1541–1543.
The first step of the conspirators, after securing possession of the capital, was to send to the different cities, proclaiming the revolution which had taken place, and demanding the recognition of the young Almagro as governor of Peru. Where the summons was accompanied by a military force, as at Truxillo and Arequipa, it was obeyed without much cavil7. But in other cities a colder assent8 was given, and in some the requisition was treated with contempt. In Cuzco, the place of most importance next to Lima, a considerable number of the Almagro faction9 secured the ascendency of their party; and such of the magistracy as resisted were ejected from their offices to make room for others of a more accommodating temper. But the loyal inhabitants of the city, dissatisfied with this proceeding4, privately10 sent to one of Pizarro’s captains, named Alvarez de Holguin, who lay with a considerable force in the neighbourhood; and that officer, entering the place, soon dispossessed the new dignitaries of their honors, and restored the ancient capital to its allegiance.
The conspirators experienced a still more determined12 opposition13 from Alonso de Alvarado. one of the principal captains of Pizarro, — defeated, as the reader will remember, by the elder Almagro at the bridge of Abancay, — and now lying in the north with a corps14 of about two hundred men, as good troops as any in the land. That officer, on receiving tidings of his general’s assassination15, instantly wrote to the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, advising him of the state of affairs in Peru, and urging him to quicken his march towards the south. 1
1 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 13. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 7. — Declaracion de Uscategui, Ms. — Carta del Maestro, Martin de Arauco, Ms. — Carta de Fray16 Vicente Valverde, desde Tumbez, Ms.]
This functionary17 had been sent out by the Spanish Crown, as noticed in a preceding chapter, to cooperate with Pizarro in restoring tranquillity18 to the country, with authority to assume the government himself, in case of that commander’s death. After a long and tempestuous19 voyage, he had landed, in the spring of 1541, at the port of Buena Ventura, and, disgusted with the dangers of the sea, preferred to continue his wearisome journey by land. But so enfeebled was he by the hardships he had undergone, that it was full three months before he reached Popayan, where he received the astounding21 tidings of the death of Pizarro. This was the contingency22 which had been provided for, with such judicious23 forecast, in his instructions. Yet he was sorely perplexed24 by the difficulties of his situation. He was a stranger in the land, with a very imperfect knowledge of the country, without an armed force to support him, without even the military science which might be supposed necessary to avail himself of it. He knew nothing of the degree of Almagro’s influence, or of the extent to which the insurrection had spread, — nothing, in short, of the dispositions26 of the people among whom he was cast.
In such an emergency, a feebler spirit might have listened to the counsels of those who advised to return to Panama, and stay there until he had mustered27 a sufficient force to enable him to take the field against the insurgents29 with advantage. But the courageous30 heart of Vaca de Castro shrunk from a step which would proclaim his incompetency31 to the task assigned him. He had confidence in his own resources, and in the virtue32 of the commission under which he acted. He relied, too, on the habitual33 loyalty34 of the Spaniards; and, after mature deliberation, he determined to go forward, and trust to events for accomplishing the objects of his mission.
He was confirmed in this purpose by the advices he now received from Alvarado; and without longer delay, he continued his march towards Quito. Here he was well received by Gonzalo Pizarro’s lieutenant35, who had charge of the place during his commander’s absence on his expedition to the Amazon. The licentiate was also joined by Benalcazar, the conqueror36 of Quito, who brought a small reinforcement, and offered personally to assist him in the prosecution37 of his enterprise. He now displayed the royal commission, empowering him, on Pizarro’s death, to assume the government. That contingency had arrived, and Vaca de Castro declared his purpose to exercise the authority conferred on him. At the same time, he sent emissaries to the principal cities, requiring their obedience38 to him as the lawful39 representative of the Crown, — taking care to employ discreet40 persons on the mission, whose character would have weight with the citizens. He then continued his march slowly towards the south. 2
2 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 4. — Carta de Benalcazar al Emperador, desde Cali, Ms., 20 Septiembre, 1542.
Benalcazar urged Vaca de Castro to assume only the title of Judge, and not that of Governor, which would conflict with the pretensions41 of Almagro to that part of the country known as New Toledo and bequeathed to him by his father “Porque yo le avise muchas veces no entrase en la tierra como Governador, sino como Juez de V. M que venia a desagraviar a los agraviados, porque todos lo rescibirian de buena gana.” Ubi supra.
He was willing by his deliberate movements to give time for his summons to take effect, and for the fermentation caused by the late extraordinary events to subside42. He reckoned confidently on the loyalty which made the Spaniard unwilling43, unless in cases of the last extremity44, to come into collision with the royal authority; and, however much this popular sentiment might be disturbed by temporary gusts45 of passion, he trusted to the habitual current of their feelings for giving the people a right direction. In this he did not miscalculate; for so deep-rooted was the principle of loyalty in the ancient Spaniard, that ages of oppression and misrule could alone have induced him to shake off his allegiance. Sad it is, but not strange, that the length of time passed under a bad government has not qualified46 him for devising a good one.
While these events were passing in the north, Almagro’s faction at Lima was daily receiving new accessions of strength. For, in addition to those who, from the first, had been avowedly48 of his father’s party, there were many others who, from some cause or other, had conceived a disgust for Pizarro, and who now willingly enlisted50 under the banner of the chief that had overthrown51 him.
The first step of the young general, or rather of Rada, who directed his movements, was to secure the necessary supplies for the troops, most of whom, having long been in indigent52 circumstances, were wholly unprepared for service. Funds to a considerable amount were raised, by seizing on the moneys of the Crown in the hands of the treasurer53. Pizarro’s secretary, Picado, was also drawn54 from his prison, and interrogated55 as to the place where his master’s treasures were deposited. But, although put to the torture, he would not — or, as is probable, could not — give information on the subject; and the conspirators, who had a long arrear56 of injuries to settle with him, closed their proceedings by publicly beheading him in the great square of Lima. 3
3 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, Ms. — Carta de Fray Vicente Valverde, desde Tumbez, Ms.]
Valverde, Bishop57 of Cuzco, as he himself assures us, vainly interposed in his behalf. It is singular, that, the last time this fanatical prelate appears on the stage, it should be in the benevolent58 character of a supplicant59 for mercy. 4 Soon afterwards, he was permitted, with the judge, Velasquez, and some other adherents60 of Pizarro, to embark61 from the port of Lima. We have a letter from him, dated at Tumbez, in November, 1541; almost immediately after which he fell into the hands of the Indians, and with his companions was massacred at Puna. A violent death not unfrequently closed the stormy career of the American adventurer. Valverde was a Dominican friar, and, like Father Olmedo in the suite63 of Cortes, had been by his commander’s side throughout the whole of his expedition. But he did not always, like the good Olmedo, use his influence to stay the uplifted hand of the warrior64. At least, this was not the mild aspect in which he presented himself at the terrible massacre62 of Caxamalca. Yet some contemporary accounts represent him, after he had been installed in his episcopal office, as unwearied in his labors65 to convert the natives, and to ameliorate their condition; and his own correspondence with the government, after that period, shows great solicitude66 for these praiseworthy objects. Trained in the severest school of monastic discipline, which too often closes the heart against the common charities of life, he could not, like the benevolent Las Casas, rise so far above its fanatical tenets as to regard the heathen as his brother, while in the state of infidelity; and, in the true spirit of that school, he doubtless conceived that the sanctity of the end justified69 the means, however revolting in themselves. Yet the same man, who thus freely shed the blood of the poor native to secure the triumph of his faith, would doubtless have as freely poured out his own in its defence. The character was no uncommon70 one in the sixteenth century. 5
4 “Siendo informado que andavan ordenando la muerte a Antonio Picado secretario del Marques que tenian preso, fui a Don Diego e a eu Capitan General Joan de Herrada e a todos sus capitanes, i les puse delante el servicio de Dios i de S. M. i que bastase en lo fecho por respeto de Dios, humillandome a sus pies porque no lo matasen: i no basto que luego dende a pocos dias lo sacaron a la plaza71 desta cibdad donde le cortaron la cabeza.” Carta de Fray Vicente de Valverde, desde Tumbez, Ms]
5 “Quel Senor obispo Fray Vicente de Balverde como persona que jamas ha tenido fin72 ni zelo al servicio de Dios ni de S. M. ni menos en la conversion73 de los naturales en los poner e dotrinar en las cosas de nuestra santa fee catholica, ni menos en entender en la paz e sosiego destos reynos, sino a sus intereses propios dando mal ejemplo a todos.” (Carta de Almagro a la Audiencia de Panama, Ms., 8 de Nov. 1541.) The writer, it must be remembered was his personal enemy.]
Almagro’s followers74, having supplied themselves with funds, made as little scruple75 to appropriate to their own use such horses and arms, of every description, as they could find in the city. And this they did with the less reluctance76, as the inhabitants for the most part testified no good-will to their cause. While thus employed, Almagro received intelligence that Holguin had left Cuzco with a force of near three hundred men, with which he was preparing to effect a junction77 with Alvarado in the north. It was important to Almagro’s success that he should defeat this junction. If to procrastinate78 was the policy of Vaca de Castro, it was clearly that of Almagro to quicken operations, and to bring matters to as speedy an issue as possible; to march at once against Holguin, whom he might expect easily to overcome with his superior numbers; then to follow up the stroke by the still easier defeat of Alvarado, when the new governor would be, in a manner, at his mercy. It would be easy to beat these several bodies in detail, which, once united, would present formidable odds79. Almagro and his party had already arrayed themselves against the government by a proceeding too atrocious, and which struck too directly at the royal authority, for its perpetrators to flatter themselves with the hopes of pardon. Their only chance was boldly to follow up the blow, and, by success, to place themselves in so formidable an attitude as to excite the apprehensions80 of government. The dread81 of its too potent82 vassal83 might extort84 terms that would never be conceded to his prayers.
But Almagro and his followers shrunk from this open collision with the Crown. They had taken up rebellion because it lay in their path, not because they had wished it. They had meant only to avenge85 their personal wrongs on Pizarro, and not to defy the royal authority. When, therefore, some on the more resolute86, who followed things fearlessly to their consequences, proposed to march at once against Vaca de Castro, and, by striking at the head, settle the contest by a blow, it was almost universally rejected; and it was not till after long debate that it was finally determined to move against Holguin, and cut off his communication with Alonso de Alvarado.
Scarcely had Almagro commenced his march on Xauxa, where he proposed to give battle to his enemy, than he met with a severe misfortune in the death of Juan de Rada. He was a man somewhat advanced in years; and the late exciting scenes, in which he had taken the principal part, had been too much for a frame greatly shattered by a life of extraordinary hardship. He was thrown into a fever, of which he soon after died. By his death, Almagro sustained an inestimable loss; for, besides his devoted87 attachment88 to his young leader, he was, by his large experience, and his cautious though courageous character, better qualified than any other cavalier in the army to conduct him safely through the stormy sea on which he had led him to embark.
Among the cavaliers of highest consideration after Rada’s death, the two most aspiring89 were Christoval de Sotelo, and Garcia de Alvarado; both possessed11 of considerable military talent, but the latter marked by a bold, presumptuous90 manner, which might remind one of his illustrious namesake, who achieved much higher renown91 under the banner of Cortes. Unhappily, a jealousy92 grew up between these two officers; that jealousy, so common among the Spaniards, that it may seem a national characteristic; an impatience93 of equality, founded on a false principle of honor, which has ever been the fruitful source of faction among them, whether under a monarchy94 or a republic.
This was peculiarly unfortunate for Almagro, whose inexperience led him to lean for support on others, and who, in the present distracted state of his council, knew scarcely where to turn for it. In the delay occasioned by these dissensions, his little army did not reach the valley of Xauxa till after the enemy had passed it. Almagro followed close, leaving behind his baggage and artillery96 that he might move the lighter97. But the golden opportunity was lost. The rivers, swollen98 by autumnal rains, impeded99 his pursuit; and, though his light troops came up with a few stragglers of the rear-guard, Holguin succeeded in conducting his forces through the dangerous passes of the mountains, and in effecting a junction with Alonso de Alvarado, near the northern seaport100 of Huaura.
Disappointed in his object, Almagro prepared to march on Cuzco, — the capital, as he regarded it, of his own jurisdiction102, — to get possession of that city, and there make preparations to meet his adversary103 in the field. Sotelo was sent forward with a small corps in advance. He experienced no opposition from the now defenceless citizens; the government of the place was again restored to the hands of the men of Chili104, and their young leader soon appeared at the head of his battalions105, and established his winter-quarters in the Inca capital.
Here, the jealousy of the rival captains broke out into an open feud106. It was ended by the death of Sotelo, treacherously107 assassinated108 in his own apartment by Garcia de Alvarado. Almagro, greatly outraged109 by this atrocity110, was the more indignant, as he felt himself too weak to punish the offender111. He smothered112 his resentment113 for the present, affecting to treat the dangerous officer with more distinguished114 favor. But Alvarado was not the dupe of this specious115 behaviour. He felt that he had forfeited116 the confidence of his commander. In revenge, he laid a plot to betray him; and Almagro, driven to the necessity of self-defence, imitated the example of his officer, by entering his house with a party of armed men, who, laying violent hands on the insurgent28, slew117 him on the spot. 6
6 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 10 — 14. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 147.
Declaracion de Uscategui, Ms. — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6 lib. 10, cap. 13; dec. 7 lib. 3 cap. 1, 5.
This irregular proceeding was followed by the best consequences. The seditious schemes of Alvarado perished with him. The seeds of insubordination were eradicated118, and from that moment Almagro experienced only implicit119 obedience and the most loyal support from his followers. From that hour, too, his own character seemed to be changed; he relied far less on others than on himself, and developed resources not to have been anticipated in one of his years; for he had hardly reached the age of twenty-two. 7 From this time he displayed an energy and forecast, which proved him, in despite of his youth, not unequal to the trying emergencies of the situation in which it was his unhappy lot to be placed.
7 “Hico mas que su edad requeria, porque seria de edad de veinte i dos anos.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 20.
He instantly set about providing for the wants of his men, and strained every nerve to get them in good fighting order for the approaching campaign. He replenished120 his treasury121 with a large amount of silver which he drew from the mines of La Plata Saltpetre, obtained in abundance in the neighbourhood of Cuzco, furnished the material for gunpowder122. He caused cannon123, some of large dimensions, to be cast under the superintendence of Pedro de Candia, the Greek, who, it may be remembered, had first come into the country with Pizarro, and who, with a number of his countrymen, — Levantines, as they were called, — was well acquainted with this manufacture. Under their care, fire-arms were made, together with cuirasses and helmets, in which silver was mingled124 with copper125, 8 and of so excellent a quality, that they might vie, says an old soldier of the time, with those from the workshops of Milan. 9 Almagro received a seasonable supply, moreover, from a source scarcely to have been expected. This was from Manco, the wandering Inca, who, detesting126 the memory of Pizarro, transferred to the young Almagro the same friendly feelings which he had formerly127 borne to his father; heightened, it may be, by the consideration that Indian blood flowed in the veins128 of the young commander. From this quarter Almagro obtained a liberal supply of swords, spears, shields, and arms and armour129 of every description, chiefly taken by the Inca at the memorable130 siege of Cuzco. He also received the gratifying assurance, that the latter would support him with a detachment of native troops when he opened the campaign.
8 “Y demas de esto hico armas para la Gente de su Real, que no las tenia, de pasta de Plata, i Cobre, mezclado, de que salen mui buenos Coseletes: haviendo corregido, demas de esto, todas las armas de la Tierra; de manera, que el que menos Armas tenia entre su Gente, era Cota, i Coracinas, o Coselete, i Celadas de la mesma Pasta, que los Indios hacen diestramente, por muestras de las Milan.” Zarate, Conq. de Peru, lib. 4, cap. 14.]
9 “Hombres de armas con1 tan buenas celadas borgonesas como se hacen en Milan.” Carta de Ventura Beltran al Emperador, Ms desde Vilcas, 8 Octubre, 1542.]
Before making a final appeal to arms, however, Almagro resolved to try the effect of negotiation131 with the new governor. In the spring, or early in the summer, of 1542, he sent an embassy to the latter, then at Lima, in which he deprecated the necessity of taking arms against an officer of the Crown. His only desire, he said, was to vindicate132 his own rights; to secure the possession of New Toledo, the province bequeathed to him by his father, and from which he had been most unjustly excluded by Pizarro. He did not dispute the governor’s authority over New Castile, as the country was designated which had been assigned to the marquess; and he concluded by proposing that each party should remain within his respective territory until the determination of the Court of Castile could be made known to them. To this application, couched in respectful terms, Almagro received no answer.
Frustrated133 in his hopes of a peaceful accommodation, the young captain now saw that nothing was left but the arbitrament of arms. Assembling his troops, preparatory to his departure from the capital, he made them a brief address. He protested that the step which he and his brave companions were about to take was not an act of rebellion against the Crown. It was forced on them by the conduct of the governor himself. The commission of that officer gave him no authority over the territory of New Toledo, settled on Almagro’s father, and by his father bequeathed to him. If Vaca de Castro, by exceeding the limits of his authority, drove him to hostilities134, the blood spilt in the quarrel would lie on the head of that commander, not on his. “In the assassination of Pizarro,” he continued, “we took that justice into our own hands which elsewhere was denied us. It is the same now, in our contest with the royal governor. We are as true-hearted and loyal subjects of the Crown as he is.” And he concluded by invoking135 his soldiers to stand by him heart and hand in the approaching contest, in which they were all equally interested with himself.
The appeal was not made to an insensible audience. There were few among them who did not feel that their fortunes were indissolubly connected with those of their commander; and while they had little to expect from the austere136 character of the governor, they were warmly attached to the person of their young chief, who, with all the popular qualities of his father, excited additional sympathy from the circumstances of his age and his forlorn condition. Laying their hands on the cross, placed on an altar raised for the purpose, the officers and soldiers severally swore to brave every peril137 with Almagro, and remain true to him to the last.
In point of numbers, his forces had not greatly strengthened since his departure from Lima. He mustered but little more than five hundred in all; but among them were his father’s veterans, well seasoned by many an Indian campaign. He had about two hundred horse, many of them clad in complete mail, a circumstance not too common in these wars, where a stuffed doublet of cotton was often the only panoply138 of the warrior. His infantry139, formed of pikemen and arquebusiers, was excellently armed. But his strength lay in his heavy ordnance140, consisting of sixteen pieces, eight large and eight smaller guns, or falconets, as they were called, forming, says one who saw it, a beautiful park of artillery, that would have made a brave show on the citadel141 of Burgos. 10 The little army, in short, though not imposing142 from its numbers, was under as good discipline, and as well appointed, as any that ever fought on the fields of Peru; much better than any which Almagro’s own father or Pizarro ever led into the field and won their conquests with. Putting himself at the head of his gallant143 company, the chieftain sallied forth144 from the walls of Cuzco about midsummer, in 1542, and directed his march towards the coast in expectation of meeting the enemy. 11
10 “El artilleria hera suficiente para hazer bateria en el castillo de Burgos.” Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carvajal sobre la pregunta 38 de la informacion hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, Ms.]
11 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Declaracion de Uscategui, Ms. — Garcilasso, Com. Real, Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 13. — Carta del Cabildo de Arequipa al Emperador, San Joan de la Frontera, Ms., 24 de Sep. 1542 — Herrera, Hist. General, dez lib. 3, cap. 1, 2.
While the events detailed145 in the preceding pages were passing, Vaca de Castro, whom we left at Quito in the preceding year, was advancing slowly towards the south. His first act, after leaving that city, showed his resolution to enter into no compromise with the assassins of Pizarro. Benalcazar, the distinguished officer whom I have mentioned as having early given in his adherence146 to him, had protected one of the principal conspirators, his personal friend, who had come into his power, and had facilitated his escape. The governor, indignant at the proceeding, would listen to no explanation, but ordered the offending officer to return to his own district of Popayan. It was a bold step, in the precarious147 state of his own fortunes.
As the governor pursued his march, he was well received by the people on the way; and when he entered the city of San Miguel, he was welcomed with loyal enthusiasm by the inhabitants, who readily acknowledged his authority though they showed little alacrity148 to take their chance with him in the coming struggle.
After lingering a long time in each of these places, he resumed his march and reached the camp of Alonso de Alvarado at Huaura, early in 1542. Holguin had established his quarters at some little distance from his rival; for a jealousy had sprung up, as usual, between these two captains, who both aspired149 to the supreme150 command of Captain–General of the army. The office of governor, conferred on Vaca de Castro, might seem to include that of commander-inchief of the forces. But De Castro was a scholar, bred to the law; and, whatever authority he might arrogate151 to himself in civil matters, the two captains imagined that the military department he would resign into the hands of others. They little knew the character of the man.
Though possessed of no more military science than belonged to every cavalier in that martial152 age, the governor knew that to avow47 his ignorance, and to resign the management of affairs into the hands of others, would greatly impair153 his authority, if not bring him into contempt with the turbulent spirits among whom he was now thrown. He had both sagacity and spirit, and trusted to be able to supply his own deficiencies by the experience of others. His position placed the services of the ablest men in the country at his disposal, and with the aid of their counsels he felt quite competent to decide on his plan of operations, and to enforce the execution of it. He knew, moreover, that the only way to allay154 the jealousy of the two parties in the present crisis was to assume himself the office which was the cause of their dissension.
Still he approached his ambitious officers with great caution; and the representations, which he made through some judicious persons who had the most intimate access to them, were so successful, that both were in a short time prevailed on to relinquish155 their pretensions in his favor. Holguin, the more unreasonable156 of the two, then waited on him in his rival’s quarters, where the governor had the further satisfaction to reconcile him to Alonso de Alvarado. It required some address, as their jealousy of each other had proceeded to such lengths that a challenge had passed between them.
Harmony being thus restored, the licentiate passed over to Holguin’s camp, where he was greeted with salvoes of artillery, and loud acclamations of “Viva el Rey” from the loyal soldiery. Ascending157 a platform covered with velvet158, he made an animated159 harangue160 to the troops; his commission was read aloud by the secretary; and the little army tendered their obedience to him as the representative of the Crown.
Vaca de Castro’s next step was to send off the greater part of his force, in the direction of Xauxa, while, at the head of a small corps, he directed his march towards Lima. Here he was received with lively demonstrations161 of joy by the citizens, who were generally attached to the cause of Pizarro, the founder162 and constant patron of their capital. Indeed, the citizens had lost no time after Almagro’s departure in expelling his creatures from the municipality, and reasserting their allegiance. With these favorable dispositions towards himself, the governor found no difficulty in obtaining a considerable loan of money from the wealthier inhabitants. But he was less successful, at first, in his application for horses and arms, since the harvest had been too faithfully gleaned164, already, by the men of Chili. As, however, he prolonged his stay some time in the capital, he obtained important supplies, before he left it, both of arms and ammunition165, while he added to his force by a considerable body of recruits. 12
12 Declaracion de Uscategui, Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 1, cap. 1. — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, Ms. — Carta de Benalcazar al Emperador, Ms.
As he was thus employed, he received tidings that the enemy had left Cuzco, and was on his march towards the coast. Quitting Los Reyes, therefore, with his trusty followers, Vaca de Castro marched at once to Xauxa, the appointed place of rendezvous166. Here he mustered his forces, and found that they amounted to about seven hundred men. The cavalry167, in which lay his strength, was superior in numbers to that of his antagonist168, but neither so well mounted or armed. It included many cavaliers of birth, and well-tried soldiers, besides a number who, having great interests at stake, as possessed of large estates in the country, had left them at the call of government, to enlist49 under its banners. 13 His infantry, besides pikes, was indifferently well supplied with fire-arms; but he had nothing to show in the way of artillery except three or four ill-mounted falconets. Yet, notwithstanding these deficiencies, the royal army, if so insignificant169 a force can deserve that name, was so far superior in numbers to that of his rival, that the one might be thought, on the whole, to be no unequal match for the other. 14
13 The Municipality of Arequipa, most of whose members were present in the army, stoutly170 urge their claims to a compensation for thus promptly171 leaving their estates, and taking up arms at the call of government. Without such reward, they say, their patriotic172 example will not often be followed. The document, which is important for its historical details, may be found in the Castilian, in Appendix, No. 13.]
14 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 15. — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, Ms Chapter VI
Carbajal notices the politic173 manner in which his commander bribed174 recruits into his service, — paying them with promises and fair words when ready money failed him. “Dando a unos dineros, e a otros armas i caballos, i a otros palabras, i a otros promesas, i a otros graziosas respuestas de lo que con el negoziaban para tenerlos a todos muy conttentos i presttos en el servicio de S. M. quando fuese menestter.” Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carbajal sobre la informacion hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, favor de Vaca de Castro, Ms.]
The reader, familiar with the large masses employed in European warfare175, may smile at the paltry176 forces of the Spaniards. But in the New World, where a countless177 host of natives went for little, five hundred well-trained Europeans were regarded as a formidable body. No army, up to the period before us, had ever risen to a thousand. Yet it is not numbers, as I have already been led to remark, that give importance to a conflict; but the consequences that depend on it, — the magnitude of the stake, and the skill and courage of the players. The more limited the means, even, the greater may be the science shown in the use of them; until, forgetting the poverty of the materials, we fix our attention on the conduct of the actors, and the greatness of the results. While at Xauxa, Vaca de Castro received an embassy from Gonzalo Pizarro, returned from his expedition from the “Land of Cinnamon,” in which that chief made an offer of his services in the approaching contest. The governor’s answer showed that he was not wholly averse178 to an accommodation with Almagro, provided it could be effected without compromising the royal authority. He was willing, perhaps, to avoid the final trial by battle, when he considered, that, from the equality of the contending forces, the issue must be extremely doubtful. He knew that the presence of Pizarro in the camp, the detested179 enemy of the Almagrians, would excite distrust in their bosoms180 that would probably baffle every effort at accommodation. Nor is it likely that the governor cared to have so restless a spirit introduced into his own councils. He accordingly sent to Gonzalo, thanking him for the promptness of his support, but courteously181 declined it, while he advised him to remain in his province, and repose182 after the fatigues183 of his wearisome expedition. At the same time, he assured him that he would not fail to call for his services when occasion required it. — The haughty184 cavalier was greatly disgusted by the repulse185. 15
15 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 15.]
The governor now received such an account of Almagro’s movements as led him to suppose that he was preparing to occupy Guamanga, a fortified186 place of considerable strength, about thirty leagues from Xauxa. 16 Anxious to secure this post, he broke up his encampment, and by forced marches, conducted in so irregular a manner as must have placed him in great danger if his enemy had been near to profit by it, he succeeded in anticipating Almagro, and threw himself into the place while his antagonist was at Bilcas, some ten leagues distant.
16 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 85.]
At Guamanga, Vaca de Castro received another embassy from Almagro, of similar import with the former. The young chief again deprecated the existence of hostilities between brethren of the same family, and proposed an accommodation of the quarrel on the same basis as before. To these proposals the governor now condescended187 to reply. It might be thought, from his answer, that he felt some compassion189 for the youth and inexperience of Almagro, and that he was willing to distinguish between him and the principal conspirators, provided he could detach him from their interests. But it is more probable that he intended only to amuse his enemy by a show of negotiation, while he gained time for tampering190 with the fidelity68 of his troops.
He insisted that Almagro should deliver up to him all those immediately implicated191 in the death of Pizarro, and should then disband his forces. On these conditions the government would pass over his treasonable practices, and he should be reinstated in the royal favor. Together with this mission, Vaca de Castro, it is reported, sent a Spaniard, disguised as an Indian, who was instructed to communicate with certain officers in Almagro’s camp, and prevail on them, if possible, to abandon his cause and return to their allegiance. Unfortunately, the disguise of the emissary was detected. He was seized, put to the torture, and, having confessed the whole of the transaction, was hanged as a spy.
Almagro laid the proceeding before his captains. The terms proffered192 by the governor were such as no man with a particle of honor in his nature could entertain for a moment; and Almagro’s indignation, as well as that of his companions, was heightened by the duplicity of their enemy, who could practise such insidious193 arts, while ostensibly engaged in a fair and open negotiation. Fearful, perhaps, lest the tempting194 offers of their antagonist might yet prevail over the constancy of some of the weaker spirits among them, they demanded that all negotiation should be broken off, and that they should be led at once against the enemy. 17
17 Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carbajal sobre la informacion hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, Ms. — Zarate, Conq del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 16. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 3, cap. 8. — Carta de Ventura Beltran, Ms. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 149
The governor, meanwhile, finding the broken country around Guamanga unfavorable for his cavalry, on which he mainly relied, drew off his forces to the neighbouring lowlands, known as the Plains of Chupas. It was the tempestuous season of the year, and for several days the storm raged wildly among the hills, and, sweeping195 along their sides into the valley, poured down rain, sleet196, and snow on the miserable197 bivouacs of the soldiers, till they were drenched198 to the skin and nearly stiffened199 by the cold. 18 At length, on the sixteenth of September, 1542, the scouts200 brought in tidings that Almagro’s troops were advancing, with the intention, apparently201, of occupying the highlands around Chupas. The war of the elements had at last subsided202, and was succeeded by one of those brilliant days which are found only in the tropics. The royal camp was early in motion, as Vaca de Castro, desirous to secure the heights that commanded the valley, detached a body of arquebusiers on that service, supported by a corps of cavalry, which he soon followed with the rest of the forces. On reaching the eminence203, news was brought that the enemy had come to a halt, and established himself in a strong position at less than a league’s distance.
18 “Tuvieron tan gran tempestad de agua, Truenos, i Nieve, que pensaron perecer; i amaneciendo con dia claro, i sereno” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 3, cap. 8.]
It was now late in the afternoon, and the sun was not more than two hours above the horizon. The governor hesitated to begin the action when they must so soon be overtaken by night. But Alonso de Alvarado assured him that “now was the time, for the spirits of his men were hot for fight, and it was better to take the benefit of it than to damp their ardor204 by delay.” The governor acquiesced205, exclaiming at the same time, — “O for the might of Joshua, to stay the sun in his course!” 19 He then drew up his little army in order of battle, and made his dispositions for the attack.
19 “Yasi Vaca de Castro signio su parescer, temiendo toda via la falta del Dia, i dijo, que quisiera tener el poder de Josue, para detener el Sol.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 18.
In the centre he placed his infantry, consisting of arquebusiers and pikemen, constituting the battle, as it was called. On the flanks, he established his cavalry, placing the right wing, together with the royal standard, under charge of Alonso de Alvarado, and the left under Holguin, supported by a gallant body of cavaliers. His artillery, too insignificant to be of much account, was also in the centre. He proposed himself to lead the van, and to break the first lance with the enemy; but from this chivalrous206 display he was dissuaded207 by his officers, who reminded him that too much depended on his life to have it thus wantonly exposed. The governor contented208 himself, therefore, with heading a body of reserve, consisting of forty horse, to act on any quarter as occasion might require. This corps, comprising the flower of his chivalry209, was chiefly drawn from Alvarado’s troop, greatly to the discontent of that captain. The governor himself rode a coal-black charger, and wore a rich surcoat of brocade over his mail, through which the habit and emblems210 of the knightly212 order of St. James, conferred on him just before his departure from Castile, were conspicuous213. 20 It was a point of honor with the chivalry of the period to court danger by displaying their rank in the splendor214 of their military attire215 and the caparisons of their horses.
20 “I visto esto por el dicho senor Governador, mando dar al arma a mui gran priesa, i mando a este testigo que sacase toda la gente al campo, i el se entro en su tienda a se armar, i dende a poco salio della encima de un cavallo morcillo rabicano armado en blanco i con una ropa de brocado encima de las armas con el abito de Santiago en los pechos.” Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carbajal sobre la informacion hecha en e Cuzco en 1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, Ms.]
Before commencing the assault, Vaca de Castro addressed a few remarks to his soldiers, in order to remove any hesitation216 that some might yet feel, who recollected217 the displeasure shown by the emperor to the victors as well as the vanquished218 after the battle of Salinas. He told them that their enemies were rebels. They were in arms against him, the representative of the Crown, and it was his duty to quell219 this rebellion and punish the authors of it. He then caused the law to be read aloud, proclaiming the doom220 of traitors221. By this law, Almagro and his followers had forfeited their lives and property, and the governor promised to distribute the latter among such of his men as showed the best claim to it by their conduct in the battle. This last politic promise vanquished the scruples223 of the most fastidious; and, having completed his dispositions in the most judicious and soldier-like manner, Vaca de Castro gave the order to advance. 21
21 The governor’s words, says Carbajal, who witnessed their effect, stirred the heart of the troops, so that they went to the battle as to a ball. “En pocas palabras comprehendio tan grandes cosas que la gente de S. M. covro tan grande animo con ellas, que tan determinadamente se partieron de alli para ir a los enemigos como si fueron a fiestas donde estuvieran convidados.” Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carbajal, sobre la informacion hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, Ms.
As the forces turned a spur of the hills which had hitherto screened them from their enemies, they came in sight of the latter, formed along the crest224 of a gentle eminence, with their snow-white banners, the distinguishing color of the Almagrians, floating above their heads, and their bright arms flinging back the broad rays of the evening sun. Almagro’s disposition25 of his troops was not unlike that of his adversary. In the centre was his excellent artillery, covered by his arquebusiers and spearmen; while his cavalry rode on the flanks. The troops on the left he proposed to lead in person. He had chosen his position with judgment225, as the character of the ground gave full play to his guns, which opened an effective fire on the assailants as they drew near. Shaken by the storm of shot, Vaca de Castro saw the difficulty of advancing in open view of the hostile battery. He took the counsel, therefore, of Francisco de Carbajal, who undertook to lead the forces by a circuitous226, but safer, route. This is the first occasion on which the name of this veteran appears in these American wars, where it was afterwards to acquire a melancholy228 notoriety. He had come to the country after the campaigns of forty years in Europe, where he had studied the art of war under the Great Captain, Gonsalvo de Cordova. Though now far advanced in age, he possessed all the courage and indomitable energy of youth, and well exemplified the lessons he had studied under his great commander. Taking advantage of a winding229 route that sloped round the declivity230 of the hills, he conducted the troops in such a manner, that, until they approached quite near the enemy, they were protected by the intervening ground. While thus advancing, they were assailed231 on the left flank by the Indian battalions under Paullo, the Inca Manco’s brother; but a corps of musketeers, directing a scattering232 fire among them, soon rid the Spaniards of this annoyance233. When, at length, the royal troops, rising above the hill, again came into view of Almagro’s lines, the artillery opened on them with fatal effect. It was but for a moment, however, as, from some unaccountable cause, the guns were pointed101 at such an angle, that, although presenting an obvious mark, by far the greater part of the shot passed over their heads. Whether this was the result of treachery, or merely of awkwardness, is uncertain. The artillery was under charge of the engineer, Pedro de Candia. This man, who, it may be remembered, was one of the thirteen that so gallantly234 stood by Pizarro in the island of Gallo, had fought side by side with his leader through the whole of the Conquest. He had lately, however, conceived some disgust with him, and had taken part with the faction of Almagro. The death of his old commander, he may perhaps have thought, had settled all their differences, and he was now willing to return to his former allegiance. At least, it is said, that, at this very time, he was in correspondence with Vaca de Castro. Almagro himself seems to have had no doubt of his treachery. For, after remonstrating235 in vain with him on his present conduct, he ran him through the body, and the unfortunate cavalier fell lifeless on the field. Then, throwing himself on one of the guns, Almagro gave it a new direction, and that so successfully, that, when it was discharged, it struck down several of the cavalry. 22
22 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 17–19. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 3, cap. 11. — Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carbajal sobre la informacion hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, Ms. — Carta del Cabildo de Arequipa al Emperador, Ms. — Carta de Ventura Beltran, Ms. — Declaracion de Uscategui, Ms. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 149.
According to Garcilasso, whose guns usually do more execution than those of any other authority, seventeen men were killed by this wonderful shot. See Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 16.
The firing now took better effect, and by one volley a whole file of the royal infantry was swept off, and though others quickly stepped in to fill up the ranks, the men, impatient of their sufferings, loudly called on the troopers, who had halted for a moment, to quicken their advance. 23 This delay had been caused by Carbajal’s desire to bring his own guns to bear on the opposite columns. But the design was quickly abandoned; the clumsy ordnance was left on the field, and orders were given to the cavalry to charge; the trumpets236 sounded, and, crying their war-cries, the bold cavaliers struck their spurs into their steeds, and rode at full speed against the enemy.
23 The officers drove the men according to Zarate, at the point of their swords, to take the places of their fallen comrades. “Porque vn tiro llevo toda vna hilera, e hico abrir el Escuadron, i los Capitanes pusieron gran diligencia en hacerlo cerrar, amenacando de muerte a los Soldados, con las Espadas desenvainadas, i se cerro.” Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 1.]
Well had it been for Almagro, if he had remained firm on the post which gave him such advantage. But from a false point of honor, he thought it derogatory to a brave knight211 passively to await the assault, and, ordering his own men to charge, the hostile squadrons, rapidly advancing against each other, met midway on the plain. The shock was terrible. Horse and rider reeled under the force of it. The spears flew into shivers; 24 and the cavaliers, drawing their swords, or wielding237 their maces and battle-axes, — though some of the royal troopers were armed only with a common axe238, — dealt their blows with all the fury of civil hate. It was a fearful struggle, not merely of man against man, but, to use the words of an eyewitness239, of brother against brother, and friend against friend. 25 No quarter was asked; for the wrench240 that had been strong enough to tear asunder241 the dearest ties of kindred left no hold for humanity. The excellent arms of the Almagrians counterbalanced the odds of numbers; but the royal partisans242 gained some advantage by striking at the horses instead of the mailed bodies of their antagonists244.
24 “Se encontraron de suerte, que casi todas las lancas quebraron, quedando muchos muertos, i caidos de ambas partes.” (Ibid., ubi supra.) Zarate writes on this occasion with the spirit and strength of Thucydides. He was not present, but came into the country the following year, when he gleaned the particulars of the battle from the best informed persons there, to whom his position gave him ready access.]
25 It is the language of the Conquerors245 themselves, who, in their letter to the Emperor, compare the action to the great battle of Ravenna. “Fue tan renida i porfiada, que despues de la de Rebena, no se ha visto entre tan poca gente mas cruel batalla, donde hermanos a hermanos, ni deudos a deudos, ni amigos a amigos no se davan vida uno a otro.” Carta de Cabildo de Arequipa al Emperador. Ms.]
The infantry, meanwhile, on both sides, kept up a sharp cross-fire from their arquebuses, which did execution on the ranks of the cavaliers, as well as on one another. But Almagro’s battery of heavy guns, now well directed, mowed246 down the advancing columns of foot. The latter, staggering, began to fall back from the terrible fire, when Francisco de Carbajal, throwing himself before them, cried out, “Shame on you, my men! Do you give way now? I am twice as good a mark for the enemy as any of you!” He was a very large man; and, throwing off his steel helmet and cuirass, that he might have no advantage over his followers, he remained lightly attired247 in his cotton doublet, when, swinging his partisan243 over his head, he sprang boldly forward through blinding volumes of smoke and a tempest of musket-balls, and, supported by the bravest of his troops, overpowered the gunners, and made himself master of their pieces.
The shades of night had now, for some time, been coming thicker and thicker over the field. But still the deadly struggle went on in the darkness, as the red and white badges intimated the respective parties, and their war-cries rose above the din5, — “Vaca de Castro y el Rey,” — “Almagro y el Rey,” — while both invoked248 the aid of their military apostle St. James. Holguin, who commanded the royalists on the left, pierced through by two musket-balls, had been slain249 early in the action. He had made himself conspicuous by a rich sobrevest of white velvet over his armour. Still a gallant band of cavaliers maintained the fight so valiantly250 on that quarter, that the Almagrians found it difficult to keep their ground. 26
26 The battle was so equally contested, says Beltran, one of Vaca de Castro’s captains, that it was long doubtful on which side victory was to incline. “I la batalla estuvo mui gran rato en peso sin conoscerse vitoria de la una parte a la otra.” Carta de Ventura Beltran, Ms.
It fared differently on the right, where Alonso de Alvarado commanded. He was there encountered by Almagro in person, who fought worthy67 of his name. By repeated charges on his opponent, he endeavoured to bear down his squadrons, so much worse mounted and worse armed than his own. Alvarado resisted with undiminished courage; but his numbers had been thinned, as we have seen, before the battle, to supply the governor’s reserve, and, fairly overpowered by the superior strength of his adversary, who had already won two of the royal banners, he was slowly giving ground. “Take, but kill not!” shouted the generous young chief, who felt himself sure of victory. 27
27 “Gritaba, Victoria; i decia, Prender i no matar.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 3, cap. 11.]
But at this crisis, Vaca de Castro, who, with his reserve, had occupied a rising ground that commanded the field of action, was fully163 aware that the time had now come for him to take part in the struggle. He had long strained his eyes through the gloom to watch the movements of the combatants, and received constant tidings how the fight was going. He no longer hesitated, but, calling on his men to follow, led off boldly into the thickest of the melee251 to the support of his stouthearted252 officer. The arrival of a new corps on the field, all fresh for action, gave another turn to the tide. 28 Alvarado’s men took heart and rallied. Almagro’s, though driven back by the fury of the assault, quickly returned against their assailants. Thirteen of Vaca de Castro’s cavaliers fell dead from their saddles. But it was the last effort of the Almagrians. Their strength, though not their spirit, failed them. They gave way in all directions, and, mingling253 together in the darkness, horse, foot, and artillery, they trampled254 one another down, as they made the best of their way from the press of their pursuers. Almagro used every effort to stay them. He performed miracles of valor255, says one who witnessed them; but he was borne along by the tide, and, though he seemed to court death, by the freedom with which he exposed his person to danger yet he escaped without a wound.
28 The letter of the municipality of Arequipa gives the governor credit for deciding the fate of the day by this movement, and the writers express their “admiration256 of the gallantry and courage he displayed, so little to have been expected from his age and profession.” See the original in Appendix, No. 13.]
Others there were of his company, and among them a young cavalier named Geronimo de Alvarado, who obstinately257 refused to quit the field; and shouting out, — “We slew Pizarro! we killed the tyrant258!” they threw themselves on the lances of their conquerors, preferring death on the battle-field to the ignominious259 doom of the gibbet. 29
29 “Se arrojaron en los Enemigos, como desesperados, hiriendo a todas partes, diciendo cada vno por su nombre: Yo soi Fulano, que mate al Marques; i asi anduvieron hasta, que los hicieron pedacos.’ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 19.]
It was nine o’clock when the battle ceased, though the firing was heard at intervals260 over the field at a much later hour, as some straggling party of fugitives261 were overtaken by their pursuers. Yet many succeeded in escaping in the obscurity of night, while some, it is said, contrived262 to elude263 pursuit in a more singular way; tearing off the badges from the corpses264 of their enemies, they assumed them for themselves, and, mingling in the ranks as followers of Vaca de Castro, joined in the pursuit. That commander, at length, fearing some untoward265 accident, and that the fugitives, should they rally again under cover of the darkness, might inflict266 some loss on their pursuers, caused his trumpets to sound, and recalled his scattered267 forces under their banners. All night they remained under arms on the field, which, so lately the scene of noisy strife268, was now hushed in silence, broken only by the groans269 of the wounded and the dying. The natives, who had hung, during the fight, like a dark cloud, round the skirts of the mountains, contemplating270 with gloomy satisfaction the destruction of their enemies, now availed themselves of the obscurity to descend188, like a pack of famished271 wolves, upon the plains, where they stripped the bodies of the slain, and even of the living, but disabled wretches272, who had in vain dragged themselves into the bushes for concealment273. The following morning, Vaca de Castro gave orders that the wounded — those who had not perished in the cold damps of the night — should be committed to the care of the surgeons, while the priests were occupied with administering confession274 and absolution to the dying. Four large graves or pits were dug, in which the bodies of the slain — the conquerors and the conquered — were heaped indiscriminately together. But the remains275 of Alvarez de Holguin and several other cavaliers of distinction were transported to Guamanga, where they were buried with the solemnities suited to their rank; and the tattered276 banners won from their vanquished countrymen waved over their monuments, the melancholy trophies277 of their victory.
The number of killed is variously reported, — from three hundred to five hundred on both sides. 30 The mortality was greatest among the conquerors, who suffered more from the cannon of the enemy before the action, than the latter suffered in the rout227 that followed it. The number of wounded was still greater; and full half of the survivors278 of Almagro’s party were made prisoners. Many, indeed, escaped from the field to the neighbouring town of Guamanga, where they took refuge in the churches and monasteries279. But their asylum280 was not respected, and they were dragged forth and thrown into prison. Their brave young commander fled with a few followers only to Cuzco, where he was instantly arrested by the magistrates281 whom he had himself placed over the city. 31
30 Zarate estimates the number at three hundred. Uscategui, who belonged to the Almagrian party, and Garcilasso, both rate it as high as five hundred.]
31 The particulars of the action are gathered from Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Carta de Ventura Beltran, Ms. — Zarate, Zarate Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 17–20. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carbajal sobre la informacion hecha en el Cuzco en 1543 a favor de Vaca de Castro, Ms. — Carta del Cabildo de Arequipa al Emperador, Ms. — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, Ms. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 149. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 15–18. — Declaracion de Uscategui, Ms.
Many of these authorities were personally present on the field; and it is rare that the details of a battle are drawn from more authentic282 testimony283. The student of history will not be surprised that in these details there should be the greatest discrepancy284.]
At Guamanga, Vaca de Castro appointed a commission, with the Licentiate de la Gama at its head, for the trial of the prisoners; and justice was not satisfied, till forty had been condemned285 to death, and thirty others — some of them with the loss of one or more of their members — sent into banishment286. 32 Such severe reprisals287 have been too common with the Spaniards in their civil feuds288. Strange that they should so blindly plunge289 into these, with this dreadful doom for the vanquished!
32 Declaracion de Uscategui, Ms. — Carta de Ventura Beltran, Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 21.
The loyal burghers of Arequipa seem to have been well contented with these executions. “If night had not overtaken us,” they say, alluding290 to the action, in their letter to the emperor, “your Majesty291 would have had no reason to complain; but what was omitted then is made up now, since the governor goes on quartering every day some one or other of the traitors who escaped from the field.” See the original in Appendix, No. 13.
From the scene of this bloody tragedy, the governor proceeded to Cuzco, which he entered at the head of his victorious292 battalions, with all the pomp and military display of a conqueror. He maintained a corresponding state in his way of living, at the expense of a sneer293 from some, who sarcastically294 contrasted this ostentatious profusion295 with the economical reforms he subsequently introduced into the finances. 33 But Vaca de Castro was sensible of the effect of this outward show on the people generally, and disdained296 no means of giving authority to his office. His first act was to determine the fate of his prisoner, Almagro. A council of war was held. Some were for sparing the unfortunate chief, in consideration of his youth, and the strong cause of provocation297 he had received. But the majority were of opinion that such mercy could not be extended to the leader of the rebels, and that his death was indispensable to the permanent tranquillity of the country.
33 Herrera, Hist. General, dec 7, lib. 4, cap. 1.
When led to execution in the great square of Cuzco, — the same spot where his father had suffered but a few years before, — Almagro exhibited the most perfect composure, though, as the herald298 proclaimed aloud the doom of the traitor222, he indignantly denied that he was one. He made no appeal for mercy to his judges, but simply requested that his bones might be laid by the side of his father’s. He objected to having his eyes bandaged, as was customary on such occasions, and, after confession, he devoutly299 embraced the cross, and submitted his neck to the stroke of the executioner. His remains, agreeably to his request, were transported to the monastery300 of La Merced, where they were deposited side by side with those of his unfortunate parent. 34
34 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 21. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 6, cap. 1.]
There have been few names, indeed, in the page of history, more unfortunate than that of Almagro. Yet the fate of the son excites a deeper sympathy than that of the father; and this, not merely on account of his youth, and the peculiar95 circumstances of his situation. He possessed many of the good qualities of the elder Almagro, with a frank and manly301 nature, in which the bearing of the soldier was somewhat softened302 by the refinement303 of a better education than is to be found in the license304 of a camp. His career, though short, gave promise of considerable talent, which required only a fair field for its development. But he was the child of misfortune, and his morning of life was overcast305 by clouds and tempests. If his character, naturally benignant, sometimes showed the fiery306 sparkles of the vindictive307 Indian temper, some apology may be found, not merely in his blood, but in the circumstances of his situation. He was more sinned against than sinning; and, if conspiracy308 could ever find a justification309, it must be in a case like his, where, borne down by injuries heaped on his parent and himself, he could obtain no redress310 from the only quarter whence he had a right to look for it. With him, the name of Almagro became extinct, and the faction of Chili, so long the terror of the land, passed away for ever.
While these events were occurring in Cuzco, the governor learned that Gonzalo Pizarro had arrived at Lima, where he showed himself greatly discontented with the state of things in Peru. He loudly complained that the government of the country, after his brother’s death, had not been placed in his hands; and, as reported by some, he was now meditating311 schemes for getting possession of it. Vaca de Castro well knew that there would be no lack of evil counsellors to urge Gonzalo to this desperate step; and, anxious to extinguish the spark of insurrection before it had been fanned by these turbulent spirits into a flame, he detached a strong body to Lima to secure that capital. At the same time he commanded the presence of Gonzalo Pizarro in Cuzco.
That chief did not think it prudent312 to disregard the summons; and shortly after entered the Inca capital, at the head of a well-armed body of cavaliers. He was at once admitted into the governor’s presence, when the latter dismissed his guard, remarking that he had nothing to fear from a brave and loyal knight like Pizarro. He then questioned him as to his late adventures in Canelas, and showed great sympathy for his extraordinary sufferings. He took care not to alarm his jealousy by any allusion313 to his ambitious schemes, and concluded by recommending him, now that the tranquillity of the country was reestablished, to retire and seek the repose he so much needed, on his valuable estates at Charcas. Gonzalo Pizarro, finding no ground opened for a quarrel with the cool and politic governor, and probably feeling that he was, at least not now, in sufficient strength to warrant it, thought it prudent to take the advice, and withdrew to La Plata, where he busied himself in working those rich mines of silver that soon put him in condition for a more momentous314 enterprise than any he had yet attempted. 35
35 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 4, cap. 1; lib. 6, cap 3. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru lib. 1, cap. 22.]
Thus rid of his formidable competitor, Vaca de Castro occupied himself with measures for the settlement of the country. He began with his army, a part of which he had disbanded. But many cavaliers still remained, pressing their demands for a suitable recompense for their services. These they were not disposed to undervalue, and the governor was happy to rid himself of their importunities by employing them on distant expeditions, among which was the exploration of the country watered by the great Rio de la Plata. The boiling spirits of the high-mettled cavaliers, without some such vent20, would soon have thrown the whole country again into a state of fermentation.
His next concern was to provide laws for the better government of the colony. He gave especial care to the state of the Indian population; and established schools for teaching them Christianity. By various provisions, he endeavoured to secure them from the exactions of their conquerors, and he encouraged the poor natives to transfer their own residence to the communities of the white men. He commanded the caciques to provide supplies for the tambos, or houses for the accommodation of travellers, which lay in their neighbourhood, by which regulation he took away from the Spaniards a plausible316 apology for rapine, and greatly promoted facility of intercourse317. He was watchful318 over the finances, much dilapidated in the late troubles, and in several instances retrenched319 what he deemed excessive repartimientos among the Conquerors. This last act exposed him to much odium from the objects of it. But his measures were so just and impartial320, that he was supported by public opinion. 36
36 Ibid., ubi supra. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 6, cap. 2.]
Indeed, Vaca de Castro’s conduct, from the hour of his arrival in the country, had been such as to command respect, and prove him competent to the difficult post for which he had been selected. Without funds, without troops, he had found the country, on his landing, in a state of anarchy321; yet, by courage and address, he had gradually acquired sufficient strength to quell the insurrection. Though no soldier, he had shown undaunted spirit and presence of mind in the hour of action, and made his military preparations with a forecast and discretion322 that excited the admiration of the most experienced veterans.
If he may be thought to have abused the advantages of victory by cruelty towards the conquered, it must be allowed that he was not influenced by any motives323 of a personal nature. He was a lawyer, bred in high notions of royal prerogative324. Rebellion he looked upon as an unpardonable crime; and, if his austere nature was unrelenting in the exaction315 of justice, he lived in an iron age, when justice was rarely tempered by mercy.
In his subsequent regulations for the settlement of the country, he showed equal impartiality325 and wisdom. The colonists326 were deeply sensible of the benefits of his administration, and afforded the best commentary on his services by petitioning the Court of Castile to continue him in the government of Peru. 37 Unfortunately, such was not the policy of the Crown.
37 “I asi lo escrivieron al Rei la Ciudad del Cuzco, la Villa327 de la Plata, i otras Comunidades, suplicandole, que los dexase por Governador a Vaca de Castro, como Persona, que procedia con rectitud, i que ia entendia el Govierno de aquellos Reinos.” Herrera, Ibid., loc. cit.]
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1
con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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3
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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5
din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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6
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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cavil
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| v.挑毛病，吹毛求疵 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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14
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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16
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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21
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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23
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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27
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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28
insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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incompetency
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| n.无能力，不适当 | |
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32
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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33
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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34
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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36
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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37
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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38
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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40
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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41
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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42
subside
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| vi.平静，平息；下沉，塌陷，沉降 | |
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43
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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44
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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45
gusts
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| 一阵强风( gust的名词复数 )； （怒、笑等的）爆发； （感情的）迸发； 发作 | |
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46
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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47
avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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48
avowedly
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| adv.公然地 | |
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49
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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50
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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51
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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52
indigent
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的 | |
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53
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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54
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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55
interrogated
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| v.询问( interrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；审问；（在计算机或其他机器上）查询 | |
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56
arrear
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| n.欠款 | |
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57
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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58
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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59
supplicant
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| adj.恳求的n.恳求者 | |
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60
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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61
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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62
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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63
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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64
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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65
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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66
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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67
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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68
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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69
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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70
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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71
plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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72
fin
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| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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73
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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74
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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75
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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76
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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77
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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78
procrastinate
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| v.耽搁，拖延 | |
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79
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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80
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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81
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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82
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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83
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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84
extort
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| v.勒索，敲诈，强要 | |
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85
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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86
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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87
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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88
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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89
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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90
presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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91
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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92
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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93
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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94
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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95
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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96
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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97
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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98
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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99
impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
seaport
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| n.海港，港口，港市 | |
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101
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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102
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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103
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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104
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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105
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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106
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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107
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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108
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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109
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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110
atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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111
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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112
smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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113
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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114
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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115
specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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116
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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118
eradicated
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| 画着根的 | |
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119
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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120
replenished
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| 补充( replenish的过去式和过去分词 )； 重新装满 | |
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121
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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122
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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123
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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124
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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125
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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126
detesting
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的现在分词 ) | |
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127
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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128
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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129
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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130
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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131
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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132
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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133
frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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134
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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135
invoking
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| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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136
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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137
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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138
panoply
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| n.全副甲胄，礼服 | |
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139
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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140
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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141
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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142
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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143
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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144
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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145
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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146
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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147
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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148
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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149
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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150
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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151
arrogate
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| v.冒称具有...权利，霸占 | |
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152
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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153
impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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154
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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155
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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156
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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157
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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158
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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159
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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160
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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161
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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162
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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163
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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164
gleaned
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| v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的过去式和过去分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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165
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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166
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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167
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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168
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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169
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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170
stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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171
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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172
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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173
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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174
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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175
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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176
paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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177
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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178
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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179
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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180
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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181
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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182
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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183
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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184
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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185
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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186
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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187
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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188
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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189
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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190
tampering
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| v.窜改( tamper的现在分词 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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191
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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192
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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194
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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195
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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196
sleet
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| n.雨雪；v.下雨雪，下冰雹 | |
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197
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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198
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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199
stiffened
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| 加强的 | |
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200
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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201
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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202
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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203
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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204
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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205
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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206
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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207
dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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208
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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209
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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210
emblems
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| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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211
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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212
knightly
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| adj. 骑士般的 adv. 骑士般地 | |
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213
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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214
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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215
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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216
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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217
recollected
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| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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218
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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219
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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220
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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221
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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222
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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223
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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224
crest
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| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
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225
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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226
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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227
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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228
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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229
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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230
declivity
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| n.下坡，倾斜面 | |
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231
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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232
scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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233
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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234
gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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235
remonstrating
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的现在分词 )；告诫 | |
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236
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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237
wielding
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的现在分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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238
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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239
eyewitness
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| n.目击者，见证人 | |
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240
wrench
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| v.猛拧；挣脱；使扭伤；n.扳手；痛苦，难受 | |
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241
asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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242
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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243
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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244
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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245
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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246
mowed
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| v.刈，割( mow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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247
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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248
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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249
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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250
valiantly
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| adv.勇敢地，英勇地；雄赳赳 | |
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251
melee
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| n.混战；混战的人群 | |
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252
stouthearted
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| adj.刚毅的，大胆的 | |
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253
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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254
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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255
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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256
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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257
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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258
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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259
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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261
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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contemplating
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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tattered
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| adj.破旧的，衣衫破的 | |
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277
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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278
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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287
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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291
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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293
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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sarcastically
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| adv.挖苦地，讽刺地 | |
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profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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298
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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301
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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304
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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overcast
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| adj.阴天的，阴暗的，愁闷的；v.遮盖，（使）变暗，包边缝；n.覆盖，阴天 | |
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306
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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308
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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309
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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310
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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311
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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312
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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313
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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314
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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315
exaction
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| n.强求，强征；杂税 | |
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316
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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317
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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318
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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319
retrenched
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| v.紧缩开支( retrench的过去式和过去分词 )；削减（费用）；节省 | |
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320
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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321
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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322
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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323
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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324
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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325
impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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326
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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327
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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