1544–1546.
The first act of Gonzalo Pizarro was to cause those persons to be apprehended2 who had taken the most active part against him in the late troubles. Several he condemned3 to death; but afterwards commuted5 the sentence, and contented6 himself with driving them into banishment7 and confiscating8 their estates. 1 His next concern was to establish his authority on a firm basis. He filled the municipal government of Lima with his own partisans9. He sent his lieutenants10 to take charge of the principal cities. He caused galleys12 to be built at Arequipa to secure the command of the seas; and brought his forces into the best possible condition, to prepare for future emergencies.
1 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.
The honest soldier, who tells us this, was more true to his king than to his kindred. At least, he did not attach himself to Gonzalo’s party, and was among those who barely escaped hanging on this occasion. He seems to have had little respect for his namesake.]
The Royal Audience existed only in name; for its powers were speedily absorbed by the new ruler, who desired to place the government on the same footing as under the marquess, his brother Indeed, the Audience necessarily fell to pieces, from the position of its several members. Alvarez had been sent with the viceroy to Castile. Cepeda, the most aspiring13 of the court, now that he had failed in his own schemes of ambition, was content to become a tool in the hands of the military chief who had displaced him. Zarate, a third judge, who had, from the first, protested against the violent measures of his colleagues, was confined to his house by a mortal illness; 2 and Tepeda, the remaining magistrate14, Gonzalo now proposed to send back to Castile with such an account of the late transactions as should vindicate15 his own conduct in the eyes of the emperor. This step was opposed by Carbajal, who bluntly told his commander that “he had gone too far to expect favor from the Crown; and that he had better rely for his vindication16 on his pikes and muskets17.’” 3
2 Zarate, the judge, must not be confounded with Zarate, the historian, who went out to Peru with the Court of Audience, as contador real, royal comptroller, — having before filled the office of secretary of the royal council in Spain.]
3 Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 172. — Garcilasso, Com Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 21.]
But the ship which was to transport Tepeda was found to have suddenly disappeared from the port. It was the same in which Vaca de Castro was confined; and that officer, not caring to trust to the forbearance of one whose advances, on a former occasion, he had so unceremoniously repulsed18, and convinced, moreover, that his own presence could profit nothing in a land where he held no legitimate19 authority, had prevailed on the captain to sail with him to Panama. He then crossed the Isthmus20, and embarked21 for Spain. The rumors22 of his coming had already preceded him, and charges were not wanting against him from some of those whom he had offended by his administration. He was accused of having carried measures with a high hand, regardless of the rights, both of the colonist25 and of the native; and, above all, of having embezzled26 the public moneys, and of returning with his coffers richly freighted to Castile. This last was an unpardonable crime.
No sooner had the governor set foot in his own country than he was arrested, and hurried to the fortress27 of Arevalo; and, though he was afterwards removed to better quarters, where he was treated with the indulgence due to his rank, he was still kept a prisoner of state for twelve years, when the tardy28 tribunals of Castile pronounced a judgment29 in his favor. He was acquitted30 of every charge that had been brought against him, and, so far from peculation31, was proved to have returned home no richer than he went. He was released from confinement32, reinstated in his honors and dignities, took his seat anew in the royal council, and Vaca de Castro enjoyed, during the remainder of his days, the consideration to which he was entitled by his deserts. 4 The best eulogium on the wisdom of his administration was afforded by the troubles brought on the colonies by that of his successor. The nation became gradually sensible of the value of his services; though the manner in which they were requited34 by the government must be allowed to form a cold commentary on the gratitude35 of princes.
4 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 15. — Relacion Anonima, Ms. — Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, Ms. — Montesinos, Annales Ms., ano 1545. — Fernandez, Hist del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 28
Gonzalo Pizarro was doomed37 to experience a still greater disappointment than that caused by the escape of Vaca de Castro, in the return of Blasco Nunez. The vessel38 which bore him from the country had hardly left the shore, when Alvarez, the judge, whether from remorse39 at the part which he had taken, or apprehensive40 of the consequences of carrying back the viceroy to Spain, presented himself before that dignitary, and announced that he was no longer a prisoner. At the same time he excused himself for the part he had taken, by his desire to save the life of Blasco Nunez, and extricate41 him from his perilous42 situation. He now placed the vessel at his disposal, and assured him it should take him wherever he chose.
The viceroy, whatever faith he may have placed in the judge’s explanation, eagerly availed himself of his offer. His proud spirit revolted at the idea of returning home in disgrace, foiled, as he had been, in every object of his mission. He determined43 to try his fortune again in the land, and his only doubt was, on what point to attempt to rally his partisans around him. At Panama he might remain in safety, while he invoked44 assistance from Nicaragua, and other colonies at the north. But this would be to abandon his government at once; and such a confession45 of weakness would have a bad effect on his followers46 in Peru. He determined, therefore, to direct his steps towards Quito, which, while it was within his jurisdiction47, was still removed far enough from the theatre of the late troubles to give him time to rally, and make head against his enemies.
In pursuance of this purpose, the viceroy and his suite48 disembarked at Tumbez, about the middle of October, 1544. On landing, he issued a manifesto49 setting forth50 the violent proceedings51 of Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers, whom he denounced as traitors52 to their prince, and he called on all true subjects in the colony to support him in maintaining the royal authority. The call was not unheeded; and volunteers came in, though tardily53, from San Miguel, Puerto Viejo, and other places on the coast, cheering the heart of the viceroy with the conviction that the sentiment of loyalty54 was not yet extinct in the bosoms56 of the Spaniards.
But, while thus occupied, he received tidings of the arrival of one of Pizarro’s captains on the coast, with a force superior to his own. Their number was exaggerated; but Blasco Nunez, without waiting to ascertain57 the truth, abandoned his position at Tumbez, and, with as much expedition as he could make across a wild and mountainous country half-buried in snow, he marched to Quito. But this capital, situated58 at the northern extremity59 of his province, was not a favorable point for the rendezvous60 of his followers; and, after prolonging his stay till he had received assurance from Benalcazar, the loyal commander at Popayan, that he would support him with all his strength in the coming conflict, he made a rapid countermarch to the coast, and took up his position at the town of San Miguel. This was a spot well suited to his purposes, as lying on the great high road along the shores of the Pacific, besides being the chief mart for commercial intercourse61 with Panama and the north. Here the viceroy erected62 his standard, and in a few weeks found himself at the head of a force amounting to nearly five hundred in all, horse and foot, ill provided with arms and ammunition63, but apparently64 zealous65 in the cause. Finding himself in sufficient strength to commence active operations, he now sallied forth against several of Pizarro’s captains in the neighbourhood, over whom he obtained some decided66 advantages, which renewed his confidence, and flattered him with the hopes of reestablishing his ascendency in the country. 5
5 Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 14, 15. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 8, cap. 19, 20. — Relacion Anonima, Ms. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 23. — Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, Ms.
The author of the document last cited notices the strong feeling for the Crown existing in several of the cities; and mentions also the rumor23 of a meditated67 assault on Cuzco by the Indians. — The writer belonged to the discomfited68 party of Blasco Nunez; and the facility with which exiles credit reports in their own favor is proverbial.]
During this time, Gonzalo Pizarro was not idle. He had watched with anxiety the viceroy’s movements; and was now convinced that it was time to act, and that, if he would not be unseated himself, he must dislodge his formidable rival. He accordingly placed a strong garrison69 under a faithful officer in Lima, and, after sending forward a force of some six hundred men by land to Truxillo, he embarked for the same port himself, on the 4th of March, 1545, the very day on which the viceroy had marched from Quito.
At Truxillo, Pizarro put himself at the head of his little army, and moved without loss of time against San Miguel. His rival, eager to bring their quarrel to an issue, would fain have marched out to give him battle; but his soldiers, mostly young and inexperienced levies70, hastily brought together, were intimidated71 by the name of Pizarro. They loudly insisted on being led into the upper country, where they would be reinforced by Benalcazar; and their unfortunate commander, like the rider of some unmanageable steed, to whose humors he is obliged to submit, was hurried away in a direction contrary to his wishes. It was the fate of Blasco Nunez to have his purposes baffled alike by his friends and his enemies.
On arriving before San Miguel, Gonzalo Pizarro found, to his great mortification72, that his antagonist73 had left it. Without entering the town, he quickened his pace, and, after traversing a valley of some extent, reached the skirts of a mountain chain, into which Blasco Nunez had entered but a few hours before. It was late in the evening; but Pizarro, knowing the importance of despatch74, sent forward Carbajal with a party of light troops to overtake the fugitives75. That captain succeeded in coming up with their lonely bivouac among the mountains at midnight, when the weary troops were buried in slumber77. Startled from their repose78 by the blast of the trumpet79, which, strange to say, their enemy had incautiously sounded, 6 the viceroy and his men sprang to their feet, mounted their horses, grasped their arquebuses, and poured such a volley into the ranks of their assailants, that Carbajal, disconcerted by his reception, found it prudent80, with his inferior force, to retreat. The viceroy followed, till, fearing an ambuscade in the darkness of the night, he withdrew, and allowed his adversary81 to rejoin the main body of the army under Pizarro.
6 “Mas Francisco Caruajal q los vua siguiendo, llego quatro horas de la noche a dode estauan: y con4 vna Trompeta que lleuaua les toco arma: y sentido por el Virey se leuanto luego el primero.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1 lib. 1, cap. 40.]
This conduct of Carbajal, by which he allowed the game to slip through his hands, from mere82 carelessness, is inexplicable83. It forms a singular exception to the habitual84 caution and vigilance displayed in his military career. Had it been the act of any other captain, it would have cost him his head. But Pizarro, although greatly incensed85, set too high a value on the services and well-tried attachment86 of his lieutenant11, to quarrel with him. Still it was considered of the last importance to overtake the enemy, before he had advanced much farther to the north, where the difficulties of the ground would greatly embarrass the pursuit. Carbajal, anxious to retrieve87 his error, was accordingly again placed at the head of a corps88 of light troops, with instructions to harass89 the enemy’s march, cut off his stores, and keep him in check, if possible, till the arrival of Pizarro. 7
7 Ibid., ubi supra. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 9, cap. 22. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., lib. 9, cap. 26.]
But the viceroy had profited by the recent delay to gain considerably90 on his pursuers. His road led across the valley of Caxas, a broad, uncultivated district, affording little sustenance91 for man or beast. Day after day, his troops held on their march through this dreary92 region, intersected with barrancas and rocky ravines that added incredibly to their toil93. Their principal food was the parched94 corn, which usually formed the nourishment95 of the travelling Indians, though held of much less account by the Spaniards; and this meagre fare was reinforced by such herbs as they found on the way-side, which, for want of better utensils96, the soldiers were fain to boil in their helmets. 8 Carbajal, mean while, pressed on them so close, that their baggage, ammunition, and sometimes their mules97, fell into his hands. The indefatigable98 warrior99 was always on their track, by day and by night, allowing them scarcely any repose. They spread no tent, and lay down in their arms, with their steeds standing100 saddled beside them; and hardly had the weary soldier closed his eyes, when he was startled by the cry that the enemy was upon him. 9
8 “Caminando, pues, comiendo algunas Jervas, que cocian en las Celadas, quando paraban a dar aliento a los Caballos.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 9, cap 24.]
9 “I sin que en todo el camino los vnos, ni los otros, quitasen las Sillas a los Caballos, aunque en este caso estaba mas alerta la Gente del Visorei, porque si algun pequeno rato de la Noche reposaban, era vestidos, i teniendo siempre los Caballos del Cabestro, sin esperar a poner Toldos, ni a aderecar las otras formas, que se suelen tener para atar los Caballos de Noche.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 29.
At length, the harassed101 followers of Blasco Nunez reached the depoblado, or desert of Paltos, which stretches towards the north for many a dreary league. The ground, intersected by numerous streams, has the character of a great quagmire102, and men and horses floundered about in the stagnant103 waters, or with difficulty worked their way over the marsh104, or opened a passage through the tangled105 underwood that shot up in rank luxuriance from the surface. The wayworn horses, without food, except such as they could pick up in the wilderness106, were often spent with travel, and, becoming unserviceable, were left to die on the road, with their hamstrings cut, that they might be of no use to the enemy; though more frequently they were despatched to afford a miserable107 banquet to their masters. 10 Many of the men now fainted by the way from mere exhaustion108, or loitered in the woods, unable to keep up with the march. And woe109 to the straggler who fell into the hands of Carbajal, at least if he had once belonged to the party of Pizarro. The mere suspicion of treason sealed his doom36 with the unrelenting soldier. 11
10 “I en cansandose el Caballo, le desjarretaba, i le dexaba, porque sus contrarios no se aprovechasen de el.” Ibid., loc. cit.]
11 “Had it not been for Gonzalo Pizarro’s interference,” says Fernandez, “many more would have been hung up by his lieutenant, who pleasantly quoted the old Spanish proverb, — ‘The fewer of our enemies the better.’” De los enemigos, los menos. Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 40.]
The sufferings of Pizarro and his troop were scarcely less than those of the viceroy; though they were somewhat mitigated110 by the natives of the country, who, with ready instinct, discerned which party was the strongest, and, of course, the most to be feared. But, with every alleviation112, the chieftain’s sufferings were terrible. It was repeating the dismal113 scenes of the expedition to the Amazon. The soldiers of the Conquest must be admitted to have purchased their triumphs dearly.
Yet the viceroy had one source of disquietude, greater, perhaps, than any arising from physical suffering. This was the distrust of his own followers. There were several of the principal cavaliers in his suite whom he suspected of being in correspondence with the enemy, and even of designing to betray him into their hands. He was so well convinced of this, that he caused two of these officers to be put to death on the march; and their dead bodies, as they lay by the roadside, meeting the eye of the soldier, told him that there were others to be feared in these frightful114 solitudes115 besides the enemy in his rear. 12
12 “Los afligidos Soldados, que por el cansancio de los Caballos iban a pie con terrible angustia, por la persecucion de los Enemigos, que iban cerca, i por la fatiga de la hambre, quando vieron los Cuerpos de los dos Capitanes muertos en aquel camino quedaron atonitos.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 9, cap. 25.]
Another cavalier, who held the chief command under the viceroy, was executed, after a more formal investigation116 of his case, at the first place where the army halted. At this distance of time, it is impossible to determine how far the suspicions of Blasco Nunez were founded on truth. The judgments117 of contemporaries are at variance118. 13 In times of political ferment120, the opinion of the writer is generally determined by the complexion121 of his party. To judge from the character of Blasco Nunez, jealous and irritable122, we might suppose him to have acted without sufficient cause. But this consideration is counterbalanced by that of the facility with which his followers swerved124 from their allegiance to their commander, who seems to have had so light a hold on their affections, that they were shaken off by the least reverse of fortune. Whether his suspicions were well or ill founded, the effect was the same on the mind of the viceroy. With an enemy in his rear whom he dared not fight, and followers whom he dared not trust, the cup of his calamities125 was nearly full.
13 Fernandez, who held a loyal pen, and one sufficiently126 friendly to the viceroy, after stating that the officers, whom the latter put to death, had served him to that time with their lives and fortunes, dismisses the affair with the temperate127 reflection, that men formed different judgments on it. “Sobre estas muertes uuo en el Peru varios y contrarios juyzios y opiniones, de culpa y de su descargo.” (Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 41.) Gomara says, more unequivocally, “All condemned it.” (Hist. de las Ind., cap. 167.) The weight of opinion seems to have been against the viceroy.]
At length, he issued forth on firm ground, and, passing through Tomebamba, Blasco Nunez reentered his northern capital of Quito. But his reception was not so cordial as that which he had before experienced. He now came as a fugitive76, with a formidable enemy in pursuit; and he was soon made to feel that the surest way to receive support is not to need it.
Shaking from his feet the dust of the disloyal city, whose superstitious128 people were alive to many an omen129 that boded130 his approaching ruin, 14 the unfortunate commander held on his way towards Pastos, in the jurisdiction of Benalcazar. Pizarro and his forces entered Quito not long after, disappointed, that, with all his diligence, the enemy still eluded132 his pursuit. He halted only to breathe his men, and, declaring that “he would follow up the viceroy to the North Sea but he would overtake him,” 15 he resumed his march. At Pastos, he nearly accomplished133 his object. His advance-guard came up with Blasco Nunez as the latter was halting on the opposite bank of a rivulet134. Pizarro’s men, fainting from toil and heat, staggered feebly to the water-side, to slake135 their burning thirst, and it would have been easy for the viceroy’s troops, refreshed by repose, and superior in number to their foes136, to have routed them. But Blasco Nunez could not bring his soldiers to the charge. They had fled so long before their enemy, that the mere sight of him filled their hearts with panic, and they would have no more thought of turning against him than the hare would turn against the hound that pursues her. Their safety, they felt, was to fly, not to fight, and they profited by the exhaustion of their pursuers only to quicken their retreat.
14 Some of these omens137 recorded by the historian — as the howling of dogs — were certainly no miracles. “En esta lamentable138, i angustiosa partida, muchos afirmaron, haver visto por el Aire muchos Cometas, i que quadrillas de Perros andaban por las Calles, dando grandes i temerosos ahullidos, i los Hombres andaban asombrados, i fuera de si.” Herrera Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 10, cap. 4.]
15 Ibid., ubi supra.]
Gonzalo Pizarro continued the chase some leagues beyond Pastos; when, finding himself carried farther than he desired into the territories of Benalcazar, and not caring to encounter this formidable captain at disadvantage, he came to a halt, and, notwithstanding his magnificent vaunt about the North Sea, ordered a retreat, and made a rapid countermarch on Quito. Here he found occupation in repairing the wasted spirits of his troops, and in strengthening himself with fresh reinforcements, which much increased his numbers; though these were again diminished by a body that he detached under Carbajal to suppress an insurrection, which he now learned had broken out in the south. It was headed by Diego Centeno, one of his own officers, whom he had established in La Plata, the inhabitants of which place had joined in the revolt and raised the standard for the Crown. With the rest of his forces, Pizarro resolved to remain at Quito, waiting the hour when the viceroy would reenter his dominions139; as the tiger crouches140 by some spring in the wilderness, patiently waiting the return of his victims.
Meanwhile Blasco Nunez had pushed forward his retreat to Popayan, the capital of Benalcazar’s province. Here he was kindly141 received by the people; and his soldiers, reduced by desertion and disease to one fifth of their original number, rested from the unparalleled fatigues143 of a march which had continued for more than two hundred leagues. 16 It was not long before he was joined by Cabrera, Benalcazar’s lieutenant, with a stout144 reinforcement, and, soon after, by that chieftain himself. His whole force now amounted to near four hundred men, most of them in good condition, and well trained in the school of American warfare145. His own men were sorely deficient146 both in arms and ammunition; and he set about repairing the want by building furnaces for manufacturing arquebuses and pikes. 17 — One familiar with the history of these times is surprised to see the readiness with which the Spanish adventurers turned their hands to various trades and handicrafts usually requiring a long apprenticeship147. They displayed the dexterity148 so necessary to settlers in a new country, where every man must become in some degree his own artisan. But this state of things, however favorable to the ingenuity149 of the artist, is not very propitious150 to the advancement151 of the art; and there can be little doubt that the weapons thus made by the soldiers of Blasco Nunez were of the most rude and imperfect construction.
16 This retreat of Blasco Nunez may undoubtedly152 compare, if not in duration, at least in sharpness of suffering, with any expedition in the New World, — save, indeed, that of Gonzalo Pizarro himself to the Amazon. The particulars of it may be found, with more or less amplification153, in Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 19, 29. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 9, cap. 20–26. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 40, et seq. — Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, Ms — Relacion Anonima, Ms. — Montesions, Annales, Ms., ano 1545.]
17 “Proveio, que se tragese alli todo el hierro que se pudo haver en la Provincia, i busco Maestros, hico aderecar Fraguas, i en breve tiempo se forjaron en ellas docien tos Arcabuces, con todos sus aparejos.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap 34.]
As week after week rolled away, Gonzalo Pizarro, though fortified154 with the patience of a Spanish soldier, felt uneasy at the protracted155 stay of Blasco Nunez in the north, and he resorted to stratagem156 to decoy him from his retreat. He marched out of Quito with the greater part of his forces, pretending that he was going to support his lieutenant in the south, while he left a garrison in the city under the command of Puelles, the same officer who had formerly157 deserted158 from the viceroy. These tidings he took care should be conveyed to the enemy’s camp. The artifice159 succeeded as he wished. Blasco Nunez and his followers, confident in their superiority over Puelles, did not hesitate for a moment to profit by the supposed absence of Pizarro. Abandoning Popayan, the viceroy, early in January, 1546, moved by rapid marches towards the south. But before he reached the place of his destination, he became apprised160 of the snare161 into which he had been drawn162. He communicated the fact to his officers; but he had already suffered so much from suspense163, that his only desire now was, to bring his quarrel with Pizarro to the final arbitrament of arms.
That chief, meanwhile, had been well informed, through his spies,of the viceroy’s movements. On learning the departure of the latter from Popayan, he had reentered Quito, joined his forces with those of Puelles, and, issuing from the capital, had taken up a strong position about three leagues to the north, on a high ground that commanded a stream, across which the enemy must pass. It was not long before the latter came in sight, and Blasco Nunez, as night began to fall, established himself on the opposite bank of the rivulet. It was so near to the enemy’s quarters, that the voices of the sentinels could be distinctly heard in the opposite camps, and they did not fail to salute164 one another with the epithet165 of “traitors.” In these civil wars, as we have seen, each party claimed for itself the exclusive merit of loyalty. 18
18 “Que se llegaron a hablar los Corredores de ambas partes, Ilamandose Traidores los vnos a los otros, fundando, que cada vno sustentaba la voz del Rei, i asi estuvieron toda aquella noche aguardando.” Ibid., ubi supra.]
But Benalcazar soon saw that Pizarro’s position was too strong to be assailed166 with any chance of success. He proposed, therefore, to the viceroy, to draw off his forces secretly in the night; and, making a detour167 round the hills, to fall on the enemy’s rear, where he would be at least prepared to receive them. The counsel was approved; and, no sooner were the two hosts shrouded168 from each other’s eyes by the darkness, than, leaving his camp-fires burning to deceive the enemy, Blasco Nunez broke up his quarters, and began his circuitous169 march in the direction of Quito. But either he had been misinformed, or his guides misled him; for the roads proved so impracticable, that he was compelled to make a circuit of such extent, that dawn broke before he drew near the point of attack. Finding that he must now abandon the advantage of a surprise, he pressed forward to Quito, where he arrived with men and horses sorely fatigued170 by a night-march of eight leagues, from a point which, by the direct route, would not have exceeded three. It was a fatal error on the eve of an engagement. 19
19 For the preceding pages, see Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 34, 35. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 167. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1546. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 50–52.
Herrera, in his account of these transactions, has fallen into a strange confusion of dates, fixing the time of the viceroy’s entry into Quito on the 10th of January, and that of his battle with Pizarro nine days later (Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 1, cap 1.) This last event, which, by the testimony171 of Fernandez, was on the eighteenth of the month, was by the agreement of such contemporary authorities as I have consulted, — as stated in the text, — on the evening of the same day in which the viceroy entered Quito. Herrera, though his work is arranged on the chronological172 system of annals, is by no means immaculate as to his dates. Quintana has exposed several glaring anachronisms of the historian in the earlier period of the Peruvian conquest. See his Espanoles Celebres, tom. II. Appendix, No. 7.]
He found the capital nearly deserted by the men. They had all joined the standard of Pizarro; for they had now caught the general spirit of disaffection, and looked upon that chief as their protector from the oppressive ordinances173. Pizarro was the representative of the people. Greatly moved at this desertion, the unhappy viceroy, lifting his hands to heaven, exclaimed, — “Is it thus, Lord, that thou abandonest thy servants?” The women and children came out, and in vain offered him food, of which he stood obviously in need, asking him, at the same time, “Why he had come there to die?” His followers, with more indifference174 than their commander, entered the houses of the inhabitants, and unceremoniously appropriated whatever they could find to appease175 the cravings of appetite.
Benalcazar, who saw the temerity176 of giving battle, in their present condition, recommended the viceroy to try the effect of negotiation177, and offered himself to go to the enemy’s camp, and arrange, if possible, terms of accommodation with Pizarro. But Blasco Nunez, if he had desponded for a moment, had now recovered his wonted constancy, and he proudly replied, — “There is no faith to be kept with traitors. We have come to fight, not to parley178; and we must do our duty like good and loyal cavaliers. I will do mine,” he continued, “and be assured I will be the first man to break a lance with the enemy.” 20
20 “Yo os prometo, que la primera laca que se rompa en los enemigos, sea la mia (y assi lo cumplio). Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 53.]
He then called his troops together, and addressed to them a few words preparatory to marching “You are all brave men,” he said, “and loyal to your sovereign. For my own part, I hold life as little in comparison with my duty to my prince. Yet let us not distrust our success; the Spaniard, in a good cause, has often overcome greater odds179 than these. And we are fighting for the right; it is the cause of God, — the cause of God,” 21 he concluded, and the soldiers, kindled180 by his generous ardor181, answered him with huzzas that went to the heart of the unfortunate commander, little accustomed of late to this display of enthusiasm.
21 “Que de Dios es la causa, de Dios es la causa, de Dios es la causa.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 35.]
It was the eighteenth of January, 1546, when Blasco Nunez marched out at the head of his array, from the ancient city of Quito. He had proceeded but a mile, 22 when he came in view of the enemy formed along the crest182 of some high lands, which by a gentle swell183, rose gradually from the plains of Anaquito. Gonzalo Pizarro, greatly chagrined184 on ascertaining185 the departure of the viceroy, early in the morning, had broken up his camp, and directed his march on the capital, fully186 resolved that his enemy should not escape him.
22 “Un quarto de legua de la ciudad.” Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.]
The viceroy’s troops, now coming to a halt, were formed in order of battle. A small body of arquebusiers was stationed in the advance to begin the fight. The remainder of that corps was distributed among the spearmen, who occupied the centre, protected on the flanks by the horse drawn up in two nearly equal squadrons. The cavalry187 amounted to about one hundred and forty, being little inferior to that on the other side, though the whole number of the viceroy’s forces, being less than four hundred, did not much exceed the half of his rival’s. On the right, and in front of the royal banner, Blasco Nunez, supported by thirteen chosen cavaliers, took his station, prepared to head the attack.
Pizarro had formed his troops in a corresponding manner with that of his adversary. They mustered188 about seven hundred in all, well appointed, in good condition, and officered by the best knights189 in Peru. 23 As, notwithstanding his superiority of numbers, Pizarro did not seem inclined to abandon his advantageous190 position, Blasco Nunez gave orders to advance. The action commenced with the arquebusiers, and in a few moments the dense191 clouds of smoke, rolling over the field, obscured every object; for it was late in the day when the action began, and the light was rapidly fading.
23 The amount of the numbers on both sides is variously given, as usual, making, however, more than the usual difference in the relative proportions, since the sum total is so small. I have conformed to the statements of the best-instructed writers. Pizarro estimates his adversary’s force at four hundred and fifty men, and his own at only six hundred; an estimate, it may be remarked, that does not make the given in the text any less credible192.]
The infantry193, now levelling their pikes, advanced under cover of the smoke, and were soon hotly engaged with the opposite files of spearmen. Then came the charge of the cavalry, which — notwithstanding they were thrown into some disorder194 by the fire of Pizarro’s arquebusiers, far superior in number to their own — was conducted with such spirit that the enemy’s horse were compelled to reel and fall back before it. But it was only to recoil195 with greater violence, as, like an overwhelming wave, Pizarro’s troopers rushed on their foes, driving them along the slope, and bearing down man and horse in indiscriminate ruin. Yet these, in turn, at length rallied, cheered on by the cries and desperate efforts of their officers. The lances were shivered, and they fought hand to hand with swords and battle-axes mingled196 together in wild confusion. But the struggle was of no long duration; for, though the numbers were nearly equal, the viceroy’s cavalry, jaded197 by the severe march of the previous night, 24 were no match for their antagonists198. The ground was strewn with the wreck199 of their bodies; and horses and riders, the dead and the dying, lay heaped on one another. Cabrera, the brave lieutenant of Benalcazar, was slain200, and that commander was thrown under his horse’s feet, covered with wounds, and left for dead on the field. Alvarez, the judge, was mortally wounded. Both he and his colleague Cepeda were in the action, though ranged on opposite sides, fighting as if they had been bred to arms, not to the peaceful profession of the law.
24 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 35.]
Yet Blasco Nunez and his companions maintained a brave struggle on the right of the field. The viceroy had kept his word by being the first to break his lance against the enemy, and by a well-directed blow had borne a cavalier, named Alonso de Montalvo, clean out of his saddle. But he was at length overwhelmed by numbers, and, as his companions, one after another, fell by his side, he was left nearly unprotected. He was already wounded, when a blow on the head from the battle-axe of a soldier struck him from his horse, and he fell stunned201 on the ground. Had his person been known, he might have been taken alive, but he wore a sobre-vest of Indian cotton over his armour202, which concealed203 the military order of St. James, and the other badges of his rank. 25
25 He wore this dress, says Garcilasso de la Vega, that he might fare no better than a common soldier, but take his chance with the rest. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 34.) Pizarro gives him credit for no such magnanimous intent. According to him, the viceroy assumed this disguise, that, his rank being unknown, he might have the better chance for escape. — It must be confessed that this is the general motive204 for a disguise. “I Blasco Nunez puso mucha diligencia por poder huirse si pudiera, porque venia vestido con una camiseta de Yndios por no ser conocido, i no quiso Dios porque pagase quantos males por su causa se havian hecho.” Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia. Ms.]
His person, however, was soon recognized by one of Pizarro’s followers, who, not improbably, had once followed the viceroy’s banner. The soldier immediately pointed131 him out to the Licentiate Carbajal. This person was the brother of the cavalier whom, as the reader may remember, Blasco Nunez had so rashly put to death in his palace at Lima. The licentiate had afterwards taken service under Pizarro, and, with several of his kindred, was pledged to take vengeance205 on the viceroy. Instantly riding up, he taunted206 the fallen commander with the murder of his brother, and was in the act of dismounting to despatch him with his own hand, when Puelles remonstrating207 on this, as an act of degradation208, commanded one of his attendants, a black slave, to cut off the viceroy’s head. This the fellow executed with a single stroke of his sabre, while the wretched man, perhaps then dying of his wounds, uttered no word, but with eyes imploringly209 turned up towards heaven, received the fatal blow. 26 The head was then borne aloft on a pike, and some were brutal211 enough to pluck out the grey hairs from the beard and set them in their caps, as grisly trophies212 of their victory. 27 The fate of the day was now decided. Yet still the infantry made a brave stand, keeping Pizarro’s horse at bay with their bristling213 array of pikes. But their numbers were thinned by the arquebusiers; and, thrown into disorder, they could no longer resist the onset214 of the horse, who broke into their column, and soon scattered215 and drove them off the ground. The pursuit was neither long nor bloody216; for darkness came on, and Pizarro bade his trumpets217 sound, to call his men together under their banners.
26 Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 54. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 35.
“Mando a un Negro que traia, que le cortase la Cabeca, i en todo esto no se conocio flaqueca en el Visorrei, ni hablo palabra, ni hico mas movimiento, que alcar los ojos al Cielo, dando muestras de mucha Christiandad, i constancia.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 1, cap. 3.]
27 “Aviendo algunos capitanes y personas arrancado y pelado algunas de sus blancas y leales baruas, para traer por empresa, y Jua de la Torre las traxo despues publicamente en la gorra por la ciudad de los Reyes.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 54.
Though the action lasted but a short time, nearly one third of the viceroy’s troops had perished. The loss of their opponents was inconsiderable. 28 Several of the vanquished219 cavaliers took refuge in the churches of Quito. But they were dragged from the sanctuary220, and some — probably those who had once espoused221 the cause of Pizarro — were led to execution, and others banished222 to Chili223. The greater part were pardoned by the conqueror224. Benalcazar, who recovered from his wounds, was permitted to return to his government, on condition of no more bearing arms against Pizarro. His troops were invited to take service under the banner of the victor, who, however, never treated them with the confidence shown to his ancient partisans. He was greatly displeased225 at the indignities226 offered to the viceroy; whose mangled227 remains228 he caused to be buried with the honors due to his rank in the cathedral of Quito. Gonzalo Pizarro, attired229 in black, walked as chief mourner in the procession. — It was usual with the Pizarros, as we have seen, to pay these obituary230 honors to their victims. 29
28 The estimates of killed and wounded in this action are as discordant231 as usual. Some carry the viceroy’s loss to two hundred, while Gonzalo Pizarro rates his own at only seven killed and but a few wounded. But how rarely is that a faithful bulletin is issued by the parties engaged in the action!]
29 For the accounts of the battle of Anaquito, rather summarily despatched by most writers, see Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 170. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 1, cap. 1 — 3. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 35. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1546. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 33–35. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 53, 54.
Gonzalo Pizarro seems to regard the battle as a sort of judicial232 trial by combat, in which Heaven, by the result, plainly indicated the right. His remarks are edifying233. “Por donde parecera claramente que Nuestro Senor fue servido este se viniese a meter en las manos para quitarnos de tantos cuidados, i que pagase quantos males havia fecho en la tierra, la qual quedo tan asosegada i tan en paz i servicio de S. M. como lo estuvo en tiempo del Marques mi hermano.” Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.]
Such was the sad end of Blasco Nunez Vela, first viceroy of Peru. It was less than two years since he had set foot in the country, a period of unmitigated disaster and disgrace. His misfortunes may be imputed234 partly to circumstances, and partly to his own character. The minister of an odious235 and oppressive law, he was intrusted with no discretionary power in the execution of it. 30 Yet every man may, to a certain extent, claim the right to such a power; since, to execute a commission, which circumstances show must certainly defeat the object for which it was designed, would be absurd. But it requires sagacity to determine the existence of such a contingency236, and moral courage to assume the responsibility of acting237 on it. Such a crisis is the severest test of character. To dare to disobey from a paramount238 sense of duty, is a paradox239 that a little soul can hardly comprehend. Unfortunately, Blasco Nunez was a pedantic240 martinet241, a man of narrow views, who could not feel himself authorized242 under any circumstances to swerve123 from the letter of the law. Puffed243 up by his brief authority, moreover, he considered opposition244 to the ordinances as treason to himself; and thus, identifying himself with his commission, he was prompted by personal feelings, quite as much as by those of a public and patriotic245 nature.
30 Garcilasso’s reflections on this point are commendably246 tolerant. “Assi acabo este buen cauallero, por querer porfiar tanto en la execucion de lo que ni a su Rey ni a aquel Reyno conuenia: donde se causaron tantas muertes y danos de Espanoles, y de Yndios: aunque no tuuo tanta culpa como se la atribuye, porque lleuo preciso mandato de lo que hizo.” Com. Rean Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 34.]
Neither was the viceroy’s character of a kind that tended to mitigate111 the odium of his measures, and reconcile the people to their execution. It afforded a strong contrast to that of his rival, Pizarro, whose frank, chivalrous247 bearing, and generous confidence in his followers, made him universally popular, blinding their judgments, and giving to the worse the semblance248 of the better cause. Blasco Nunez, on the contrary, irritable and suspicious, placed himself in a false position with all whom he approached; for a suspicious temper creates an atmosphere of distrust around it that kills every kindly affection. His first step was to alienate249 the members of the Audience who were sent to act in concert with him. But this was their fault as well as his, since they were as much too lax, as he was too severe, in the interpretation250 of the law. 31 He next alienated251 and outraged252 the people whom he was appointed to govern. And, lastly, he disgusted his own friends, and too often turned them into enemies; so that, in his final struggle for power and for existence, he was obliged to rely on the arm of the stranger. Yet in the catalogue of his qualities we must not pass in silence over his virtues253. There are two to the credit of which he is undeniably entitled, — a loyalty, which shone the brighter amidst the general defection around him, and a constancy under misfortune, which might challenge the respect even of his enemies. But with the most liberal allowance for his merits, it can scarcely be doubted that a person more incompetent254 to the task assigned him could not have been found in Castile. 32
31 Blasco Nunez characterized the four judges of the Audience in a manner more concise255 than complimentary256, — a boy, a madman, a booby, and a dunce! “Decia muchas veces Blasco Nunez, que le havian dado el Emperador, i su Consejo de Indias vn Moco, un Loco, un Necio, vn Tonto por Oidores, que asi lo havian hecho como ellos eran. Moco era Cepeda, i llamaba Loco a Juan Alvarez, i Necio a Tejada, que no sabia Latin.” Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 171.]
32 The account of Blasco Nunez Vela rests chiefly on the authority of loyal writers, some of whom wrote after their return to Castile. They would, therefore, more naturally lean to the side of the true representative of the Crown, than to that of the rebel. Indeed, the only voice raised decidedly in favor of Pizarro is his own, — a very suspicious authority. Yet, with all the prestiges in his favor, the administration of Blasco Nunez, from universal testimony, was a total failure. And there is little to interest us in the story of the man, except his unparalleled misfortunes and the firmness with which he bore them.]
The victory of Anaquito was received with general joy in the neighbouring capital; all the cities of Peru looked on it as sealing the downfall of the detested257 ordinances, and the name of Gonzalo Pizarro was sounded from one end of the country to the other as that of its deliverer. That chief continued to prolong his stay in Quito during the wet season, dividing his time between the licentious258 pleasures of the reckless adventurer and the cares of business that now pressed on him as ruler of the state. His administration was stained with fewer acts of violence than might have been expected from the circumstances of his situation. So long as Carbajal, the counsellor in whom he unfortunately placed greatest reliance, was absent, Gonzalo sanctioned no execution, it was observed, but according to the forms of law. 33 He rewarded his followers by new grants of land, and detached several on expeditions, to no greater distance, however, than would leave it in his power readily to recall them. He made various provisions for the welfare of the natives, and some, in particular, for instructing them in the Christian218 faith. He paid attention to the faithful collection of the royal dues, urging on the colonists259 that they should deport260 themselves so as to conciliate the good-will of the Crown, and induce a revocation261 of the ordinances. His administration in short, was so conducted, that even the austere262 Gasca, his successor, allowed “it was a good government, — for a tyrant263.” 34
33 “Nunca Picarro, en ausencia de Francisco de Carvajal, su Maestre de Campo, mato, ni consintio matar Espanol, sin que todos, los mas de su Consejo, lo aprobasen: i entonces con Proceso en forma de Derecho, i confesados primero.” Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 172.]
34 Ibid., ubi supra. — Fernandez gives a less favorable picture of Gonzalo’s administration. (Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 54; lib. 2, cap. 13.) Fernandez wrote at the instance of the Court; Gomara, though present at court, wrote to please himself. The praise of Gomara is less suspicious than the censure264 of Fernandez.]
At length, in July, 1546, the new governor bade adieu to Quito, and, leaving there a sufficient garrison under his officer Puelles, began his journey to the south. It was a triumphal progress, and everywhere he was received on the road with enthusiasm by the people. At Truxillo, the citizens came out in a body to welcome him, and the clergy265 chanted anthems266 in his honor, extolling267 him as the “victorious268 prince,” and imploring210 the Almighty269 “to lengthen270 his days, and give him honor.” 35 At Lima, it was proposed to clear away some of the buildings, and open a new street for his entrance, which might ever after bear the name of the victor. But the politic119 chieftain declined this flattering tribute, and modestly preferred to enter the city by the usual way. A procession was formed of the citizens, the soldiers, and the clergy, and Pizarro made his entry into the capital with two of his principal captains on foot, holding the reins33 of his charger, while the archbishop of Lima, and the bishops271 of Cuzco, Quito, and Bogota, the last of whom had lately come to the city to be consecrated272, rode by his side. The streets were strewn with boughs273, the walls of the houses hung with showy tapestries274, and triumphal arches were thrown over the way in honor of the victor. Every balcony, veranda275, and house-top was crowded with spectators, who sent up huzzas, loud and long, saluting276 the victorious soldier with the titles of “Liberator, and Protector of the people.” The bells rang out their joyous277 peal278, as on his former entrance into the capital; and amidst strains of enlivening music, and the blithe279 sounds of jubilee280, Gonzalo held on his way to the palace of his brother. Peru was once more placed under the dynasty of the Pizarros. 36
35 “Victorioso Principe, hagate Dios dichoso, l bienaventurado, el te mantenga, i te conserve281.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. 9.]
36 For an account of this pageant282, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. 9. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 5. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.]
Deputies came from different parts of the country, tendering the congratulations of their respective cities; and every one eagerly urged his own claims to consideration for the services he had rendered in the revolution. Pizarro, at the same time, received the welcome intelligence of the success of his arms in the south. Diego Centeno, as before stated, had there raised the standard of rebellion, or rather, of loyalty to his sovereign. He had made himself master of La Plata, and the spirit of insurrection had spread over the broad province of Charcas. Carbajal, who had been sent against him from Quito, after repairing to Lima, had passed at once to Cuzco, and there, strengthening his forces, had descended283 by rapid marches on the refractory285 district. Centeno did not trust himself in the field against this formidable champion. He retreated with his troops into the fastnesses of the sierra. Carbajal pursued, following on his track with the pertinacity286 of a bloodhound; over mountain and moor287, through forests and dangerous ravines, allowing him no respite288, by day or by night. Eating, drinking, sleeping in his saddle, the veteran, eighty years of age, saw his own followers tire one after another, while he urged on the chase, like the wild huntsman of Burger, as if endowed with an unearthly frame, incapable289 of fatigue142! During this terrible pursuit, which continued for more than two hundred leagues over a savage290 country, Centeno found himself abandoned by most of his followers. Such of them as fell into Carbajal’s hands were sent to speedy execution; for that inexorable chief had no mercy on those who had been false to their party. 37 At length, Centeno, with a handful of men, arrived on the borders of the Pacific, and there, separating from one another, they provided, each in the best way he could, for their own safety. Their leader found an asylum291 in a cave in the mountains, where he was secretly fed by an Indian curaca, till the time again came for him to unfurl the standard of revolt. 38
37 Poblando los arboles con sus cuerpos, “peopling the trees with heir bodies,” says Fernandez, strongly; alluding292 to the manner in which the ferocious293 officer hung up his captives on the branches.]
38 For the expedition of Carbajal, see Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 1, cap. 9, et seq. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 1. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 28, 29, 36, 39. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 1, et seq. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.
It is impossible to give, in a page or two, any adequate idea of the hairbreadth escapes and perilous risks of Carbajal, not only from the enemy, but from his own men, whose strength he overtasked in the chase. They rival those of the renowned294 Scanderbeg, or our own Kentucky hero, Colonel Boone. They were, indeed, far more wonderful than theirs, since the Spanish captain had reached an age when the failing energies usually crave295 repose. But the veteran’s body seems to have been as insensible as his soul.]
Carbajal, after some further decisive movements, which fully established the ascendency of Pizarro over the south, returned in triumph to La Plata. There he occupied himself with working the silver mines of Potosi, in which a vein296, recently opened, promised to make richer returns than any yet discovered in Mexico or Peru; 39 and he was soon enabled to send large remittances297 to Lima, deducting298 no stinted299 commission for himself, — for the cupidity300 of the lieutenant was equal to his cruelty.
39 The vein now discovered at Potosi was so rich, that the other mines were comparatively deserted in order to work this. (Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap 4) The effect of the sudden influx301 of wealth was such, according to Garcilasso, that in ten years from this period an iron horseshoe, in that quarter, came to be worth nearly its weight in silver. Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 8, cap. 24.]
Gonzalo Pizarro was now undisputed master of Peru. From Quito to the northern confines of Chili, the whole country acknowledged his authority. His fleet rode triumphant302 on the Pacific, and gave him the command of every city and hamlet on its borders. His admiral, Hinojosa, a discreet303 and gallant304 officer, had secured him Panama, and, marching across the Isthmus, had since obtained for him the possession of Nombre de Dios, — the principal key of communication with Europe. His forces were on an excellent footing, including the flower of the warriors305 who had fought under his brother, and who now eagerly rallied under the name of Pizarro; while the tide of wealth that flowed in from the mines of Potosi supplied him with the resources of an European monarch306.
The new governor now began to assume a state correspondent with his full-blown fortunes. He was attended by a body-guard of eighty soldiers. He dined always in public, and usually with not less than a hundred guests at table. He even affected307, it was said, the more decided etiquette308 of royalty309, giving his hand to be kissed, and allowing no one, of whatever rank, to be seated in his presence. 40 But this is denied by others. It would not be strange that a vain man like Pizarro, with a superficial, undisciplined mind, when he saw himself thus raised from an humble310 condition to the highest post in the land, should be somewhat intoxicated311 by the possession of power, and treat with superciliousness312 those whom he had once approached with deference313. But one who had often seen him in his prosperity assures us, that it was not so, and that the governor continued to show the same frank and soldierlike bearing as before his elevation314, mingling315 on familiar terms with his comrades, and displaying the same qualities which had hitherto endeared him to the people. 41
40 “Traia Guarda de ochenta Alabarderos, i otros muchos de Caballo, que le acompanaban, i ia en su presencia ninguno se sentaba, i a mui pocos quitaba la Gorra.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru lib 6 cap. 5.]
41 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 42. Garcilasso had opportunities of personal acquaintance with Gonzalo’s manner of living; for, when a boy, he was sometimes admitted, as he tells us, to a place at his table. This courtesy, so rare from the Conquerors316 to any of the Indian race, was not lost on the historian of the Incas, who has depicted317 Gonzalo Pizarro in more favorable colors than most of his own countrymen.]
However this may be, it is certain there were not wanting those who urged him to throw off his allegiance to the Crown, and set up an independent government for himself. Among these was his lieutenant, Carbajal, whose daring spirit never shrunk from following things to their consequences. He plainly counselled Pizarro to renounce318 his allegiance at once. “In fact, you have already done so,” he said. “You have been in arms against a viceroy, have driven him from the country, beaten and slain him in battle. What favor, or even mercy, can you expect from the Crown? You have gone too far either to halt, or to recede24. You must go boldly on, proclaim yourself king; the troops, the people, will support you.” And he concluded, it is said, by advising him to marry the Coya, the female representative of the Incas, that the two races might henceforth repose in quiet under a common sceptre! 42
42 Ibid., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 40. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 172 — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1. lib. 2, cap. 13.
The poet Molina has worked up this scene between Carbajal and his commander with good effect, in his Amazonas en las Indias, where he uses something of a poet’s license319 in the homage320 he pays to the modest merits of Gonzalo. Julius Caesar himself was not more magnanimous.
“Sepa mi Rey, sepa Espana,
Que muero por no ofenderla,
Tan facil de conservarla,
Que pierdo por no agraviarla,
Quanto infame en poseerla,
Una Corona321 ofrecida.”
Among the biographical notices of the writers on Spanish colonial affairs, the name of Herrera, who has done more for this vast subject than any other author, should certainly not be omitted. His account of Peru takes its proper place in his great work, the Historia General de las Indias, according to the chronological plan on which that history is arranged. But as it suggests reflections not different in character from those suggested by other portions of the work, I shall take the liberty to refer the reader to the Postscript322 to Book Third of the Conquest of Mexico, for a full account of these volumes and their learned author. Another chronicler, to whom I have been frequently indebted in the progress of the narrative323, is Francisco Lopez de Gomara. The reader will also find a notice of this author in the Conquest of Mexico, Vol. III., Book 5, Postscript. But as the remarks on his writings are there confined to his Cronica de Nueva Espana, it may be well to add here some reflections on his greater work, Historia de las Indias, in which the Peruvian story bears a conspicuous324 part.
The “History of the Indies” is intended to give a brief view of the whole range of Spanish conquest in the islands and on the American continent, as far as had been achieved by the middle of the sixteenth century. For this account, Gomara, though it does not appear that he ever visited the New World, was in a situation that opened to him the best means of information. He was well acquainted with the principal men of the time, and gathered the details of their history from their own lips; while, from his residence at court, he was in possession of the state of opinion there, and of the impression made by passing events on those most competent to judge of them. He was thus enabled to introduce into his work many interesting particulars, not to be found in other records of the period. His range of inquiry325 extended beyond the mere doings of the Conquerors, and led him to a survey of the general resources of the countries he describes, and especially of their physical aspect and productions. The conduct of his work, no less than its diction, shows the cultivated scholar, practised in the art of composition. Instead of the naivete, engaging, but childlike, of the old military chroniclers, Gomara handles his various topics with the shrewd and piquant326 criticism of a man of the world; while his descriptions are managed with a comprehensive brevity that forms the opposite to the longwinded and rambling327 paragraphs of the monkish328 annalist. These literary merits, combined with the knowledge of the writer’s opportunities for information, secured his productions from the oblivion which too often awaits the unpublished manuscript; and he had the satisfaction to see them pass into more than one edition in his own day. Yet they do not bear the highest stamp of authenticity329. The author too readily admits accounts into his pages which are not supported by contemporary testimony. This he does, not from credulity, for his mind rather leans in an opposite direction, but from a want, apparently, of the true spirit of historic conscientiousness330. The imputation331 of carelessness in his statements — to use a temperate phrase — was brought against Gomara in his own day; and Garcilasso tells us, that, when called to account by some of the Peruvian cavaliers for misstatements which bore hard on themselves, the historian made but an awkward explanation. This is a great blemish332 on his productions, and renders them of far less value to the modern compiler, who seeks for the well of truth undefiled, than many an humbler but less unscrupulous chronicle.
There is still another authority used in this work, Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, of whom I have given an account elsewhere; and the reader curious in the matter will permit me to refer him for a critical notice of his life and writings to the Conquest of Mexico, Book 4, Postscript. — His account of Peru is incorporated into his great work, Natural e General Historia de las Indias, Ms., where it forms the forty-sixth and forty-seventh books. It extends from Pizarro’s landing at Tumbez to Almagro’s return from Chili, and thus covers the entire portion of what may be called the conquest of the country. The style of its execution, corresponding with that of the residue333 of the work to which it belongs, affords no ground for criticism different from that already passed on the general character of Oviedo’s writings.
This eminent334 person was at once a scholar and a man of the world. Living much at court, and familiar with persons of the highest distinction in Castile, he yet passed much of his time in the colonies, and thus added the fruits of personal experience to what he had gained from the reports of others. His curiosity was indefatigable, extending to every department of natural science, as well as to the civil and personal history of the colonists. He was, at once, their Pliny and their Tacitus. His works abound335 in portraitures of character, sketched336 with freedom and animation337. His reflections are piquant, and often rise to a philosophic338 tone, which discards the usual trammels of the age; and the progress of the story is varied339 by a multiplicity of personal anecdotes340, that give a rapid insight into the characters of the parties.
With his eminent qualifications, and with a social position that commanded respect, it is strange that so much of his writings — the whole of his great Historia de las Indias, and his curious Quincuagenas — should be so long suffered to remain in manuscript. This is partly chargeable to the caprice of fortune; for the History was more than once on the eve of publication, and is even now understood to be prepared for the press. Yet it has serious defects, which may have contributed to keep it in its present form. In its desultory341 and episodical style of composition, it resembles rather notes for a great history, than history itself. It may be regarded in the light of commentaries, or as illustrations of the times. In that view his pages are of high worth, and have been frequently resorted to by writers who have not too scrupulously342 appropriated the statements of the old chronicler, with slight acknowledgments to their author.
It is a pity that Oviedo should have shown more solicitude344 to tell what was new, than to ascertain how much of it was strictly345 true. Among his merits will scarcely be found that of historical accuracy. And yet we may find an apology for this, to some extent, in the fact, that his writings, as already intimated, are not so much in the nature of finished compositions, as of loose memoranda346, where every thing, rumor as well as fact, — even the most contradictory347 rumors, — are all set down at random348, forming a miscellaneous heap of materials, of which the discreet historian may avail himself to rear a symmetrical fabric349 on foundations of greater strength and solidity.
Another author worthy350 of particular note is Pedro Cieza de Leon. His Cronica del Peru should more properly be styled an Itinerary351, or rather Geography, of Peru. It gives a minute topographical view of the country at the time of the Conquest; of its provinces and towns, both Indian and Spanish; its flourishing sea-coast; its forests, valleys, and interminable ranges of mountains in the interior; with many interesting particulars of the existing population, — their dress, manners, architectural remains, and public works, while, scattered here and there, may be found notices of their early history and social polity. It is, in short, a lively picture of the country in its physical and moral relations, as it met the eye at the time of the Conquest, and in that transition period when it was first subjected to European influences. The conception of a work, at so early a period, on this philosophical352 plan, reminding us of that of Malte–Brun in our own time, — parva componere magnis, — was, of itself, indicative of great comprehensiveness of mind in its author. It was a task of no little difficulty, where there was yet no pathway opened by the labors353 of the antiquarian; no hints from the sketch-book of the traveller, or the measurements of the scientific explorer. Yet the distances from place to place are all carefully jotted354 down by the industrious355 compiler, and the bearings of the different places and their peculiar356 features are exhibited with sufficient precision, considering the nature of the obstacles he had to encounter. The literary execution of the work, moreover, is highly respectable, sometimes even rich and picturesque357; and the author describes the grand and beautiful scenery of the Cordilleras with a sensibility to its charms, not often found in the tasteless topographer, still less often in the rude Conqueror.
Cieza de Leon came to the New World, as he informs us, at the early age of thirteen. But it is not till Gasca’s time that we find his name enrolled358 among the actors in the busy scenes of civil strife359, when he accompanied the president in his campaign against Gonzalo Pizarro. His Chronicle, or, at least, the notes for it, was compiled in such leisure as he could snatch from his more stirring avocations360; and after ten years from the time he undertook it, the First Part — all we have — was completed in 1550, when the author had reached only the age of thirty-two. It appeared at Seville in 1553, and the following year at Antwerp; while an Italian translation, printed at Rome, in 1555, attested361 the rapid celebrity362 of the work. The edition of Antwerp — the one used by me in this compilation363 — is in the duodecimo form, exceedingly well printed, and garnished364 with wood-cuts, in which Satan, — for the author had a full measure of the ancient credulity, — with his usual bugbear accompaniments, frequently appears in bodily presence. In the Preface, Cieza announces his purpose to continue the work in three other parts, illustrating365 respectively the ancient history of the country under the Incas, its conquest by the Spaniards, and the civil wars which ensued. He even gives, with curious minuteness, the contents of the several books of the projected history. But the First Part, as already noticed, was alone completed; and the author, having returned to Spain, died there in 1560, at the premature366 age of forty-two, without having covered any portion of the magnificent ground-plan which he had thus confidently laid out. The deficiency is much to be regretted, considering the talent of the writer, and his opportunities for personal observation. But he has done enough to render us grateful for his labors. By the vivid delineation367 of scenes and scenery, as they were presented fresh to his own eyes, he has furnished us with a background to the historic picture, — the landscape, as it were, in which the personages of the time might be more fitly portrayed368. It would have been impossible to exhibit the ancient topography of the land so faithfully at a subsequent period, when old things had passed away, and the Conqueror, breaking down the landmarks369 of ancient civilization, had effaced370 many of the features even of the physical aspect of the country, as it existed under the elaborate culture of the Incas.]
The advice of the bold counsellor was, perhaps, the most politic that could have been given to Pizarro under existing circumstances. For he was like one who had heedlessly climbed far up a dizzy precipice371, — too far to descend284 safely, while he had no sure hold where he was. His only chance was to climb still higher, till he had gained the summit. But Gonzalo Pizarro shrunk from the attitude, in which this placed him, of avowed372 rebellion. Notwithstanding the criminal course into which he had been, of late, seduced373, the sentiment of loyalty was too deeply implanted in his bosom55 to be wholly eradicated374. Though in arms against the measures and ministers of his sovereign, he was not prepared to raise the sword against that sovereign himself. He, doubtless, had conflicting emotions in his bosom; like Macbeth, and many a less noble nature,
“Would not play false,
And yet would wrongly win.”
And however grateful to his vanity might be the picture of the air-drawn sceptre thus painted to his imagination, he had not the audacity375 — we may, perhaps, say, the criminal ambition — to attempt to grasp it.
Even at this very moment, when urged to this desperate extremity, he was preparing a mission to Spain, in order to vindicate the course he had taken, and to solicit343 an amnesty for the past, with a full confirmation376 of his authority, as successor to his brother in the government of Peru. — Pizarro did not read the future with the calm, prophetic eye of Carbajal.
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1
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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commuted
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| 通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 )； 减（刑）； 代偿 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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confiscating
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| 没收（confiscate的现在分词形式） | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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embezzled
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| v.贪污，盗用（公款）( embezzle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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peculation
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| n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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34
requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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39
remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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40
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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41
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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42
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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43
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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44
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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45
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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46
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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47
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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48
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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49
manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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50
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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51
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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52
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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53
tardily
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| adv.缓慢 | |
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54
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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55
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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56
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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57
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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58
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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59
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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60
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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61
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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62
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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63
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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64
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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65
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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66
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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67
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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68
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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69
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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70
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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71
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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72
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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73
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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74
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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75
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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76
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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77
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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78
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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79
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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80
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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81
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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82
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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83
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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84
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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85
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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86
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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87
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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88
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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89
harass
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| vt.使烦恼，折磨，骚扰 | |
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90
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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91
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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92
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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93
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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parched
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| adj.焦干的；极渴的；v.（使）焦干 | |
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95
nourishment
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| n.食物，营养品；营养情况 | |
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utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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101
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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102
quagmire
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| n.沼地 | |
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103
stagnant
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| adj.不流动的，停滞的，不景气的 | |
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104
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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105
tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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106
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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107
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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108
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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109
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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110
mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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112
alleviation
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| n. 减轻，缓和，解痛物 | |
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113
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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114
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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115
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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116
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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117
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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118
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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119
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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120
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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121
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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122
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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123
swerve
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| v.突然转向，背离；n．转向，弯曲，背离 | |
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124
swerved
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| v.（使）改变方向，改变目的( swerve的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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126
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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127
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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128
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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129
omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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130
boded
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| v.预示，预告，预言( bode的过去式和过去分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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131
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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132
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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133
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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134
rivulet
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| n.小溪，小河 | |
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135
slake
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| v.解渴，使平息 | |
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136
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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137
omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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138
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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139
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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140
crouches
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| n.蹲着的姿势( crouch的名词复数 )v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的第三人称单数 ) | |
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141
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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142
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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143
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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145
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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146
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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147
apprenticeship
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| n.学徒身份；学徒期 | |
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148
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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149
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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150
propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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151
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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152
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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153
amplification
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| n.扩大，发挥 | |
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154
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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155
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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156
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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157
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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158
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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159
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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160
apprised
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| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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161
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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162
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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163
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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164
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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165
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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166
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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167
detour
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| n.绕行的路，迂回路；v.迂回，绕道 | |
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168
shrouded
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| v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 )；保密 | |
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169
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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170
fatigued
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| adj. 疲乏的 | |
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171
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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172
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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173
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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174
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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175
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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176
temerity
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| n.鲁莽，冒失 | |
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177
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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178
parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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179
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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180
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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181
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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182
crest
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| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
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183
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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184
chagrined
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|
| adj.懊恼的，苦恼的v.使懊恼，使懊丧，使悔恨( chagrin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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185
ascertaining
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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186
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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187
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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188
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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189
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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190
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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191
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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192
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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193
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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194
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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195
recoil
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| vi.退却，退缩，畏缩 | |
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196
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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197
jaded
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| adj.精疲力竭的；厌倦的；（因过饱或过多而）腻烦的；迟钝的 | |
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198
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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199
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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200
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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201
stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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202
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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203
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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204
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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205
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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206
taunted
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| 嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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207
remonstrating
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的现在分词 )；告诫 | |
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208
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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209
imploringly
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| adv. 恳求地, 哀求地 | |
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210
imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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211
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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212
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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213
bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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214
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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215
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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216
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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217
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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218
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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219
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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220
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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221
espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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222
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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223
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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224
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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225
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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226
indignities
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| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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227
mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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228
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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229
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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230
obituary
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| n.讣告，死亡公告；adj.死亡的 | |
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231
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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232
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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233
edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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234
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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235
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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236
contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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237
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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238
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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239
paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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240
pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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241
martinet
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| n.要求严格服从纪律的人 | |
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242
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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243
puffed
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| adj.疏松的v.使喷出( puff的过去式和过去分词 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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244
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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245
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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246
commendably
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| 很好地 | |
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247
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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248
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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249
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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250
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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251
alienated
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|
| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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252
outraged
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|
| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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253
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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254
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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255
concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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256
complimentary
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|
| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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257
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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258
licentious
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|
| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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259
colonists
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|
| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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260
deport
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| vt.驱逐出境 | |
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261
revocation
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| n.废止，撤回 | |
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262
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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263
tyrant
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|
| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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264
censure
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|
| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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265
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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266
anthems
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|
| n.赞美诗( anthem的名词复数 )；圣歌；赞歌；颂歌 | |
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267
extolling
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|
| v.赞美( extoll的现在分词 )；赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的现在分词 ) | |
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268
victorious
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|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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269
almighty
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|
| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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270
lengthen
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| vt.使伸长，延长 | |
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271
bishops
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|
| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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272
consecrated
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|
| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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273
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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274
tapestries
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|
| n.挂毯( tapestry的名词复数 )；绣帷，织锦v.用挂毯（或绣帷）装饰( tapestry的第三人称单数 ) | |
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275
veranda
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| n.走廊；阳台 | |
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276
saluting
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|
| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的现在分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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277
joyous
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|
| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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278
peal
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| n.钟声；v.鸣响 | |
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279
blithe
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| adj.快乐的，无忧无虑的 | |
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280
jubilee
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| n.周年纪念；欢乐 | |
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281
conserve
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| vt.保存，保护，节约，节省，守恒，不灭 | |
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282
pageant
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|
| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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283
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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284
descend
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|
| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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285
refractory
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|
| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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286
pertinacity
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|
| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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287
moor
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|
| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
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288
respite
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|
| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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289
incapable
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|
| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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290
savage
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|
| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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291
asylum
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|
| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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292
alluding
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|
| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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293
ferocious
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|
| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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294
renowned
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|
| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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295
crave
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|
| vt.渴望得到，迫切需要，恳求，请求 | |
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296
vein
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|
| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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297
remittances
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|
| n.汇寄( remittance的名词复数 )；汇款，汇款额 | |
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298
deducting
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|
| v.扣除，减去( deduct的现在分词 ) | |
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299
stinted
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|
| v.限制，节省（stint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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300
cupidity
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|
| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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301
influx
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|
| n.流入，注入 | |
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302
triumphant
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|
| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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303
discreet
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|
| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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304
gallant
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|
| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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305
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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306
monarch
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|
| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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307
affected
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|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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308
etiquette
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|
| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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309
royalty
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|
| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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310
humble
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|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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311
intoxicated
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|
| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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312
superciliousness
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|
| n.高傲，傲慢 | |
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313
deference
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|
| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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314
elevation
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|
| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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315
mingling
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|
| adj.混合的 | |
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316
conquerors
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|
| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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317
depicted
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|
| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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318
renounce
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|
| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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319
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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320
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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321
corona
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| n.日冕 | |
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322
postscript
|
|
| n.附言，又及；(正文后的)补充说明 | |
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323
narrative
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|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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324
conspicuous
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|
| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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325
inquiry
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|
| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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326
piquant
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|
| adj.辛辣的，开胃的，令人兴奋的 | |
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327
rambling
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| adj.[建]凌乱的，杂乱的 | |
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328
monkish
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|
| adj.僧侣的，修道士的，禁欲的 | |
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329
authenticity
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| n.真实性 | |
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330
conscientiousness
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| 责任心 | |
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331
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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332
blemish
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| v.损害；玷污；瑕疵，缺点 | |
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333
residue
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|
| n.残余，剩余，残渣 | |
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334
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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335
abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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336
sketched
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|
| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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337
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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338
philosophic
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|
| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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339
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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340
anecdotes
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|
| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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341
desultory
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|
| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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342
scrupulously
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|
| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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343
solicit
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|
| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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344
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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345
strictly
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|
| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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346
memoranda
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|
| n. 备忘录, 便条 名词memorandum的复数形式 | |
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347
contradictory
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|
| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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348
random
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|
| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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349
fabric
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|
| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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350
worthy
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|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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351
itinerary
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|
| n.行程表，旅行路线；旅行计划 | |
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352
philosophical
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|
| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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353
labors
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|
| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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354
jotted
|
|
| v.匆忙记下( jot的过去式和过去分词 )；草草记下，匆匆记下 | |
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355
industrious
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|
| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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356
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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357
picturesque
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|
| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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358
enrolled
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|
| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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359
strife
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|
| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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360
avocations
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|
| n.业余爱好，嗜好( avocation的名词复数 )；职业 | |
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361
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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362
celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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363
compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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364
garnished
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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365
illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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366
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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367
delineation
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| n.记述；描写 | |
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368
portrayed
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| v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 )；描述；描绘；描画 | |
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369
landmarks
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| n.陆标( landmark的名词复数 )；目标；（标志重要阶段的）里程碑 ~ (in sth)；有历史意义的建筑物（或遗址） | |
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370
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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371
precipice
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| n.悬崖，危急的处境 | |
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372
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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373
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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374
eradicated
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| 画着根的 | |
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375
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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376
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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