The Viceroy Arrives At Lima. — Gonzalo Pizarro Marches From Cuzco. — Death Of The Inca Manco. — Rash Conduct Of The Viceroy. — Seized And Deposed3 By The Audience. — Gonzalo Proclaimed Governor Of Peru.
1544
While the events recorded in the preceding pages were in progress, Blasco Nunez had been journeying towards Lima. But the alienation4 which his conduct had already caused in the minds of the colonists5 was shown in the cold reception which he occasionally experienced on the route, and in the scanty6 accommodations provided for him and his retinue7. In one place where he took up his quarters, he found an ominous8 inscription9 over the door: — “He that takes my property must expect to pay for it with his life.” 1 Neither daunted10, nor diverted from his purpose, the inflexible11 viceroy held on his way towards the capital, where the inhabitants, preceded by Vaca de Castro and the municipal authorities, came out to receive him. He entered in great state, under a canopy13 of crimson14 cloth, embroidered15 with the arms of Spain, and supported by stout16 poles or staves of solid silver, which were borne by the members of the municipality. A cavalier, holding a mace17, the emblem18 of authority, rode before him; and after the oaths of office were administered in the council-chamber, the procession moved towards the cathedral, where Te Deum was sung, and Blasco Nunez was installed in his new dignity of viceroy of Peru. 2
1 “A quien me viniere a quitar mi hacienda, quitarle he la vida.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 7, cap. 18.]
2 “Entro en la cibdad de Lima a 17 de Mayo de 1544: saliole a recibir todo el pueblo19 a pie y a caballo dos tiros de ballesta del pueblo, y a la entrada de la cibdad estaba un arco triunfal de verde con2 las Armas de Espana, y las de la misma cibdad; estaban le esperando el Regimiento y Justicia, y oficiales del Rey con ropas largas, hasta en pies de carmesi, y un palio del mesmo carmesi aforrado en lo mesmo, con ocho baras guarnecidas de plata y tomaronle debajo todos a pie, cada Regidor y justicia con una bara del palio, y el Virrey en su caballo con las mazas delante tomaronle juramento en un libro misal, y juro de las guardar y cumplir todas sus libertades y provisiones de S. M.; y luego fueron desta manera hasta la iglesia, salieron los clerigos con la cruz a la puerta y le metieron dentro cantando Te deum laudamus, y despues que obo dicho su oracion, fue con el cabildo y toda la ciudad a su palacio donde fue recebido y hizo un parlamento breve en que contento a toda la gente.” Relacion de los sucesos del Peru desde que entro el virrey Blasco Nunez acaecidos en mar1 y tierra, Ms.]
His first act was to proclaim his determination in respect to the ordinances20. He had no warrant to suspend their execution. He should fulfil his commission; but he offered to join the colonists in a memorial to the emperor, soliciting21 the repeal22 of a code which he now believed would be for the interests neither of the country nor of the Crown. 3 With this avowed24 view of the subject, it may seem strange that Blasco Nunez should not have taken the responsibility of suspending the law until his sovereign could be assured of the inevitable25 consequences of enforcing it. The pacha of a Turkish despot, who had allowed himself this latitude26 for the interests of his master, might, indeed, have reckoned on the bowstring. But the example of Mendoza, the prudent27 viceroy of Mexico, who adopted this course in a similar crisis, and precisely28 at the same period, showed its propriety29 under existing circumstances. The ordinances were suspended by him till the Crown could be warned of the consequences of enforcing them, — and Mexico was saved from revolution. 4 But Blasco Nunez had not the wisdom of Mendoza.
3 “Porque llanamente el confesaba, que asi para su Magestad como para aquellos Reinos, eran perjudiciales.” Zarate, Conq. de Peru lib. 5, cap. 5.]
4 Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 2–5.
The public apprehension30 was now far from being allayed31. Secret cabals32 were formed in Lima, and communications held with the different towns. No distrust, however, was raised in the breast of the viceroy, and, when informed of the preparations of Gonzalo Pizarro, he took no other step than to send a message to his camp, announcing the extraordinary powers with which he was himself invested, and requiring that chief to disband his forces. He seemed to think that a mere33 word from him would be sufficient to dissipate rebellion. But it required more than a breath to scatter34 the iron soldiery of Peru.
Gonzalo Pizarro, meanwhile, was busily occupied in mustering35 his army. His first step was to order from Guamanga sixteen pieces of artillery36 sent there by Vaca de Castro, who, in the present state of excitement, was unwilling37 to trust the volatile38 people of Cuzco with these implements39 of destruction. Gonzalo, who had no scruples40 as to Indian labor42, appropriated six thousand of the natives to the service of transporting this train of ordnance43 across the mountains. 5
5 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 8.]
By his exertions44 and those of his friends, the active chief soon mustered45 a force of nearly four hundred men, which, if not very imposing46 in the outset, he conceived would be swelled47, in his descent to the coast, by tributary48 levies49 from the towns and villages on the way. All his own funds were expended50 in equipping his men and providing for the march; and, to supply deficiencies, he made no scruple41 — since, to use his words, it was for the public interest — to appropriate the moneys in the royal treasury51. With this seasonable aid, his troops, well mounted and thoroughly52 equipped, were put in excellent fighting order; and, after making them a brief harangue53, in which he was careful to insist on the pacific character of his enterprise, somewhat at variance54 with its military preparations, Gonzalo Pizarro sallied forth55 from the gates of the capital.
Before leaving it, he received an important accession of strength in the person of Francisco de Carbajal, the veteran who performed so conspicuous56 a part in the battle of Chupas. He was at Charcas when the news of the ordinances reached Peru and he instantly resolved to quit the country and return to Spain, convinced that the New World would be no longer the land for him, — no longer the golden Indies. Turning his effects into money, he prepared to embark57 them on board the first ship that offered. But no opportunity occurred, and he could have little expectation now of escaping the vigilant58 eye of the viceroy. Yet, though solicited59 by Pizarro to take command under him in the present expedition, the veteran declined, saying, he was eighty years old, and had no wish but to return home, and spend his few remaining days in quiet. 6 Well had it been for him, had he persisted in his refusal. But he yielded to the importunities of his friend; and the short space that yet remained to him of life proved long enough to brand his memory with perpetual infamy60.
6 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 7, cap. 22.
Soon after quitting Cuzco, Pizarro learned the death of the Inca Manco. He was massacred by a party of Spaniards, of the faction61 of Almagro, who, on the defeat of their young leader, had taken refuge in the Indian camp. They, in turn, were all slain62 by the Peruvians. It is impossible to determine on whom the blame of the quarrel should rest, since no one present at the time has recorded it. 7
7 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Garcilasso Com Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 7]
The death of Manco Inca, as he was commonly called, is an event not to be silently passed over in Peruvian history; for he was the last of his race that may be said to have been animated63 by the heroic spirit of the ancient Incas. Though placed on the throne by Pizarro, far from remaining a mere puppet in his hands, Manco soon showed that his lot was not to be cast with that of his conquerors65. With the ancient institutions of his country lying a wreck66 around him, he yet struggled bravely, like Guatemozin, the last of the Aztecs, to uphold her tottering67 fortunes, or to bury his oppressors under her ruins. By the assault on his own capital of Cuzco, in which so large a portion of it was demolished68, he gave a check to the arms of Pizarro, and, for a season, the fate of the Conquerors trembled in the balance. Though foiled, in the end, by the superior science of his adversary69, the young barbarian70 still showed the same unconquerable spirit as before. He withdrew into the fastnesses of his native mountains, whence sallying forth as occasion offered, he fell on the caravan71 of the traveller, or on some scattered72 party of the military; and, in the event of a civil war, was sure to throw his own weight into the weaker scale, thus prolonging the contest of his enemies, and feeding his revenge by the sight of their calamities73. Moving lightly from spot to spot, he eluded74 pursuit amidst the wilds of the Cordilleras; and, hovering75 in the neighbourhood of the towns, or lying in ambush76 on the great thoroughfares of the country, the Inca Manco made his name a terror to the Spaniards. Often did they hold out to him terms of accommodation; and every succeeding ruler down to Blasco Nunez, bore instructions from the Crown to employ every art to conciliate the formidable warrior77. But Manco did not trust the promises of the white man; and he chose rather to maintain his savage78 independence in the mountains with the few brave spirits around him, than to live a slave in the land which had once owned the sway of his ancestors.
The death of the Inca removed one of the great pretexts79 for Gonzalo Pizarro’s military preparations, but it had little influence on him, as may be readily imagined. He was much more sensible to the desertion of some of his followers80, which took place early on the march. Several of the cavaliers of Cuzco, startled by his unceremonious appropriation81 of the public moneys, and by the belligerent82 aspect of affairs, now for the first time seemed to realize that they were in the path of rebellion. A number of these, including some principal men of the city, secretly withdrew from the army, and, hastening to Lima, offered their services to the viceroy. The troops were disheartened by this desertion, and even Pizarro for a moment faltered83 in his purpose, and thought of retiring with some fifty followers to Charcas, and there making his composition with government. But a little reflection, aided by the remonstrances84 of the courageous85 Carbajal, who never turned his back on an enterprise which he had once assumed, convinced him that he had gone too far to recede12, — that his only safety was to advance.
He was reassured86 by more decided87 manifestations88, which he soon after received, of the public opinion. An officer named Puelles, who commanded at Guanuco, joined him, with a body of horse with which he had been intrusted by the viceroy. This defection was followed by that of others, and Gonzalo, as he descended89 the sides of the table-land, found his numbers gradually swelled to nearly double the amount with which he had left the Indian capital.
As he traversed with a freer step the bloody90 field of Chupas, Carbajal pointed91 out the various localities of the battle-ground, and Pizarro might have found food for anxious reflection, as he meditated92 on the fortunes of a rebel. At Guamanga he was received with open arms by the inhabitants, many of whom eagerly enlisted93 under his banner; for they trembled for their property, as they heard from all quarters of the inflexible temper of the viceroy. 8
8 Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 14, 16. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 9, 10. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 8, cap. 5–9. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, Ms]
That functionary94 began now to be convinced that he was in a critical position. Before Puelles’s treachery, above noticed, had been consummated95, the viceroy had received some vague intimation of his purpose. Though scarcely crediting it, he detached one of his company, named Diaz, with a force to intercept96 him. But, although that cavalier undertook the mission with alacrity97, he was soon after prevailed on to follow the example of his comrade, and, with the greater part of the men under his command, went over to the enemy. In the civil feuds98 of this unhappy land, parties changed sides so lightly, that treachery to a commander had almost ceased to be a stain on the honor of a cavalier. Yet all, on whichever side they cast their fortunes, loudly proclaimed their loyalty99 to the Crown.
Thus betrayed by his own men, by those apparently100 most devoted101 to his service, Blasco Nunez became suspicious fell on some who were most deserving of his confidence. Among these was his predecessor103, Vaca de Castro. That officer had conducted himself, in the delicate situation in which he had been placed, with his usual discretion104, and with perfect integrity and honor. He had frankly105 communicated with the viceroy, and well had it been for Blasco Nunez, if he had known how to profit by it. But he was too much puffed106 up by the arrogance107 of office, and by the conceit108 of his own superior wisdom, to defer109 much to the counsels of his experienced predecessor. The latter was now suspected by the viceroy of maintaining a secret correspondence with his enemies at Cuzco, — a suspicion which seems to have had no better foundation than the personal friendship which Vaca de Castro was known to entertain for these individuals. But, with Blasco Nunez, to suspect was to be convinced; and he ordered De Castro to be placed under arrest, and confined on board of a vessel110 lying in the harbour. This high-handed measure was followed by the arrest and imprisonment111 of several other cavaliers, probably on grounds equally frivolous112. 9
9 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 3. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 10.]
He now turned his attention towards the enemy. Notwithstanding his former failure, he still did not altogether despair of effecting something by negotiation114, and he sent another embassy, having the bishop115 of Lima at its head, to Gonzalo Pizarro’s camp, with promises of a general amnesty, and some proposals of a more tempting116 character to the commander. But this step, while it proclaimed his own weakness, had no better success than the preceding. 10
10 Loaysa, the bishop, was robbed of his despatches, and not even allowed to enter the camp, lest his presence should shake the constancy of the soldiers. (See Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, Ms.) The account occupies more space than it deserves in most of the authorities.]
The viceroy now vigorously prepared for war. His first care was to put the capital in a posture117 of defence, by strengthening its fortifications, and throwing barricades118 across the streets. He ordered a general enrolment of the citizens, and called in levies from the neighbouring towns, — a call not very promptly119 answered. A squadron of eight or ten vessels120 was got ready in the port to act in concert with the land forces. The bells were taken from the churches, and used in the manufacture of muskets121; 11 and funds were procured122 from the fifths which had accumulated in the royal treasury. The most extravagant123 bounty124 was offered to the soldiers, and prices were paid for mules125 and horses, which showed that gold, or rather silver, was the commodity of least value in Peru. 12 By these efforts, the active commander soon assembled a force considerably126 larger than that of his adversary. But how could he confide102 in it?
11 “Hico hacer gran Copia de Arcabuces, asi de Hierro, como de Fundicion, de ciertas Campanas de la Iglesia Maior, que para ello quito.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 6.]
12 Blasco Nunez paid, according to Zarate, who had the means of knowing, twelve thousand ducats for thirty-five mules. — “El Visorrei les mando comprar, de la Hacienda Real, treinta i cinco Machos, en que hiciesen la Jornada, que costaron mas de doce mil ducados.” (Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 10.) The South–American of our day might well be surprised at such prices for animals since so abundant in his country.
While these preparations were going forward, the judges of the Audience arrived at Lima. They had shown, throughout their progress, no great respect either for the ordinances, or the will of the viceroy; for they had taxed the poor natives as freely and unscrupulously as any of the Conquerors. We have seen the entire want of cordiality subsisting127 between them and their principal in Panama. It became more apparent, on their landing at Lima. They disapproved128 of his proceedings129 in every particular; of his refusal to suspend the ordinances, — although, in fact, he had found no opportunity, of late, to enforce them; of his preparations for defence, declaring that he ought rather trust to the effect of negotiation; and, finally, of his imprisonment of so many loyal cavaliers, which they pronounced an arbitrary act, altogether beyond the bounds of his authority; and they did not scruple to visit the prison in person, and discharge the captives from their confinement131. 13
13 Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 10. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 8, cap. 2, 10. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.]
This bold proceeding130, while it conciliated the good-will of the people, severed132, at once, all relations with the viceroy. There was in the Audience a lawyer, named Cepeda, a cunning, ambitious man, with considerable knowledge in the way of his profession, and with still greater talent for intrigue133. He did not disdain134 the low arts of a demagogue to gain the favor of the populace, and trusted to find his own account in fomenting135 a misunderstanding with Blasco Nunez. The latter, it must be confessed, did all in his power to aid his counsellor in this laudable design.
A certain cavalier in the place, named Suarez de Carbajal, who had long held an office under government, fell under the viceroy’s displeasure, on suspicion of conniving136 at the secession of some of his kinsmen137, who had lately taken part with the malecontents. The viceroy summoned Carbajal to attend him at his palace, late at night; and when conducted to his presence, he bluntly charged him with treason. The latter stoutly138 denied the accusation139, in tones as haughty140 as those of his accuser. The altercation141 grew warm, until, in the heat of passion, Blasco Nunez struck him with his poniard. In an instant, the attendants, taking this as a signal, plunged142 their swords into the body of the unfortunate man, who fell lifeless on the floor. 14
14 “He struck him in the bosom143 with his dagger144, as some say, but the viceroy denies it.” — So says Zarate, in the printed copy of his history. (Lib. 5, cap. 11.) In the original manuscript of this work, still extant at Simancas, he states the fact without any qualification at all. “Luego el dicho Virrei echo mano a una daga, i arremetio con el, i le dio una punalada, i a grandes voces mando que le matasen.” (Zarate, Ms.) This was doubtless his honest conviction, when on the pot soon after the event occurred. The politic145 historian thought it prudent to qualify his remark before publication. — “They say,” says another contemporary, familiar with these events and friendly to the viceroy, “that he gave him several wounds with his dagger.” And he makes no attempt to refute the charge. (Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, Ms.) Indeed, this version of the story seems to have been generally received at the time by those who had the best means of knowing the truth.]
Greatly alarmed for the consequences of his rash act, — for Carbajal was much beloved in Lima, — Blasco Nunez ordered the corpse146 of the murdered man to be removed by a private stairway from the house, and carried to the cathedral, where, rolled in his bloody cloak, it was laid in a grave hastily dug to receive it. So tragic148 a proceeding, known to so many witnesses, could not long be kept secret. Vague rumors149 of the fact explained the mysterious disappearance150 of Carbajal. The grave was opened, and the mangled151 remains152 of the slaughtered153 cavalier established the guilt154 of the viceroy. 15
15 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, ubi supra.]
From this hour Blasco Nunez was held in universal abhorrence155; and his crime, in this instance, assumed the deeper dye of ingratitude156, since the deceased was known to have had the greatest influence in reconciling the citizens early to his government. No one knew where the blow would fall next, or how soon he might himself become the victim of the ungovernable passions of the viceroy. In this state of things, some looked to the Audience, and yet more to Gonzalo Pizarro, to protect them. That chief was slowly advancing towards Lima, from which, indeed, he was removed but a few days’ march. Greatly perplexed157, Blasco Nunez now felt the loneliness of his condition. Standing113 aloof158, as it were, from his own followers, thwarted159 by the Audience, betrayed by his soldiers, he might well feel the consequences of his misconduct. Yet there seemed no other course for him, but either to march out and meet the enemy, or to remain in Lima and defend it. He had placed the town in a posture of defence, which argued this last to have been his original purpose. But he felt he could no longer rely on his troops, and he decided on a third course, most unexpected.
This was to abandon the capital, and withdraw to Truxillo, about eighty leagues distant. The women would embark on board the squadron, and, with the effects of the citizens, be transported by water. The troops, with the rest of the inhabitants, would march by land, laying waste the country as they proceeded. Gonzalo Pizarro, when he arrived at Lima, would find it without supplies for his army, and thus straitened, he would not care to take a long march across a desert in search of his enemy. 16
16 Ibid., lib. 5, cap. 12. — Fernandez, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 18.]
What the viceroy proposed to effect by this movement is not clear, unless it were to gain time; and yet the more time he had gained, thus far, the worse it had proved for him. But he was destined160 to encounter a decided opposition161 from the judges. They contended that he had no warrant for such an act, and that the Audience could not lawfully162 hold its sessions out of the capital. Blasco Nunez persisted in his determination, menacing that body with force, if necessary. The judges appealed to the citizens to support them in resisting such an arbitrary measure. They mustered a force for their own protection, and that same day passed a decree that the viceroy should be arrested.
Late at night, Blasco Nunez was informed of the hostile preparations of the judges. He instantly summoned his followers, to the number of more than two hundred, put on his armour163, and prepared to march out at the head of his troops against the Audience. This was the true course; for in a crisis like that in which he was placed, requiring promptness and decision, the presence of the leader is essential to insure success. But, unluckily, he yielded to the remonstrances of his brother and other friends, who dissuaded164 him from rashly exposing his life in such a venture.
What Blasco Nunez neglected to do was done by the judges. They sallied forth at the head of their followers, whose number, though small at first, they felt confident would be swelled by volunteers as they advanced. Rushing forward, they cried out, — “Liberty! Liberty! Long live the king and the Audience!” It was early dawn, and the inhabitants, startled from their slumbers165, ran to the windows and balconies, and, learning the object of the movement, some snatched up their arms and joined in it, while the women, waving their scarfs and kerchiefs, cheered on the assault.
When the mob arrived before the viceroy’s palace, they halted for a moment, uncertain what to do Orders were given to fire on them from the windows, and a volley passed over their heads. No one was injured; and the greater part of the viceroy’s men, with most of the officers, — including some of those who had been so anxious for his personal safety, — now openly joined the populace. The palace was then entered, and abandoned to pillage166. Blasco Nunez, deserted167 by all but a few faithful adherents168, made no resistance. He surrendered to the assailants, was led before the judges, and by them was placed in strict confinement. The citizens, delighted with the result, provided a collation169 for the soldiers; and the affair ended without the loss of a single life. Never was there so bloodless a revolution. 17
17 Relacion de los Sucesos del Ms. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Peru, Ms. — Relacion Anonima, Conq., Ms. — Fernandez, Hist del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 19. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 11. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valvidia, Ms.
Gonzalo Pizarro devoutly170 draws a conclusion from this, that the revolution was clearly brought about by the hand of God for the good of the land. “E hizose sin que muriese un hombre, ni fuese herido, somo obra que Dios la guiava para el bien desta tierra.” Carta, Ms., ubi supra.
The first business of the judges was to dispose of the prisoner. He was sent, under a strong guard, to a neighbouring island, till some measures could be taken respecting him. He was declared to be deposed from his office; a provisional government was established, consisting of their own body, with Cepeda at its head, as president; and its first act was to pronounce the detested171 ordinances suspended, till instructions could be received from Court. It was also decided to send Blasco Nunez back to Spain with one of their own body, who should explain to the emperor the nature of the late disturbances172, and vindicate173 the measures of the Audience. This was soon put in execution. The Licentiate Alvarez was the person selected to bear the viceroy company; and the unfortunate commander, after passing several days on the desolate174 island, with scarcely any food, and exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather, took his departure for Panama. 18
18 Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, Ms.
The story of the seizure175 of the viceroy is well told by the writer of the last Ms., who seems here, at least, not unduly176 biased177 in favor of Blasco Nunez, though a partisan178.]
A more formidable adversary yet remained in Gonzalo Pizarro, who had now advanced to Xauxa, about ninety miles from Lima. Here he halted, while numbers of the citizens prepared to join his banner, choosing rather to take service under him than to remain under the self-constituted authority of the Audience. The judges, meanwhile, who had tasted the sweets of office too short a time to be content to resign them, after considerable delay, sent an embassy to the Procurator. They announced to him the revolution that had taken place, and the suspension of the ordinances. The great object of his mission had been thus accomplished179; and, as a new government was now organized, they called on him to show his obedience180 to it, by disbanding his forces, and withdrawing to the unmolested enjoyment181 of his estates. It was a bold demand, — though couched in the most courteous182 and complimentary183 phrase, — to make of one in Pizarro’s position. It was attempting to scare away the eagle just ready to stoop on his prey184. If the chief had faltered, however, he would have been reassured by his lion-hearted lieutenant185. “Never show faint heart,” exclaimed the latter, “when you are so near the goal. Success has followed every step of your path. You have now only to stretch forth your hand, and seize the government. Every thing else will follow.” — The envoy186 who brought the message from the judges was sent back with the answer, that “the people had called Gonzalo Pizarro to the government of the country, and, if the Audience did not at once invest him with it, the city should be delivered up to pillage.” 19
19 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 13.
It required some courage to carry the message of the Audience to Gonzalo and his desperate followers. The historian Zarate, the royal comptroller, was the envoy; not much, as it appears, to his own satisfaction. He escaped, however, unharmed, and has made a full report of the affair in his chronicle.]
The bewildered magistrates187 were thrown into dismay by this decisive answer. Yet loth to resign, they took counsel in their perplexity of Vaca de Castro, still detained on board of one of the vessels. But that commander had received too little favor at the hands of his successors to think it necessary to peril188 his life on their account by thwarting189 the plans of Pizarro. He maintained a discreet190 silence, therefore, and left the matter to the wisdom of the Audience.
Meanwhile, Carbajal was sent into the city to quicken their deliberations. He came at night, attended only by a small party of soldiers, intimating his contempt of the power of the judges. His first act was to seize a number of cavaliers, whom he dragged from their beds, and placed under arrest. They were men of Cuzco, the same already noticed as having left Pizarro’s ranks soon after his departure from that capital. While the Audience still hesitated as to the course they should pursue, Carbajal caused three of his prisoners, persons of consideration and property, to be placed on the backs of mules, and escorted out of town to the suburbs, where, with brief space allowed for confession191, he hung them all on the branches of a tree. He superintended the execution himself, and tauntingly192 complimented one of his victims, by telling him, that, “in consideration of his higher rank, he should have the privilege of selecting the bough193 on which to be hanged!” 20 The ferocious194 officer would have proceeded still further in his executions, it is said, had it not been for orders received from his leader. But enough was done to quicken the perceptions of the Audience as to their course, for they felt their own lives suspended by a thread in such unscrupulous hands. Without further delay, therefore, they sent to invite Gonzalo Pizarro to enter the city, declaring that the security of the country and the general good required the government to be placed in his hands. 21
20 “Le queria dar su muerte con una preeminencia senalada, que escogiese en qual de las Ramas de aquel Arbol queria que le colgasen.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 13. — See also Relacion Anonima, Ms. — Fernandez, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 25.]
21 According to Gonzalo Pizarro, the Audience gave this invitation in obedience to the demands of the representatives of the cities. — “Y a esta sazon llegue yo a Lima, i todos los procuradores de las cibdades destos reynos suplicaron al Audiencia me hiciesen Governador para resistir los robos e fuerzas que Blasco Nunez andava faciendo, i para tener la tierra en justicia hasta que S. M. proveyese lo que mas a su real servicio convenia. Los Oydores visto que asi convenia al servicio de Dios i al de S. M. i al bien destos reynos,” &c. (Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.) But Gonzalo’s account of himself must be received with more than the usual grain of allowance. His letter, which is addressed to Valdivia, the celebrated195 conqueror64 of Chili196, contains a full account of the rise and progress of his rebellion. It is the best vindication197, therefore, to be found of himself, and, as a counterpoise to the narratives198 of his enemies, is of inestimable value to the historian.
That chief had now advanced within half a league of the capital, which soon after, on the twenty-eighth of October, 1544, he entered in battle-array. His whole force was little short of twelve hundred Spaniards, besides several thousand Indians, who dragged his heavy guns in the advance. 22 Then came the files of spearmen and arquebusiers, making a formidable corps147 of infantry199 for a colonial army; and lastly, the cavalry200, at the head of which rode Pizarro himself, on a powerful charger, gayly caparisoned. The rider was in complete mail, over which floated a richly embroidered surcoat, and his head was protected by a crimson cap, highly ornamented201, — his showy livery setting off his handsome, soldierlike person to advantage. 23 Before him was borne the royal standard of Castile; for every one, royalist or rebel, was careful to fight under that sign. This emblem of loyalty was supported on the right by a banner, emblazoned with the arms of Cuzco, and by another on the left, displaying the armorial bearings granted by the Crown to the Pizarros. As the martial202 pageant203 swept through the streets of Lima, the air was rent with acclamations from the populace, and from the spectators in the balconies. The cannon204 sounded at intervals205, and the bells of the city — those that the viceroy had spared — rang out a joyous206 peal23, as if in honor of a victory!
22 He employed twelve thousand Indians on this service, says the writer of the Relacion Anonima, Ms. But this author, although living in the colonies at the time, talks too much at random207 to gain our implicit208 confidence.]
23 “Y el armado y con una capa de grana cubierta con muchas guarniciones de oro e con sayo de brocado sobre las armas.” Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, Ms. — Also Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 13.
The oaths of office were duly administered by the judges of the Royal Audience, and Gonzalo Pizarro was proclaimed Governor and Captain–General of Peru, till his Majesty’s pleasure could be known in respect to the government. The new ruler then took up his quarters in the palace of his brother, — where the stains of that brother’s blood were not yet effaced209. Fetes, bull-fights, and tournaments graced the ceremony of inauguration210, and were prolonged for several days, while the giddy populace of the capital abandoned themselves to jubilee211, as if a new and more auspicious212 order of things had commenced for Peru! 24
24 For the preceding pages relating to Gonzalo Pizarro, see Relacion Anonima, Ms. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 25. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub y Conq., Ms. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Zarate, loc. cit. — Herrera, Hist General, dec. 7, lib. 8, cap. 16–19. — Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1544.]
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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crimson
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| n./adj.深(绯)红色(的)；vi.脸变绯红色 | |
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embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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mace
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| n.狼牙棒，豆蔻干皮 | |
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emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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soliciting
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| v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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peal
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| n.钟声；v.鸣响 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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allayed
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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volatile
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| adj.反复无常的，挥发性的，稍纵即逝的，脾气火爆的；n.挥发性物质 | |
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implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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42
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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45
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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46
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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48
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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49
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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50
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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51
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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52
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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53
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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54
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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55
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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56
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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57
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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58
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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59
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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60
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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61
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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62
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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66
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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67
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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68
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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caravan
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| n.大蓬车；活动房屋 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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73
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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74
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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75
hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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76
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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77
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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78
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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faltered
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| （嗓音）颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 )； 支吾其词； 蹒跚； 摇晃 | |
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84
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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101
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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103
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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106
puffed
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| adj.疏松的v.使喷出( puff的过去式和过去分词 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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110
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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111
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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112
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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113
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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114
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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115
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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116
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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117
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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118
barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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119
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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120
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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121
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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122
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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123
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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124
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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125
mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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126
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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127
subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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128
disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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130
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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131
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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132
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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133
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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134
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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135
fomenting
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的现在分词 ) | |
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136
conniving
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| v.密谋 ( connive的现在分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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137
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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138
stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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139
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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140
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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141
altercation
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| n.争吵，争论 | |
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142
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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143
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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144
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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145
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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146
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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147
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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148
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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149
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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150
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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151
mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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152
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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153
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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155
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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156
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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157
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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158
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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159
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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160
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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161
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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162
lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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163
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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164
dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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166
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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167
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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168
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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169
collation
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| n.便餐；整理 | |
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170
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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171
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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173
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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174
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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175
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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176
unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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177
biased
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| a.有偏见的 | |
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178
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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179
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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180
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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181
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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182
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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183
complimentary
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| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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184
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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185
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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186
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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187
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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188
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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189
thwarting
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| 阻挠( thwart的现在分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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190
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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191
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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192
tauntingly
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| 嘲笑地，辱骂地； 嘲骂地 | |
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193
bough
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| n.大树枝，主枝 | |
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194
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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195
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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196
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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197
vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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198
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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199
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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200
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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201
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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202
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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203
pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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204
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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205
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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206
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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207
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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208
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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209
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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210
inauguration
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| n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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211
jubilee
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| n.周年纪念；欢乐 | |
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212
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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