Abuses By The Conquerors3. — Code For The Colonies. — Great Excitement In Peru. — Blasco Nunez The Viceroy. — His Severe Policy. — Opposed By Gonzalo Pizarro.
1543–1544.
Before continuing the narrative4 of events in Peru, we must turn to the mother-country, where important changes were in progress in respect to the administration of the colonies.
Since his accession to the Crown, Charles the Fifth had been chiefly engrossed5 by the politics of Europe, where a theatre was opened more stimulating6 to his ambition than could be found in a struggle with the barbarian7 princes of the New World. In this quarter, therefore, an empire almost unheeded, as it were, had been suffered to grow up, until it had expanded into dimensions greater than those of his European dominions8, and destined9 soon to become far more opulent. A scheme of government had, it is true, been devised, and laws enacted10 from time to time for the regulation of the colonies. But these laws were often accommodated less to the interests of the colonies themselves, than to those of the parent country; and, when contrived12 in a better spirit, they were but imperfectly executed; for the voice of authority, however loudly proclaimed at home, too often died away in feeble echoes before it had crossed the waters. This state of things, and, indeed, the manner in which the Spanish territories in the New World had been originally acquired, were most unfortunate both for the conquered races and their masters. Had the provinces gained by the Spaniards been the fruit of peaceful acquisition, — of barter13 and negotiation14, — or had their conquest been achieved under the immediate15 direction of government, the interests of the natives would have been more carefully protected. From the superior civilization of the Indians in the Spanish American colonies, they still continued after the Conquest to remain on the ground, and to mingle17 in the same communities, with the white men; in this forming an obvious contrast to the condition of our own aborigines, who, shrinking from the contact of civilization, have withdrawn18, as the latter has advanced, deeper and deeper into the heart of the wilderness20. But the South American Indian was qualified21 by his previous institutions for a more refined legislation than could be adapted to the wild hunters of the forest; and, had the sovereign been there in person to superintend his conquests, he could never have suffered so large a portion of his vassals22 to be wantonly sacrificed to the cupidity23 and cruelty of the handful of adventurers who subdued24 them.
But, as it was, the affair of reducing the country was committed to the hands of irresponsible individuals, soldiers of fortune, desperate adventurers, who entered on conquest as a game, which they were to play in the most unscrupulous manner, with little care but to win it. Receiving small encouragement from the government, they were indebted to their own valor25 for success; and the right of conquest, they conceived, extinguished every existing right in the unfortunate natives. The lands, the persons, of the conquered races were parcelled out and appropriated by the victors as the legitimate26 spoils of victory; and outrages27 were perpetrated every day, at the contemplation of which humanity shudders28.
These outrages, though nowhere perpetrated on so terrific a scale as in the islands, where, in a few years, they had nearly annihilated29 the native population, were yet of sufficient magnitude in Peru to call down the vengeance30 of Heaven on the heads of their authors; and the Indian might feel that this vengeance was not long delayed, when he beheld31 his oppressors, wrangling32 over their miserable33 spoil, and turning their swords against each other. Peru, as already mentioned, was subdued by adventurers, for the most part, of a lower and more ferocious34 stamp than those who followed the banner of Cortes. The character of the followers35 partook, in some measure, of that of the leaders in their respective enterprises. It was a sad fatality36 for the Incas; for the reckless soldiers of Pizarro were better suited to contend with the fierce Aztec than with the more refined and effeminate Peruvian. Intoxicated37 by the unaccustomed possession of power, and without the least notion of the responsibilities which attached to their situation as masters of the land, they too often abandoned themselves to the indulgence of every whim38 which cruelty or caprice could dictate39. Not unfrequently, says an unsuspicious witness, I have seen the Spaniards, long after the Conquest, amuse themselves by hunting down the natives with bloodhounds for mere40 sport, or in order to train their dogs to the game! 1 The most unbounded scope was given to licentiousness41. The young maiden42 was torn without remorse43 from the arms of her family to gratify the passion of her brutal44 conqueror2. 2 The sacred houses of the Virgins45 of the Sun were broken open and violated, and the cavalier swelled46 his harem with a troop of Indian girls, making it seem that the Crescent would have been a much more fitting symbol for his banner than the immaculate Cross. 3
1 “Espanoles hai que crian perros carniceros i los avezan a matar Indios, lo qual procuran a las veces por pasatiempo, i ver si lo hacen bien los perros.” Relacion que dio el Provisor Morales sobre las cosas que convenian provarse en el Peru, Ms.]
2 “Que los Justicias dan cedulas de Anaconas que por otros terminos los hacen esclavos e vivir contra su voluntad, diciendo: Por la presente damos licencia a vos Fulano, para que os podais servir de tal Indio o de tal India e lo podais tomar e sacar donde quiera que lo hallaredes.” Rel. del Provisor Morales, Ms.]
3 “Es general el vicio del amancebamiento con1 Indias, i algunos tienen cantidad dellas como en serrallo.” Ibid., Ms.]
But the dominant47 passion of the Spaniard was the lust48 of gold. For this he shrunk from no toil49 himself, and was merciless in his exactions of labor50 from his Indian slave. Unfortunately, Peru abounded51 in mines which too well repaid this labor; and human life was the item of least account in the estimate of the Conquerors. Under his Incas, the Peruvian was never suffered to be idle; but the task imposed on him was always proportioned to his strength. He had his seasons of rest and refreshment52, and was well protected against the inclemency53 of the weather. Every care was shown for his personal safety. But the Spaniards, while they taxed the strength of the native to the utmost, deprived him of the means of repairing it, when exhausted54. They suffered the provident55 arrangements of the Incas to fall into decay. The granaries were emptied; the flocks were wasted in riotous56 living. They were slaughtered57 to gratify a mere epicurean whim, and many a llama was destroyed solely58 for the sake of the brains, — a dainty morsel59, much coveted60 by the Spaniards. 4 So reckless was the spirit of destruction after the Conquest, says Ondegardo, the wise governor of Cuzco, that in four years more of these animals perished than in four hundred, in the times of the Incas. 5 The flocks, once so numerous over the broad table-lands, were now thinned to a scanty61 number, that sought shelter in the fastnesses of the Andes. The poor Indian, without food, without the warm fleece which furnished him a defence against the cold, now wandered half-starved and naked over the plateau. Even those who had aided the Spaniards in the conquest fared no better; and many an Inca noble roamed a mendicant62 over the lands where he once held rule, and if driven, perchance, by his necessities, to purloin63 something from the superfluity of his conquerors, he expiated64 it by a miserable death. 6
4 “Muchos Espanoles han muerto i matan increible cantidad de ovejas por comer solo los sesos, hacer pasteles del tuetano i candelas de la grasa. De ai hambre general.” Ibid., Ms.]
5 “Se puede afirmar que hicieron mas dano los Espanoles en solos quatro anos que el Inga en quatrocientos.” Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms.]
6 “Ahora no tienen que comer ni donde sembrar, i asi van a hurtallo como solian, delito por que han aorcado a muchos.” Rel. del Provisor Morales, Ms.
This, and some of the preceding citations65, as the reader will see, have been taken from the Ms. of the Bachelor Luis de Morales, who lived eighteen or twenty years in Cuzco; and, in 1541, about the time of Vaca de Castro’s coming to Peru, prepared a Memorial for the government, embracing a hundred and nine chapters. It treats of the condition of the country, and the remedies which suggested themselves to the benevolent66 mind of its author. The emperor’s notes on the margin67 show that it received attention at court. There is no reason, as far as I am aware, to distrust the testimony68 of the writer, and Munoz has made some sensible extracts from it for his inestimable collection.]
It is true, there were good men, missionaries69, faithful to their calling, who wrought70 hard in the spiritual conversion71 of the native, and who, touched by his misfortunes, would gladly have interposed their arm to shield him from his oppressors. 7 But too often the ecclesiastic72 became infected by the general spirit of licentiousness; and the religious fraternities, who led a life of easy indulgence on the lands cultivated by their Indian slaves, were apt to think less of the salvation73 of their souls than of profiting by the labor of their bodies. 8
7 Father Naharro notices twelve missionaries, some of his own order, whose zealous74 labors75 and miracles for the conversion of the Indians he deems worthy76 of comparison with those of the twelve Apostles of Christianity. It is a pity that history, while it has commemorated77 the names of so many persecutors of the poor heathen, should have omitted those of their benefactors78.
“Tomo su divina Magestad por instrumento 12 solos religiosos pobres, descalzos i desconocidos, 5 del orden de la Merced, 4 de Predicadores, i 3 de San Francisco, obraron lo mismo que los 12 apostolos en la conversion de todo el universo mundo.” Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]
8 “Todos los conventos de Dominicos i Mercenarios tienen repartimientos. Ninguno dellos ha dotrinado ni convertido un Indio. Procuran sacar dellos quanto pueden, trabajarles en grangerias; con esto i con otras limosnas enriquecen. Mal egemplo. Ademas convendra no pasen frailes sino precediendo diligente examen de vida i dotrina.” (Relacion de las cosas que S. M. deve proveer para los reynos del Peru, embiada desde los Reyes a la Corte por el Licenciado Martel Santoyo, de quien va firmada en principios de 1542, Ms.) This statement of the licentiate shows a different side of the picture from that above quoted from Father Naharro. Yet they are not irreconcilable79. Human nature has both its lights and its shadows.]
Yet still there were not wanting good and wise men in the colonies, who, from time to time, raised the voice of remonstrance80 against these abuses, and who carried their complaints to the foot of the throne. To the credit of the government, it must also be confessed, that it was solicitous81 to obtain such information as it could, both from its own officers, and from commissioners83 deputed expressly for the purpose, whose voluminous communications throw a flood of light on the internal condition of the country, and furnish the best materials for the historian. 9 But it was found much easier to get this information than to profit by it.
9 I have several of these Memorials or Relaciones, as they are called, in my possession, drawn19 up by residents in answer to queries84 propounded85 by government. These queries, while their great object is to ascertain86 the nature of existing abuses, and to invite the suggestion of remedies, are often directed to the laws and usages of the ancient Incas. The responses, therefore, are of great value to the historical inquirer. The most important of these documents in my possession is that by Ondegardo, governor of Cuzco, covering near four hundred folio pages, once forming part of Lord Kingsborough’s valuable collection. It is impossible to peruse87 those elaborate and conscientious88 reports without a deep conviction of the pains taken by the Crown to ascertain the nature of the abuses in the domestic government of the colonies, and their honest purpose to amend89 them. Unfortunately, in this laudable purpose they were not often seconded by the colonist90 themselves.]
In 1541, Charles the Fifth, who had been much occupied by the affairs of Germany, revisited his ancestral dominions, where his attention was imperatively91 called to the state of the colonies. Several memorials in relation to it were laid before him; but no one pressed the matter so strongly on the royal conscience as Las Casas, afterwards Bishop92 of Chiapa. This good ecclesiastic, whose long life had been devoted93 to those benevolent labors which gained him the honorable title of Protector of the Indians, had just completed his celebrated94 treatise95 on the Destruction of the Indies, the most remarkable96 record, probably, to be found, of human wickedness, but which, unfortunately, loses much of its effect from the credulity of the writer, and his obvious tendency to exaggerate.
In 1542, Las Casas placed his manuscript in the hands of his royal master. That same year, a council was called at Valladolid, composed chiefly of jurists and theologians, to devise a system of laws for the regulation of the American colonies.
Las Casas appeared before this body, and made an elaborate argument, of which a part only has been given to the public. He there assumes, as a fundamental proposition, that the Indians were by the law of nature free; that, as vassals of the Crown, they had a right to its protection, and should be declared free from that time, without exception and for ever. 10 He sustains this proposition by a great variety of arguments, comprehending the substance of most that has been since urged in the same cause by the friends of humanity. He touches on the ground of expediency97, showing, that, without the interference of government, the Indian race must be gradually exterminated98 by the systematic99 oppression of the Spaniards. In conclusion, he maintains, that, if the Indians, as it was pretended, would not labor unless compelled, the white man would still find it for his interest to cultivate the soil; and that if he should not be able to do so, that circumstance would give him no right over the Indian, since God does not allow evil that good may come of it. 11 — This lofty morality, it will be remembered, was from the lips of a Dominican, in the sixteenth century, one of the order that founded the Inquisition, and in the very country where the fiery100 tribunal was then in most active operation! 12
10 The perpetual emancipation101 of the Indians is urged in the most emphatic102 manner by another bishop, also a Dominican, but bearing certainly very little resemblance to Las Casas. Fray103 Valverde makes this one of the prominent topics in a communication, already cited, to the government, the general scope of which must be admitted to do more credit to his humanity than some of the passages recorded of him in history. — “A V. M. representaran alla los conquistadores muchos servicios, dandolos por causa para que los dexen servir de los indios como de esclavos: V. M. se los tiene mui bien pagados en los provechos que han avido desta tierra, y no los ha de pagar con hazer a sus vasallos esclavos.” Carta de Valverde al Emperador, Ms.]
11 “La loi de Dieu detend de faire le mal pour qu’il en resulte du bien.” Oeuvres de Las Casas, eveque de Chiapa, trad. par11 Llorente, (Paris, 1822,) tom. l. p. 251.]
12 It is a curious coincidence, that this argument of Las Casas should have been first published — in a translated form, indeed — by a secretary of the Inquisition, Llorente. The original still remains104 in Ms. It is singular that these volumes, containing the views of this great philanthropist on topics of such interest to humanity, should not have been more freely consulted, or at least cited, by those who have since trod in his footsteps. They are an arsenal105 from which many a serviceable weapon for the good cause might be borrowed.]
The arguments of Las Casas encountered all the opposition106 naturally to be expected from indifference107, selfishness, and bigotry108. They were also resisted by some persons of just and benevolent views in his audience, who, while they admitted the general correctness of his reasoning, and felt deep sympathy for the wrongs of the natives, yet doubted whether his scheme of reform was not fraught109 with greater evils than those it was intended to correct. For Las Casas was the uncompromising friend of freedom. He intrenched himself strongly on the ground of natural right; and, like some of the reformers of our own day, disdained110 to calculate the consequences of carrying out the principle to its full and unqualified extent. His earnest eloquence111, instinct with the generous love of humanity, and fortified112 by a host of facts, which it was not easy to assail113, prevailed over his auditors114. The result of their deliberations was a code of ordinances115, which, however, far from being limited to the wants of the natives, had particular reference to the European population, and the distractions116 of the country. It was of general application to all the American colonies. It will be necessary here only to point out some of the provisions having immediate reference to Peru.
The Indians were declared true and loyal vassals of the Crown, and their freedom as such was fully16 recognized. Yet, to maintain inviolate117 the guaranty of the government to the Conquerors, it was decided118, that those lawfully119 possessed120 of slaves might still retain them; but, at the death of the present proprietors121, they were to revert122 to the Crown.
It was provided, however, that slaves, in any event, should be forfeited123 by all those who had shown themselves unworthy to hold them by neglect or ill-usage; by all public functionaries124, or such as had held offices under the government; by ecclesiastics125 and religious corporations; and lastly, — a sweeping126 clause, — by all who had taken a criminal part in the feuds127 of Almagro and Pizarro.
It was further ordered, that the Indians should be moderately taxed; that they should not be compelled to labor where they did not choose, and that where, from particular circumstances, this was made necessary, they should receive a fair compensation. It was also decreed, that, as the repartimientos of land were often excessive, they should in such cases be reduced; and that, where proprietors had been guilty of a notorious abuse of their slaves, their estates should be forfeited altogether.
As Peru had always shown a spirit of insubordination, which required a more vigorous interposition of authority than was necessary in the other colonies, it was resolved to send a viceroy to that country, who should display a state, and be armed with powers, that might make him a more fitting representative of the sovereign. He was to be accompanied by a Royal Audience, consisting of four judges, with extensive powers of jurisdiction128, both criminal and civil, who, besides a court of justice, should constitute a sort of council to advise with and aid the viceroy. The Audience of Panama was to be dissolved, and the new tribunal, with the vice-king’s court, was to be established at Los Reyes, or Lima, as it now began to be called, — henceforth the metropolis129 of the Spanish empire on the Pacific. 13
13 The provisions of this celebrated code are to be found, with more or less — generally less — accuracy, in the various contemporary writers. Herrera gives them in extenso. Hist. General, dec 7 lib. 6, cap. 5.]
Such were some of the principal features of this remarkable code, which, touching130 on the most delicate relations of society, broke up the very foundations of property, and, by a stroke of the pen, as it were, converted a nation of slaves into freemen. It would have required, we may suppose, but little forecast to divine, that in the remote regions of America, and especially in Peru, where the colonists131 had been hitherto accustomed to unbounded license132, a reform, so salutary in essential points, could be enforced thus summarily only at the price of a revolution. — Yet the ordinances received the sanction of the emperor that same year, and in November, 1543, were published at Madrid. 14
14 Las Casas pressed the matter home on the royal conscience, by representing that the Papal See conceded the right of conquest to the Spanish sovereigns on the exclusive condition of converting the heathen, and that the Almighty133 would hold him accountable for the execution of this trust. Oeuvres de Las Casas, ubi supra.]
No sooner was their import known than it was conveyed by numerous letters to the colonists, from their friends in Spain. The tidings flew like wild-fire over the land, from Mexico to Chili134. Men were astounded135 at the prospect136 of the ruin that awaited them. In Peru, particularly, there was scarcely one that could hope to escape the operation of the law. Few there were who had not taken part, at some time or other, in the civil feuds of Almagro and Pizarro; and still fewer of those that remained that would not be entangled137 in some one or other of the insidious138 clauses that seemed spread out, like a web, to ensnare them.
The whole country was thrown into commotion139. Men assembled tumultuously in the squares and public places, and, as the regulations were made known, they were received with universal groans140 and hisses141. “Is this the fruit,” they cried, “of all our toil? Is it for this that we have poured out our blood like water? Now that we are broken down by hardships and sufferings, to be left at the end of our campaigns as poor as at the beginning! Is this the way government rewards our services in winning for it an empire? The government has done little to aid us in making the conquest, and for what we have we may thank our own good swords; and with these same swords,” they continued, warming into menace, “we know how to defend it.” Then, stripping up his sleeve, the war-worn veteran bared his arm, or, exposing his naked bosom142, pointed143 to his scars, as the best title to his estates. 15
15 Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Pedro de Valdivia, Ms., desde Los Reyes, 31 de Oct., 1538. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 1. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 6, cap. 10, 11.
Benalcazar, in a letter to Charles the Fifth, indulges in a strain of invective144 against the ordinances, which, by stripping the planters of their Indian slaves, must inevitably145 reduce the country to beggary Benalcazar was a conqueror, and one of the most respectable of his caste. His argument is a good specimen146 of the reasoning of his party on this subject, and presents a decided counterblast to that of Las Casas. Carta de Benalcazar al Emperador, Ms., desde Cali. 20 de Diciembre, 1544.
The governor, Vaca de Castro, watched the storm thus gathering147 from all quarters, with the deepest concern. He was himself in the very heart of disaffection; for Cuzco, tenanted by a mixed and lawless population, was so far removed into the depths of the mountains, that it had much less intercourse148 with the parent country, and was consequently much less under her influence, than the great towns on the coast. The people now invoked149 the governor to protect them against the tyranny of the Court; but he endeavoured to calm the agitation150 by representing, that by these violent measures they would only defeat their own object. He counselled them to name deputies to lay their petition before the Crown, stating the impracticability of the present scheme of reform, and praying for the repeal151 of it; and he conjured152 them to wait patiently for the arrival of the viceroy, who might be prevailed on to suspend the ordinances till further advices could be received from Castile.
But it was not easy to still the tempest; and the people now eagerly looked for some one whose interests and sympathies might lie with theirs, and whose position in the community might afford them protection. The person to whom they naturally turned in this crisis was Gonzalo Pizarro, the last in the land of that family who had led the armies of the Conquest, — a cavalier whose gallantry and popular manners had made him always a favorite with the people. He was now beset153 with applications to interpose in their behalf with the government, and shield them from the oppressive ordinances.
But Gonzalo Pizarro was at Charcas, busily occupied in exploring the rich veins154 of Potosi, whose silver fountains, just brought into light, were soon to pour such streams of wealth over Europe. Though gratified with this appeal to his protection, the cautious cavalier was more intent on providing for the means of enterprise than on plunging155 prematurely156 into it; and, while he secretly encouraged the malecontents, he did not commit himself by taking part in any revolutionary movement. At the same period, he received letters from Vaca de Castro, — whose vigilant157 eye watched all the aspects of the time, — cautioning Gonzalo and his friends not to be seduced158, by any wild schemes of reform, from their allegiance. And, to check still further these disorderly movements, he ordered his alcaldes to arrest every man guilty of seditious language, and bring him at once to punishment. By this firm yet temperate159 conduct the minds of the populace were overawed, and there was a temporary lull160 in the troubled waters, while all looked anxiously for the coming of the viceroy. 16
16 Ibid., ubi supra. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, ubi supra. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Montesinos, Annales Ms., ano 1543.]
The person selected for this critical post was a knight161 of Avila, named Blasco Nunez Vela. He was a cavalier of ancient family, handsome in person, though now somewhat advanced in years, and reputed brave and devout162. He had filled some offices of responsibility to the satisfaction of Charles the Fifth, by whom he was now appointed to this post in Peru. The selection did no credit to the monarch163’s discernment.
It may seem strange that this important place should not have been bestowed164 on Vaca de Castro, already on the spot, and who had shown himself so well qualified to fill it. But ever since that officer’s mission to Peru, there had been a series of assassinations165, insurrections, and civil wars, that menaced the wretched colony with ruin; and though his wise administration had now brought things into order, the communication with the Indies was so tardy166, that the results of his policy were not yet fully disclosed. As it was designed, moreover, to make important innovations in the government, it was thought better to send some one who would have no personal prejudices to encounter, from the part he had already taken, and who, coming directly from the Court, and clothed with extraordinary powers, might present himself with greater authority than could one who had become familiar to the people in an inferior capacity. The monarch, however, wrote a letter with his own hand to Vaca de Castro, in which he thanked that officer for his past services, and directed him, after aiding the new viceroy with the fruits of his large experience, to return to Castile, and take his seat in the Royal Council. Letters of a similar complimentary167 kind were sent to the loyal colonists who had stood by the governor in the late troubles of the country. Freighted with these testimonials, and with the ill-starred ordinances, Blasco Nunez embarked168 at San Lucar, on the 3d of November, 1543. He was attended by the four judges of the Audience, and by a numerous retinue169, that he might appear in the state befitting his distinguished170 rank. 17
17 Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 6, cap. 9. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 6. — Zarate, Ms.]
About the middle of the following January, 1544, the viceroy, after a favorable passage, landed at Nombre de Dios. He found there a vessel171 laden172 with silver from the Peruvian mines, ready to sail for Spain. His first act was to lay an embargo173 on it for the government, as containing the proceeds of slave labor. After this extraordinary measure, taken in opposition to the advice of the Audience, he crossed the Isthmus174 to Panama. Here he gave sure token of his future policy, by causing more than three hundred Indians, who had been brought by their owners from Peru, to be liberated175 and sent back to their own country. This high-handed measure created the greatest sensation in the city, and was strongly resisted by the judges of the Audience. They besought176 him not to begin thus precipitately177 to execute his commission, but to wait till his arrival in the colony, when he should have taken time to acquaint himself somewhat with the country, and with the temper of the people. But Blasco Nunez coldly replied, that “he had come, not to tamper178 with the laws, nor to discuss their merits, but to execute them, — and execute them he would, to the letter, whatever might be the consequence.” 18 This answer, and the peremptory179 tone in which it was delivered, promptly180 adjourned181 the debate; for the judges saw that debate was useless with one who seemed to consider all remonstrance as an attempt to turn him from his duty, and whose ideas of duty precluded182 all discretionary exercise of authority, even where the public good demanded it.
18 “Estas y otras cosas le dixo el Licenciado Carate: que no fueron al gusto del Virey: antes se enojo mucho por ello, y respondio con alguna aspereza: jurando, que auia de executar las ordenancas come en ellas se contenia: sin esperar para ello terminos algunos, ni dilaciones.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1. cap. 6.]
Leaving the Audience, as one of its body was ill at Panama, the viceroy proceeded on his way, and, coasting down the shores of the Pacific, on the fourth of March he disembarked at Tumbez. He was well received by the loyal inhabitants; his authority was publicly proclaimed, and the people were overawed by the display of a magnificence and state such as had not till then been seen in Peru. He took an early occasion to intimate his future line of policy by liberating183 a number of Indian slaves on the application of their caciques. He then proceeded by land towards the south, and showed his determination to conform in his own person to the strict letter of the ordinances, by causing his baggage to be carried by mules184, where it was practicable; and where absolutely necessary to make use of Indians, he paid them fairly for their services. 19
19 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 2. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, ubi supra. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1544.]
The whole country was thrown into consternation185 by reports of the proceedings186 of the viceroy, and of his conversations, most unguarded, which were eagerly circulated, and, no doubt, often exaggerated. Meetings were again called in the cities. Discussions were held on the expediency of resisting his further progress, and a deputation of citizens from Cuzco, who were then in Lima, strongly urged the people to close the gates of that capital against him. But Vaca de Castro had also left Cuzco for the latter city, on the earliest intimation of the viceroy’s approach, and, with some difficulty, he prevailed on the inhabitants not to swerve187 from their loyalty188, but to receive their new ruler with suitable honors, and trust to his calmer judgment189 for postponing190 the execution of the law till the case could be laid before the throne.
But the great body of the Spaniards, after what they had heard, had slender confidence in the relief to be obtained from this quarter. They now turned with more eagerness than ever towards Gonzalo Pizarro; and letters and addresses poured in upon him from all parts of the country, inviting191 him to take on himself the office of their protector. These applications found a more favorable response than on the former occasion.
There were, indeed, many motives192 at work to call Gonzalo into action. It was to his family, mainly, that Spain was indebted for this extension of her colonial empire; and he had felt deeply aggrieved193 that the government of the colony should be trusted to other hands than his. He had felt this on the arrival of Vaca de Castro, and much more so when the appointment of a viceroy proved it to be the settled policy of the Crown to exclude his family from the management of affairs. His brother Hernando still languished194 in prison, and he himself was now to be sacrificed as the principal victim of the fatal ordinances. For who had taken so prominent a part in the civil war with the elder Almagro? And the viceroy was currently reported — it may have been scandal — to have intimated that Pizarro would be dealt with accordingly. 20 Yet there was no one in the country who had so great a stake, who had so much to lose by the revolution. Abandoned thus by the government, he conceived that it was now time to take care of himself.
20 “It was not fair,” the viceroy said, “that the country should remain longer in the hands of muleteers and swineherds, (alluding to the origin of the Pizarros,) and he would take measures to restore it to the Crown.”
“Que asi me la havia de cortar a mi i a todos los que havian seido notablemente, como el decia, culpados en la batalla de las Salinas i en las diferencias de Almagro, i que una tierra como esta no era justo que estuviese en poder de gente tan vaxa que llamava el a los desta tierra porqueros i arrieros, sino que estuviese toda en la Corona195 real.” Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdi via, Ms.]
Assembling together some eighteen or twenty cavaliers in whom he most trusted, and taking a large amount of silver, drawn from the mines, he accepted the invitation to repair to Cuzco. As he approached this capital, he was met by a numerous body of the citizens, who came out to welcome him, making the air ring with their shouts, as they saluted196 him with the title of Procurator–General of Peru. The title was speedily confirmed by the municipality of the city, who invited him to head a deputation to Lima, in order to state their grievances197 to the viceroy, and solicit82 the present suspension of the ordinances.
But the spark of ambition was kindled198 in the bosom of Pizarro. He felt strong in the affections of the people; and, from the more elevated position in which he now stood, his desires took a loftier and more unbounded range. Yet, if he harboured a criminal ambition in his breast, he skilfully199 veiled it from others, — perhaps from himself. The only object he professed200 to have in view was the good of the people; 21 a suspicious phrase, usually meaning the good of the individual. He now demanded permission to raise and organize an armed force, with the further title of Captain–General. His views were entirely201 pacific; but it was not safe, unless strongly protected, to urge them on a person of the viceroy’s impatient and arbitrary temper. It was further contended by Pizarro’s friends, that such a force was demanded, to rid the country of their old enemy, the Inca Manco, who hovered202 in the neighbouring mountains with a body of warriors203, ready, at the first opportunity, to descend204 on the Spaniards. The municipality of Cuzco hesitated, as well it might, to confer powers so far beyond its legitimate authority. But Pizarro avowed205 his purpose, in case of refusal, to decline the office of Procurator; and the efforts of his partisans206, backed by those of the people, at length silenced the scruples207 of the magistrates208, who bestowed on the ambitious chief the military command to which he aspired209. Pizarro accepted it with the modest assurance, that he did so “purely from regard to the interests of the king, of the Indies, and, above all, of Peru”! 22
21 “Diciendo que no queria nada para si, sino para el beneficio universal, i que por todos havia de poner todas sus fuercas.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 7, cap. 20.]
22 “Acepte lo por ver que en ello hacia servicio a Dios i a S. M. l gran bien a esta tierra i generalmente a todas las Indias.” Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, ib. 7, cap. 19, 20. — Zarate, Conq del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 4, 8. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 8. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Montesinoe Annales, Ms., ano 1544.]
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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shudders
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| n.颤动，打颤，战栗( shudder的名词复数 )v.战栗( shudder的第三人称单数 )；发抖；（机器、车辆等）突然震动；颤动 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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wrangling
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| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的现在分词 ) | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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fatality
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| n.不幸，灾祸，天命 | |
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intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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whim
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| n.一时的兴致，突然的念头；奇想，幻想 | |
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dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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47
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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48
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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49
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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50
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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51
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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refreshment
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| n.恢复，精神爽快，提神之事物；（复数）refreshments:点心，茶点 | |
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53
inclemency
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| n.险恶，严酷 | |
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54
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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provident
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| adj.为将来做准备的，有先见之明的 | |
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riotous
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| adj.骚乱的；狂欢的 | |
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57
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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59
morsel
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| n.一口，一点点 | |
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60
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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61
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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62
mendicant
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| n.乞丐；adj.行乞的 | |
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purloin
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| v.偷窃 | |
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expiated
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| v.为（所犯罪过）接受惩罚，赎（罪）( expiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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citations
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| n.引用( citation的名词复数 )；引证；引文；表扬 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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67
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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72
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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75
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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benefactors
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| n.捐助者，施主( benefactor的名词复数 )；恩人 | |
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irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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82
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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queries
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| n.问题( query的名词复数 )；疑问；询问；问号v.质疑，对…表示疑问( query的第三人称单数 )；询问 | |
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85
propounded
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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peruse
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| v.细读，精读 | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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amend
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| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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arsenal
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| n.兵工厂，军械库 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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108
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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112
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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113
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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114
auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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115
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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116
distractions
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| n.使人分心的事[人]( distraction的名词复数 )；娱乐，消遣；心烦意乱；精神错乱 | |
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117
inviolate
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| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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118
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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119
lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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120
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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121
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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122
revert
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| v.恢复，复归，回到 | |
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123
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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125
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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126
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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127
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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128
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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129
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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130
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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131
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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132
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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133
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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134
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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135
astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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136
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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137
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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139
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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140
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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141
hisses
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| 嘶嘶声( hiss的名词复数 ) | |
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142
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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143
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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144
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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145
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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146
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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147
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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148
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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149
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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150
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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151
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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152
conjured
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| 用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 )； 祈求，恳求； 变戏法； （变魔术般地） 使…出现 | |
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153
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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154
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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155
plunging
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| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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156
prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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157
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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158
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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159
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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160
lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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161
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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162
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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163
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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164
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165
assassinations
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| n.暗杀( assassination的名词复数 ) | |
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166
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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167
complimentary
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| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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168
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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169
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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170
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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171
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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172
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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173
embargo
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| n.禁运（令）；vt.对...实行禁运，禁止（通商） | |
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174
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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175
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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176
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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177
precipitately
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| adv.猛进地 | |
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178
tamper
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| v.干预，玩弄，贿赂，窜改，削弱，损害 | |
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179
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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180
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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181
adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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182
precluded
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| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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183
liberating
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| 解放，释放( liberate的现在分词 ) | |
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184
mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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185
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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186
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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187
swerve
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| v.突然转向，背离；n．转向，弯曲，背离 | |
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188
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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189
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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190
postponing
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| v.延期，推迟( postpone的现在分词 ) | |
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191
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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192
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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193
aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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194
languished
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| 长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 )； 受折磨； 变得（越来越）衰弱； 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
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195
corona
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| n.日冕 | |
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196
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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197
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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198
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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199
skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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200
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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201
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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202
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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203
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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204
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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205
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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206
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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207
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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208
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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209
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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