro his dominion. The civil war terminated in a conspiracy which cost him his life. Such were the fruits of his policy. Pizarro may be regarded as a cunning man; but not, as he has been often eulogized by his countrymen, as a politic one.
When Pizarro obtained possession of Cuzco, he found a country well advanced in the arts of civilization; institutions under which the people lived in tranquillity and personal safety; the mountains and the uplands whitened with flocks; the valleys teeming238 with the fruits of a scientific husbandry; the granaries and warehouses239 filled to overflowing240; the whole land rejoicing in its abundance; and the character of the nation, softened241 under the influence of the mildest and most innocent form of superstition, well prepared for the reception of a higher and a Christian242 civilization. But, far from introducing this, Pizarro delivered up the conquered races to his brutal243 soldiery; the sacred cloisters244 were abandoned to their lust31; the towns and villages were given up to pillage; the wretched natives were parcelled out like slaves, to toil for their conquerors in the mines; the flocks were scattered, and wantonly destroyed; the granaries were dissipated; the beautiful contrivances for the more perfect culture of the soil were suffered to fall into decay; the paradise was converted into a desert. Instead of profiting by the ancient forms of civilization, Pizarro preferred to efface every vestige245 of them from the land, and on their ruin to erect246 the institutions of his own country. Yet these institutions did little for the poor Indian, held in iron bondage247. It was little to him that the shores of the Pacific were studded with rising communities and cities, the marts of a flourishing commerce. He had no share in the goodly heritage. He was an alien in the land of his fathers.
The religion of the Peruvian, which directed him to the worship of that glorious luminary248 which is the best representative of the might and beneficence of the Creator, is perhaps the purest form of superstition that has existed among men. Yet it was much, that, under the new order of things, and through the benevolent249 zeal250 of the missionaries251, some glimmerings of a nobler faith were permitted to dawn on his darkened soul. Pizarro, himself, cannot be charged with manifesting any overweening solicitude252 for the propagation of the Faith. He was no bigot, like Cortes. Bigotry253 is the perversion254 of the religious principle; but the principle itself was wanting in Pizarro. The conversion255 of the heathen was a predominant motive with Cortes in his expedition. It was not a vain boast. He would have sacrificed his life for it at any time; and more than once, by his indiscreet zeal, he actually did place his life and the success of his enterprise in jeopardy256. It was his great purpose to purify the land from the brutish abominations of the Aztecs, by substituting the religion of Jesus. This gave to his expedition the character of a crusade. It furnished the best apology for the Conquest, and does more than all other considerations towards enlisting257 our sympathies on the side of the conquerors.
But Pizarro’s ruling motives258, so far as they can be scanned by human judgment, were avarice259 and ambition. The good missionaries, indeed, followed in his train to scatter11 the seeds of spiritual truth, and the Spanish government, as usual, directed its beneficent legislation to the conversion of the natives. But the moving power with Pizarro and his followers was the lust of gold. This was the real stimulus260 to their toil, the price of perfidy, the true guerdon of their victories. This gave a base and mercenary character to their enterprise; and when we contrast the ferocious261 cupidity262 of the conquerors with the mild and inoffensive manners of the conquered, our sympathies, the sympathies even of the Spaniard, are necessarily thrown into the scale of the Indian. 33
33 The following vigorous lines of Southey condense, in a small compass, the most remarkable traits of Pizarro. The poet’s epitaph may certainly be acquitted263 of the imputation264, generally well deserved, of flattery towards the subject of it.
“For A Column At Truxillo.
“Pizarro here was born; a greater name
The list of Glory boasts not. Toil and Pain,
Famine, and hostile Elements, and Hosts
Embattled, failed to check him in his course,
Not to be wearied, not to be deterred265,
Not to be overcome. A mighty266 realm
He overran, and with relentless267 arm
Slew268 or enslaved its unoffending sons,
And wealth and power and fame were his rewards.
There is another world, beyond the grave,
According to their deeds where men are judged.
O Reader! if thy daily bread be earned
By daily labor269, — yea, however low,
However wretched, be thy lot assigned,
Thank thou, with deepest gratitude, the God
Who made thee, that thou art not such as he.”
But as no picture is without its lights, we must not, in justice to Pizarro, dwell exclusively on the darker features of his portrait. There was no one of her sons to whom Spain was under larger obligations for extent of empire; for his hand won for her the richest of the Indian jewels that once sparkled in her imperial diadem270. When we contemplate271 the perils272 he braved, the sufferings he patiently endured, the incredible obstacles he overcame, the magnificent results he effected with his single arm, as it were, unaided by the government, — though neither a good, nor a great man in the highest sense of that term, it is impossible not to regard him as a very extraordinary one.
Nor can we fairly omit to notice, in extenuation273 of his errors, the circumstances of his early life; for, like Almagro, he was the son of sin and sorrow, early cast upon the world to seek his fortunes as he might. In his young and tender age he was to take the impression of those into whose society he was thrown. And when was it the lot of the needy274 outcast to fall into that of the wise and the virtuous275? His lot was cast among the licentious276 inmates277 of a camp, the school of rapine, whose only law was the sword, and who looked on the wretched Indian and his heritage as their rightful spoil.
Who does not shudder278 at the thought of what his own fate might have been, trained in such a school? The amount of crime does not necessarily show the criminality of the agent. History, indeed, is concerned with the former, that it may be recorded as a warning to mankind; but it is He alone who knoweth the heart, the strength of the temptation, and the means of resisting it, that can determine the measure of the guilt
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faction
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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circumspect
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| adj.慎重的，谨慎的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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efface
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| v.擦掉，抹去 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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augmenting
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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heartily
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disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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retinue
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testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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chili
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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muster
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unwilling
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anecdote
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illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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lust
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extremity
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galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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effrontery
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forfeitures
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insolent
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goaded
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immediate
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functionary
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redress
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grievances
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vessel
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foundered
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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doff
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bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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bonnets
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| n.童帽( bonnet的名词复数 )；（烟囱等的）覆盖物；（苏格兰男子的）无边呢帽；（女子戴的）任何一种帽子 | |
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gallows
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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ridicule
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inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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taunt
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morbidly
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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59
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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60
assassinating
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的现在分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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61
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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62
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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63
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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64
galled
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| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
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65
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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66
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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67
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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68
virtuoso
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| n.精于某种艺术或乐器的专家，行家里手 | |
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69
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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70
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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71
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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72
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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73
quenched
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| 解（渴）( quench的过去式和过去分词 )； 终止（某事物）； （用水）扑灭（火焰等）； 将（热物体）放入水中急速冷却 | |
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74
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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75
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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76
attachment
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|
| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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77
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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78
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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79
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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80
possessed
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|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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81
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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82
metaphorical
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| a.隐喻的，比喻的 | |
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83
obviate
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| v.除去，排除，避免，预防 | |
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84
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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85
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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86
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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87
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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88
melancholy
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|
| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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89
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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90
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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91
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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92
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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93
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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94
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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95
primitive
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|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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96
plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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97
wade
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| v.跋涉，涉水；n.跋涉 | |
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98
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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99
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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100
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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101
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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102
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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103
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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104
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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105
buckled
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| a. 有带扣的 | |
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106
buckle
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| n.扣子，带扣；v.把...扣住，由于压力而弯曲 | |
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107
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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108
parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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109
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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110
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
doorway
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| n.门口，(喻)入门；门路，途径 | |
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112
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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113
enveloping
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的现在分词 ) | |
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114
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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115
lair
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| n.野兽的巢穴；躲藏处 | |
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116
stiffen
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| v.(使)硬，(使)变挺，(使)变僵硬 | |
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117
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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118
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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119
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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120
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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121
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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122
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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123
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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124
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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125
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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126
brandishing
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| v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 )；炫耀 | |
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127
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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128
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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129
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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130
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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131
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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132
proscription
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| n.禁止，剥夺权利 | |
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133
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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134
enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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135
apprehend
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|
| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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136
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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137
aspirant
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| n.热望者；adj.渴望的 | |
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138
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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139
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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140
mangled
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|
| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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141
entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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142
momentary
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|
| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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143
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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144
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
glimmering
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| n.微光，隐约的一瞥adj.薄弱地发光的v.发闪光，发微光( glimmer的现在分词 ) | |
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146
tapers
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| （长形物体的）逐渐变窄( taper的名词复数 )； 微弱的光； 极细的蜡烛 | |
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147
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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148
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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149
shroud
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| n.裹尸布，寿衣；罩，幕；vt.覆盖，隐藏 | |
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150
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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151
miserable
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|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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152
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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153
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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154
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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155
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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156
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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157
coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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158
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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159
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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160
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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161
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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162
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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163
wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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165
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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166
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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167
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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168
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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169
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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170
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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171
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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172
rusticity
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| n.乡村的特点、风格或气息 | |
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173
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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174
insinuating
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| adj.曲意巴结的，暗示的v.暗示( insinuate的现在分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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175
punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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176
sable
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| n.黑貂；adj.黑色的 | |
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177
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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178
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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179
niche
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| n.壁龛；合适的职务(环境、位置等) | |
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180
effigies
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| n.（人的）雕像，模拟像，肖像( effigy的名词复数 ) | |
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181
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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182
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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183
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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184
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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185
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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186
hoard
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| n./v.窖藏，贮存，囤积 | |
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187
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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188
sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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189
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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190
stimulants
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| n.兴奋剂( stimulant的名词复数 )；含兴奋剂的饮料；刺激物；激励物 | |
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191
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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192
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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193
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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194
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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195
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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196
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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197
garnished
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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198
bungling
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| adj.笨拙的，粗劣的v.搞糟，完不成( bungle的现在分词 )；笨手笨脚地做；失败；完不成 | |
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199
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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200
memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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201
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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202
irresolution
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| n.不决断，优柔寡断，犹豫不定 | |
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203
applicants
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| 申请人，求职人( applicant的名词复数 ) | |
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204
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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205
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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206
tardiness
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| n.缓慢；迟延；拖拉 | |
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207
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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208
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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209
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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210
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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211
blighting
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| 使凋萎( blight的现在分词 )； 使颓丧； 损害； 妨害 | |
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212
malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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213
falter
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| vi.(嗓音)颤抖，结巴地说；犹豫；蹒跚 | |
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214
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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215
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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216
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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217
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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218
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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219
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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220
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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221
ascertaining
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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222
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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223
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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224
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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225
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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226
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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227
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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228
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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229
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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230
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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231
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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232
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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233
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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234
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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235
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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236
relinquishes
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的第三人称单数 )； 放弃 | |
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237
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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238
teeming
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| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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239
warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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240
overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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241
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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242
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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243
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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244
cloisters
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| n.（学院、修道院、教堂等建筑的）走廊( cloister的名词复数 )；回廊；修道院的生活；隐居v.隐退，使与世隔绝( cloister的第三人称单数 ) | |
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245
vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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246
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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247
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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248
luminary
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| n.名人，天体 | |
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249
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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250
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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251
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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252
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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253
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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254
perversion
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| n.曲解；堕落；反常 | |
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255
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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256
jeopardy
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| n.危险；危难 | |
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257
enlisting
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| v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的现在分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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258
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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259
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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260
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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261
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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262
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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263
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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264
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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265
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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266
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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267
relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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268
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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269
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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270
diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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271
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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272
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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273
extenuation
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| n.减轻罪孽的借口；酌情减轻；细 | |
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274
needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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275
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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276
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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277
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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278
shudder
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| v.战粟，震动，剧烈地摇晃；n.战粟，抖动 | |
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