Great Sensation In Spain. — Pedro De La Gasca. — His Early Life. — His Mission To Peru. — His Politic1 Conduct. — His Offers To Pizarro. — Gains The Fleet.
1545–1547.
While the important revolution detailed3 in the preceding pages was going forward in Peru, rumors4 of it, from time to time, found their way to the mother-country; but the distance was so great, and opportunities for communication so rare, that the tidings were usually very long behind the occurrence of the events to which they related. The government heard with dismay of the troubles caused by the ordinances5 and the intemperate6 conduct of the viceroy; and it was not long before it learned that this functionary7 was deposed8 and driven from his capital, while the whole country, under Gonzalo Pizarro, was arrayed in arms against him. All classes were filled with consternation9 at this alarming intelligence; and many that had before approved the ordinances now loudly condemned10 the ministers, who, without considering the inflammable temper of the people, had thus rashly fired a train which menaced a general explosion throughout the colonies. 1 No such rebellion, within the memory of man, had occurred in the Spanish empire. It was compared with the famous war of the comunidades, in the beginning of Charles the Fifth’s reign11. But the Peruvian insurrection seemed the more formidable of the two. The troubles of Castile, being under the eye of the Court, might be the more easily managed; while it was difficult to make the same power felt on the remote shores of the Indies. Lying along the distant Pacific, the principle of attraction which held Peru to the parent country was so feeble, that this colony might, at any time, with a less impulse than that now given to it, fly from its political orbit. It seemed as if the fairest of its jewels was about to fall from the imperial diadem12!
1 “Que aquello era contra una cedula que tenian del Emperador que les daba el repartimiento de los indios de su vida, y del hijo mayor, y no teniendo hijos a sus mugeres, con2 mandarles espresamente que se casasen como lo habian ya hecho los mas de ellos; y que tambien era contra otra cedula real que ninguno podia ser despojado de sus indios sin ser primero oido a justicia y condenado.” Historia de Don Pedro Gasca, Obispo de Siguenza. Ms.]
Such was the state of things in the summer of 1545, when Charles the Fifth was absent in Germany, occupied with the religious troubles of the empire. The government was in the hands of his son, who, under the name of Philip the Second, was soon to sway the sceptre over the largest portion of his father’s dominions14, and who was then holding his court at Valladolid. He called together a council of prelates, jurists, and military men of greatest experience, to deliberate on the measures to be pursued for restoring order in the colonies. All agreed in regarding Pizarro’s movement in the light of an audacious rebellion; and there were few, at first, who were not willing to employ the whole strength of government to vindicate15 the honor of the Crown, — to quell13 the insurrection, and bring the authors of it to punishment. 2
2 Ms. de Caravantes. — Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca, Ms. One of this council was the great Duke of Alva, of such gloomy celebrity16 afterwards in the Netherlands. We may well believe his voice was for coercion17.]
But, however desirable this might appear, a very little reflection showed that it was not easy to be done, if, indeed, it were practicable. The great distance of Peru required troops to be transported not merely across the ocean, but over the broad extent of the great continent. And how was this to be effected, when the principal posts, the keys of communication with the country, were in the hands of the rebels, while their fleet rode in the Pacific, the mistress of its waters, cutting off all approach to the coast? Even if a Spanish force could be landed in Peru, what chance would it have, unaccustomed, as it would be, to the country and the climate, of coping with the veterans of Pizarro, trained to war in the Indies and warmly attached to the person of their commander? The new levies18 thus sent out might become themselves infected with the spirit of insurrection, and cast off their own allegiance. 3
3 “Ventilose la forma del remedio de tan grave caso en que huvo dos opiniones; la una de imbiar un gran soldado con fuerza de gente a la demostracion de este castigo; la otra que se llevase el negocio por prudentes y suaves medios, por la imposibilidad y falto de dinero para llevar gente, cavallos, armas, municiones y vastimentos, y para sustentarlos en tierra firme y pasarlos al Piru.” Ms. de Caravantes.
Nothing remained, therefore, but to try conciliatory measures. The government, however mortifying19 to its pride, must retrace20 its steps. A free grace must be extended to those who submitted, and such persuasive21 arguments should be used, and such politic concessions23 made, as would convince the refractory24 colonists25 that it was their interest, as well as their duty, to return to their allegiance.
But to approach the people in their present state of excitement, and to make those concessions without too far compromising the dignity and permanent authority of the Crown, was a delicate matter, for the success of which they must rely wholly on the character of the agent. After much deliberation, a competent person, as it was thought, was found in an ecclesiastic26, by the name of Pedro de la Gasca, — a name which, brighter by contrast with the gloomy times in which it first appeared, still shines with undiminished splendor27 after the lapse28 of ages.
Pedro de la Gasca was born, probably, towards the close of the fifteenth century, in a small village in Castile, named Barco de Avila. He came, both by father and mother’s side, from an ancient and noble lineage; ancient indeed, if, as his biographers contend, he derived29 his descent from Casca, one of the conspirators30 against Julius Caesar! 4 Having the misfortune to lose his father early in life, he was placed by his uncle in the famous seminary of Alcala de Henares, founded by the great Ximenes. Here he made rapid proficiency31 in liberal studies, especially in those connected with his profession, and at length received the degree of Master of Theology.
4 “Pasando a Espana vinieron a tierra de Avila y quedo del nombre dellos el lugar y familia de Gasca; mudandose por la afinidad de la pronunciacion, que hay entre las dos letras consonantes c. y. g. el nombre de Casca en Gasca.” Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca, Ms.
Similarity of name is a peg32 quite strong enough to hang a pedigree upon in Castile.]
The young man, however, discovered other talents than those demanded by his sacred calling. The war of the comunidades was then raging in the country; and the authorities of his college showed a disposition33 to take the popular side. But Gasca, putting himself at the head of an armed force, seized one of the gates of the city, and, with assistance from the royal troops, secured the place to the interests of the Crown. This early display of loyalty34 was probably not lost on his vigilant35 sovereign 5
5 This account of the early history of Gasca I have derived chiefly from a manuscript biographical notice written in 1465, during the prelate’s life. The name of the author, who speaks apparently36 from personal knowledge, is not given: but it seems to be the work of a scholar, and is written with a certain pretension37 to elegance38. The original Ms. forms part of the valuable collection of Don Pascual de Gayangos of Madrid. It is of much value for the light it throws on the early career of Gasca, which has been passed over in profound silence by Castilian historians. It is to be regretted that the author did not continue his labors39 beyond the period when the subject of them received his appointment to the Peruvian mission.]
From Alcala, Gasca was afterwards removed to Salamanca; where he distinguished40 himself by his skill in scholastic41 disputation, and obtained the highest academic honors in that ancient university, the fruitful nursery of scholarship and genius. He was subsequently intrusted with the management of some important affairs of an ecclesiastical nature, and made a member of the Council of the Inquisition.
In this latter capacity he was sent to Valencia, about 1540, to examine into certain alleged42 cases of heresy43 in that quarter of the country. These were involved in great obscurity; and, although Gasca had the assistance of several eminent44 jurists in the investigation45, it occupied him nearly two years. In the conduct of this difficult matter, he showed so much penetration46, and such perfect impartiality47, that he was appointed by the Cortes of Valencia to the office of visitador of that kingdom; a highly responsible post, requiring great discretion48 in the person who filled it, since it was his province to inspect the condition of the courts of justice and of finance, throughout the land, with authority to reform abuses. It was proof of extraordinary consideration, that it should have been bestowed49 on Gasca; since it was a departure from the established usage — and that in a nation most wedded50 to usage — to confer the office on any but a subject of the Aragonese crown. 6
6 “Era tanta la opinion que en Valencia tenian de la integridad y prudencia de Gasca, que en las Cortes de Monzon los Estados de aquel Reyno le pidieron por Visitador contra la costumbre y fuero de aquel Reyno, que no puede serlo sino fuere natural de la Corona51 de Araugon, y consintiendo que aquel fuero se derogase el Emperador lo concedio a instancia y peticion dellos.” Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca Ms.
Gasca executed the task assigned to him with independence and ability. While he was thus occupied, the people of Valencia were thrown into consternation by a meditated52 invasion of the French and the Turks, who, under the redoubtable53 Barbarossa, menaced the coast and the neighbouring Balearic isles54. Fears were generally entertained of a rising of the Morisco population; and the Spanish officers who had command in that quarter, being left without the protection of a navy, despaired of making head against the enemy. In this season of general panic, Gasca alone appeared calm and self-possessed55. He remonstrated56 with the Spanish commanders on their unsoldierlike despondency; encouraged them to confide57 in the loyalty of the Moriscos; and advised the immediate58 erection of fortifications along the shores for their protection. He was, in consequence, named one of a commission to superintend these works, and to raise levies for defending the sea-coast; and so faithfully was the task performed, that Barbarossa, after some ineffectual attempts to make good his landing, was baffled at all points, and compelled to abandon the enterprise as hopeless. The chief credit of this resistance must be assigned to Gasca, who superintended the construction of the defences, and who was enabled to contribute a large part of the requisite59 funds by the economical reforms he had introduced into the administration of Valencia. 7
7 “Que parece cierto,” says his enthusiastic biographer, “que por disposicion Divina vino a hallarse Gasca entonces en la Ciudad de Valencia, para remedio de aquel Reyno y Islas de Mallorca y Menorca e lviza, segun la orden, prevencion y diligencia que en la defensa contra las armadas del Turco y Francia tuvo, y las provisiones que para ello hizo.” Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca, Ms.]
It was at this time, the latter part of the year 1545, that the council of Philip selected Gasca as the person most competent to undertake the perilous60 mission to Peru. 8 His character, indeed, seemed especially suited to it. His loyalty had been shown through his whole life. With great suavity62 of manners he combined the most intrepid63 resolution. Though his demeanour was humble64, as beseemed his calling, it was far from abject65; for he was sustained by a conscious rectitude of purpose, that impressed respect on all with whom he had intercourse66. He was acute in his perceptions, had a shrewd knowledge of character, and, though bred to the cloister67, possessed an acquaintance with affairs, and even with military science, such as was to have been expected only from one reared in courts and camps.
8 “Finding a lion would not answer, they sent a lamb,” says Gomara; — “Finalmente, quiso embiar una Oveja, pues un Leon no aprovecho; y asi escogio al Licenciado Pedro Gasca.” Hist. de las Ind., cap. 174.
Without hesitation68, therefore, the council unanimously recommended him to the emperor, and requested his approbation69 of their proceedings70. Charles had not been an inattentive observer of Gasca’s course. His attention had been particularly called to the able manner in which he had conducted the judicial71 process against the heretics of Valencia. 9 The monarch72 saw, at once, that he was the man for the present emergency; and he immediately wrote to him, with his own hand, expressing his entire satisfaction at the appointment, and intimating his purpose to testify his sense of his worth by preferring him to one of the principal sees then vacant.
9 Gasca made what the author calls una breve y copyosa relacion of the proceedings to the emperor in Valencia; and the monarch was so intent on the inquiry73, that he devoted74 the whole afternoon to it, notwithstanding his son Philip was waiting for him to attend a fiesta! irrefragable proof, as the writer conceives, of his zeal75 for the faith. —“Queriendo entender muy de raizo todo lo que pasaba, como Principe tan zeloso que era de las cosas de la religion.” Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca, Ms.]
Gasca accepted the important mission now tendered to him without hesitation; and, repairing to Madrid, received the instructions of the government as to the course to be pursued. They were expressed in the most benign76 and conciliatory tone, perfectly77 in accordance with the suggestions of his own benevolent78 temper. 10 But, while he commended the tone of the instructions, he considered the powers with which he was to be intrusted as wholly incompetent79 to their object. They were conceived in the jealous spirit with which the Spanish government usually limited the authority of its great colonial officers, whose distance from home gave peculiar80 cause for distrust. On every strange and unexpected emergency, Gasca saw that he should be obliged to send back for instructions. This must cause delay, where promptitude was essential to success. The Court, moreover, as he represented to the council, was, from its remoteness from the scene of action, utterly81 incompetent to pronounce as to the expediency82 of the measures to be pursued. Some one should be sent out in whom the king could implicitly83 confide, and who should be invested with powers competent to every emergency; powers not merely to decide on what was best, but to carry that decision into execution; and he boldly demanded that he should go not only as the representative of the sovereign, but clothed with all the authority of the sovereign himself. Less than this would defeat the very object for which he was to be sent. “For myself,” he concluded, “I ask neither salary nor compensation of any kind. I covet84 no display of state or military array. With my stole and breviary I trust to do the work that is committed to me. 11 Infirm as I am in body, the repose85 of my own home would have been more grateful to me than this dangerous mission; but I will not shrink from it at the bidding of my sovereign, and if, as is very probable, I may not be permitted again to see my native land, I shall, at least, be cheered by the consciousness of having done my best to serve its interests.” 12
10 These instructions, the patriarchal tone of which is highly creditable to the government, are given in extenso in the Ms. of Caravantes, and in no other work which I have consulted.]
11 “De suerte que juzgassen que la mas fuerca que lleuaua, era su abito de clerigo y breuiario.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 16.]
12 Ms. de Caravantes. — Hist. del Don Pedro Gasca, Ms. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 16, 17.
Though not for himself, Gasca did solicit86 one favor of the emperor, — the appointment of his brother, an eminent jurist, to a vacant place on the bench of one of the Castilian tribunals]
The members of the council, while they listened with admiration87 to the disinterested88 avowal89 of Gasca, were astounded90 by the boldness of his demands. Not that they distrusted the purity of his motives92, for these were above suspicion. But the powers for which he stipulated93 were so far beyond those hitherto delegated to a colonial viceroy, that they felt they had no warrant to grant them. They even shrank from soliciting94 them from the emperor, and required that Gasca himself should address the monarch, and state precisely95 the grounds on which demands so extraordinary were founded.
Gasca readily adopted the suggestion, and wrote in the most full and explicit96 manner to his sovereign, who had then transferred his residence to Flanders. But Charles was not so tenacious97, or, at least, so jealous, of authority, as his ministers. He had been too long in possession of it to feel that jealousy98; and, indeed, many years were not to elapse, before, oppressed by its weight, he was to resign it altogether into the hands of his son. His sagacious mind, moreover, readily comprehended the difficulties of Gasca’s position. He felt that the present extraordinary crisis was to be met only by extraordinary measures. He assented99 to the force of his vassal100’s arguments, and, on the sixteenth of February, 1546, wrote him another letter expressive101 of his approbation, and intimated his willingness to grant him powers as absolute as those he had requested. Gasca was to be styled President of the Royal Audience. But, under this simple title, he was placed at the head of every department in the colony, civil, military, and judicial. He was empowered to make new repartimientos, and to confirm those already made. He might declare war, levy102 troops, appoint to all offices, or remove from them, at pleasure. He might exercise the royal prerogative103 of pardoning offences, and was especially authorized104 to grant an amnesty to all, without exception, implicated105 in the present rebellion. He was, moreover, to proclaim at once the revocation106 of the odious107 ordinances. These two last provisions might be said to form the basis of all his operations.
Since ecclesiastics108 were not to be reached by the secular109 arm, and yet were often found fomenting110 troubles in the colonies, Gasca was permitted to banish111 from Peru such as he thought fit. He might even send home the viceroy, if the good of the country required it. Agreeably to his own suggestion, he was to receive no specified112 stipend113; but he had unlimited114 orders on the treasuries115 both of Panama and Peru. He was furnished with letters from the emperor to the principal authorities, not only in Peru, but in Mexico and the neighbouring colonies, requiring their countenance116 and support; and, lastly, blank letters, bearing the royal signature, were delivered to him, which he was to fill up at his pleasure. 13
13 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 6. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 1, cap. 6. — Ms. de Caravantes. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 17, 18. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 174. — Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca, Ms.]
While the grant of such unbounded powers excited the warmest sentiments of gratitude117 in Gasca towards the sovereign who could repose in him so much confidence, it seems — which is more extra-ordinary — not to have raised corresponding feelings of envy in the courtiers. They knew well that it was not for himself that the good ecclesiastic had solicited118 them. On the contrary, some of the council were desirous that he should be preferred to the bishopric, as already promised him, before his departure; conceiving that he would thus go with greater authority than as an humble ecclesiastic, and fearing, moreover, that Gasca himself, were it omitted, might feel some natural disappointment. But the president hastened to remove these impressions. “The honor would avail me little,” he said, “where I am going; and it would be manifestly wrong to appoint me to an office in the Church, while I remain at such a distance that I cannot discharge the duties of it. The consciousness of my insufficiency,” he continued, “should I never return, would lie heavy on my soul in my last moments.” 14 The politic reluctance120 to accept the mitre has passed into a proverb. But there was no affectation here; and Gasca’s friends, yielding to his arguments, forbore to urge the matter further.
14 “Especialmente, si alla muriesse o le matassen: que entoces de nada le podria ser buena, sino para partir desta vida, con mas congoxa y pena de la poca cuenta que daua de la prouision que auia aceptado.” Fernandez, Hist. de Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 18.]
The new president now went forward with his preparations. They were few and simple; for he was to be accompanied by a slender train of followers121, among whom the most conspicuous122 was Alonso de Alvarado, the gallant123 officer who, as the reader may remember, long commanded under Francisco Pizarro. He had resided of late years at court; and now at Gasca’s request accompanied him to Peru, where his presence might facilitate negotiations125 with the insurgents127, while his military experience would prove no less valuable in case of an appeal to arms. 15 Some delay necessarily occurred in getting ready his little squadron, and it was not till the 26th of May, 1546, that the president and his suite61 embarked128 at San Lucar for the New World.
15 From this cavalier descended129 the noble house of the counts of Villamor in Spain. Ms. de Caravantes.]
After a prosperous voyage, and not a long one for that day, he landed, about the middle of July, at the port of Santa Martha. Here he received the astounding130 intelligence of the battle of Anaquito, of the defeat and death of the viceroy, and of the manner in which Gonzalo Pizarro had since established his absolute rule over the land. Although these events had occurred several months before Gasca’s departure from Spain, yet, so imperfect was the intercourse, no tidings of them had then reached that country.
They now filled the president with great anxiety as he reflected that the insurgents, after so atrocious an act as the slaughter131 of the viceroy, might well despair of grace, and become reckless of consequences. He was careful, therefore, to have it understood, that the date of his commission was subsequent to that of the fatal battle, and that it authorized an entire amnesty of all offences hitherto committed against the government. 16
16 Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 21
Yet, in some points of view, the death of Blasco Nunez might be regarded as an auspicious132 circumstance for the settlement of the country. Had he lived till Gasca’s arrival, the latter would have been greatly embarrassed by the necessity of acting133 in concert with a person so generally detested134 in the colony, or by the unwelcome alternative of sending him back to Castile. The insurgents, moreover, would, in all probability, be now more amenable135 to reason, since all personal animosity might naturally be buried in the grave of their enemy.
The president was much embarrassed by deciding in what quarter he should attempt to enter Peru. Every port was in the hands of Pizarro, and was placed under the care of his officers, with strict charge to intercept136 any communications from Spain, and to detain such persons as bore a commission from that country until his pleasure could be known respecting them. Gasca, at length, decided137 on crossing over to Nombre de Dios, then held with a strong force by Hernan Mexia, an officer to whose charge Gonzalo had committed this strong gate to his dominions, as to a person on whose attachment138 to his cause he could confidently rely.
Had Gasca appeared off this place in a menacing attitude, with a military array, or, indeed, with any display of official pomp that might have awakened139 distrust in the commander, he would doubtless have found it no easy matter to effect a landing. But Mexia saw nothing to apprehend140 in the approach of a poor ecclesiastic, without an armed force, with hardly even a retinue141 to support him, coming solely142, as it seemed, on an errand of mercy. No sooner, therefore, was he acquainted with the character of the envoy143 and his mission, than he prepared to receive him with the honors due to his rank, and marched out at the head of his soldiers, together with a considerable body of ecclesiastics resident in the place. There was nothing in the person of Gasca, still less in his humble clerical attire144 and modest retinue, to impress the vulgar spectator with feelings of awe145 or reverence146. Indeed, the poverty-stricken aspect, as it seemed, of himself and his followers, so different from the usual state affected147 by the Indian viceroys, excited some merriment among the rude soldiery, who did not scruple148 to break their coarse jests on his appearance, in hearing of the president himself. 17 “If this is the sort of governor his Majesty149 sends over to us,” they exclaimed, “Pizarro need not trouble his head much about it.”
17 “Especialmente muchos de los soldados, que estauan desacatados, y decian palabras feas, y desuergocadas. A lo qual el Presidente (viendo que era necessario) hazia las orejas sordas.” Ibid., Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 23.]
Yet the president, far from being ruffled150 by this ribaldry, or from showing resentment151 to its authors, submitted to it with the utmost humility152, and only seemed the more grateful to his own brethren, who, by their respectful demeanour, appeared anxious to do him honor.
But, however plain and unpretending the manners of Gasca, Mexia, on his first interview with him, soon discovered that he had no common man to deal with. The president, after briefly153 explaining the nature of his commission, told him that he had come as a messenger of peace; and that it was on peaceful measures he relied for his success. He then stated the general scope of his commission, his authority to grant a free pardon to all, without exception, who at once submitted to government, and, finally, his purpose to proclaim the revocation of the ordinances. The objects of the revolution were thus attained154. To contend longer would be manifest rebellion, and that without a motive91; and he urged the commander by every principle of loyalty and patriotism155 to support him in settling the distractions156 of the country, and bringing it back to its allegiance.
The candid157 and conciliatory language of the president, so different from the arrogance158 of Blasco Nunez, and the austere159 demeanour of Vaca de Castro, made a sensible impression on Mexia. He admitted the force of Gasca’s reasoning, and flattered himself that Gonzalo Pizarro would not be insensible to it. Though attached to the fortunes of that leader, he was loyal in heart, and, like most of the party, had been led by accident, rather than by design, into rebellion; and now that so good an opportunity occurred to do it with safety, he was not unwilling160 to retrace his steps, and secure the royal favor by thus early returning to his allegiance. This he signified to the president, assuring him of his hearty161 cooperation in the good work of reform. 18
18 Ibid., ubi supra. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1546. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru lib. 6, cap. 6. — Herrera, Hist General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. 5]
This was an important step for Gasca. It was yet more important for him to secure the obedience162 of Hinojosa, the governor of Panama, in the harbour of which city lay Pizarro’s navy, consisting of two-and-twenty vessels163. But it was not easy to approach this officer. He was a person of much higher character than was usually found among the reckless adventurers in the New World. He was attached to the interests of Pizarro, and the latter had requited164 him by placing him in command of his armada and of Panama, the key to his territories on the Pacific. The president first sent Mexia and Alonso de Alvarado to prepare the way for his own coming, by advising Hinojosa of the purport165 of his mission. He soon after followed, and was received by that commander with every show of outward respect. But while the latter listened with deference167 to the representations of Gasca, they failed to work the change in him which they had wrought168 in Mexia; and he concluded by asking the president to show him his powers, and by inquiring whether they gave him authority to confirm Pizarro in his present post, to which he was entitled no less by his own services than by the general voice of the people. This was an embarrassing question. Such a concession22 would have been altogether too humiliating to the Crown; but to have openly avowed169 this at the present juncture170 to so stanch171 an adherent172 of Pizarro might have precluded173 all further negotiation124. The president evaded174 the question, therefore, by simply stating, that the time had not yet come for him to produce his powers, but that Hinojosa might be assured they were such as to secure an ample recompense to every loyal servant of his country. 19
19 Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 25. — Zarate Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 7. — Ms. de Caravantes.
Hinojosa was not satisfied; and he immediately wrote to Pizarro, acquainting him with Gasca’s arrival and with the object of his mission, at the same time plainly intimating his own conviction that the president had no authority to confirm him in the government. But before the departure of the ship, Gasca secured the services of a Dominican friar, who had taken his passage on board for one of the towns on the coast. This man he intrusted with manifestoes, setting forth175 the purport of his visit, and proclaiming the abolition176 of the ordinances, with a free pardon to all who returned to their obedience. He wrote, also, to the prelates and to the corporations of the different cities. The former he requested to cooperate with him in introducing a spirit of loyalty and subordination among the people, while he intimated to the towns his purpose to confer with them hereafter, in order to devise some effectual measures for the welfare of the country. These papers the Dominican engaged to distribute, himself, among the principal cities of the colony and he faithfully kept his word, though, as it proved, at no little hazard of his life. The seeds thus scattered177 might many of them fall on barren ground. But the greater part, the president trusted, would take root in the hearts of the people; and he patiently waited for the harvest.
Meanwhile, though he failed to remove the scruples178 of Hinojosa, the courteous179 manners of Gasca, and his mild, persuasive discourse180, had a visible effect on other individuals with whom he had daily intercourse. Several of these, and among them some of the principal cavaliers in Panama, as well as in the squadron, expressed their willingness to join the royal cause, and aid the president in maintaining it. Gasca profited by their assistance to open a communication with the authorities of Guatemala and Mexico, whom he advised of his mission, while he admonished181 them to allow no intercourse to be carried on with the insurgents on the coast of Peru. He, at length, also prevailed on the governor of Panama to furnish him with the means of entering into communication with Gonzalo Pizarro himself; and a ship was despatched to Lima, bearing a letter from Charles the Fifth, addressed to that chief, with an epistle also from Gasca.
The emperor’s communication was couched in the most condescending182 and even conciliatory terms. Far from taxing Gonzalo with rebellion, his royal master affected to regard his conduct as in a manner imposed on him by circumstances, especially by the obduracy183 of the viceroy Nunez in denying the colonists the inalienable right of petition. He gave no intimation of an intent to confirm Pizarro in the government, or, indeed, to remove him from it; but simply referred him to Gasca as one who would acquaint him with the royal pleasure, and with whom he was to cooperate in restoring tranquillity184 to the country.
Gasca’s own letter was pitched on the same politic key. He remarked, however, that the exigencies185 which had hitherto determined186 Gonzalo’s line of conduct existed no longer. All that had been asked was conceded. There was nothing now to contend for; and it only remained for Pizarro and his followers to show their loyalty and the sincerity187 of their principles by obedience to the Crown. Hitherto, the president said, Pizarro had been in arms against the viceroy; and the people had supported him as against a common enemy. If he prolonged the contest, that enemy must be his sovereign. In such a struggle, the people would be sure to desert him; and Gasca conjured188 him, by his honor as a cavalier, and his duty as a loyal vassal, to respect the royal authority, and not rashly provoke a contest which must prove to the world that his conduct hitherto had been dictated189 less by patriotic190 motives than by selfish ambition.
This letter, which was conveyed in language the most courteous and complimentary191 to the subject of it, was of great length. It was accompanied by another much more concise192, to Cepeda, the intriguing193 lawyer, who, as Gasca knew, had the greatest influence over Pizarro, in the absence of Carbajal, then employed in reaping the silver harvest from the newly discovered mines of Potosi. 20 In this epistle, Gasca affected to defer166 to the cunning politician as a member of the Royal Audience, and he conferred with him on the best manner of supplying a vacancy194 in that body. These several despatches were committed to a cavalier, named Paniagua, a faithful adherent of the president, and one of those who had accompanied him from Castile. To this same emissary he also gave manifestoes and letters, like those intrusted to the Dominican, with orders secretly to distribute them in Lima, before he quitted that capital. 21
20 “El Licenciado Cepeda que tengo yo agora por teniente, de quien yo hago mucho caso i le quiero mucho.” Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.]
21 The letters noticed in the text may be found in Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 7, and Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 29, 30. The president’s letter covers several pages. Much of it is taken up with historic precedents195 and illustrations, to show the folly197, as well as wickedness, of a collision with the imperial authority. The benignant tone of this homily may be inferred from its concluding sentence; “Nuestro senor por su infinita bodad alumbre a vuestra merced, y a todos los demas para que acierten a hazer en este negocio lo que couiene a sus almas, honras, vidas y haziendas: y guarde en su sancto servicio la Illustre persona de vuestra merced.”]
Weeks and months rolled away, while the president still remained at Panama, where, indeed, as his communications were jealously cut off with Peru, he might be said to be detained as a sort of prisoner of state. Meanwhile, both he and Hinojosa were looking with anxiety for the arrival of some messenger from Pizarro, who should indicate the manner in which the president’s mission was to be received by that chief. The governor of Panama was not blind to the perilous position in which he was himself placed, nor to the madness of provoking a contest with the Court of Castile. But he had a reluctance — not too often shared by the cavaliers of Peru — to abandon the fortunes of the commander who had reposed198 in him so great confidence. Yet he trusted that this commander would embrace the opportunity now offered, of placing himself and the country in a state of permanent security.
Several of the cavaliers who had given in their adhesion to Gasca, displeased199 by this obstinacy200, as they termed it, of Hinojosa, proposed to seize his person and then get possession of the armada. But the president at once rejected this offer. His mission, he said, was one of peace, and he would not stain it at the outset by an act of violence. He even respected the scruples of Hinojosa; and a cavalier of so honorable a nature, he conceived, if once he could be gained by fair means, would be much more likely to be true to his interests, than if overcome either by force or fraud. Gasca thought he might safely abide201 his time. There was policy, as well as honesty, in this; indeed, they always go together.
Meantime, persons were occasionally arriving from Lima and the neighbouring places, who gave accounts of Pizarro, varying according to the character and situation of the parties. Some represented him as winning all hearts by his open temper and the politic profusion203 with which, though covetous204 of wealth, he distributed repartimientos and favors among his followers. Others spoke205 of him as carrying matters with a high hand, while the greatest timidity and distrust prevailed among the citizens of Lima. All agreed that his power rested on too secure a basis to be shaken; and that, if the president should go to Lima, he must either consent to be come Pizarro’s instrument and confirm him in the government, or forfeit206 his own life. 22
22 Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 27. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. 7. — Ms. de Caravantes.
It was undoubtedly207 true, that Gonzalo, while he gave attention, as his friends say, to the public business, found time for free indulgence in those pleasures which wait on the soldier of fortune in his hour of triumph. He was the object of flattery and homage208; courted even by those who hated him. For such as did not love the successful chieftain had good cause to fear him; and his exploits were commemorated209 in romances or ballads210, as rivalling — it was not far from truth — those of the most doughty211 paladins of chivalry212. 23
23 Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 32.
Amidst this burst of adulation, the cup of joy commended to Pizarro’s lips had one drop of bitterness in it that gave its flavor to all the rest; for, notwithstanding his show of confidence, he looked with unceasing anxiety to the arrival of tidings that might assure him in what light his conduct was regarded by the government at home. This was proved by his jealous precautions to guard the approaches to the coast, and to detain the persons of the royal emissaries. He learned, therefore, with no little uneasiness, from Hinojosa, the landing of President Gasca, and the purport of his mission. But his discontent was mitigated213, when he understood that the new envoy had come without military array, without any of the ostentatious trappings of office to impose on the minds of the vulgar, but alone, as it were, in the plain garb214 of an humble missionary215. 24 Pizarro could not discern, that under this modest exterior216 lay a moral power, stronger than his own steel-clad battalions217, which, operating silently on public opinion, — the more sure that it was silent, — was even now undermining his strength, like a subterraneous channel eating away the foundations of some stately edifice218, that stands secure in its pride of place!
24 Gonzalo, in his letter to Valdivia, speaks of Gasca as a clergyman of a godly reputation, who, without recompense, in the true spirit of a missionary, had come over to settle the affairs of the country. “Dicen ques mui buen christiano i hombre de buena vida i clerigo, i dicen que viene a estas partes con buena intencion i no quiso salario ninguno del Rey sino venir para poner paz en estos reynos con sus cristiandades.” Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.]
But, although Gonzalo Pizarro could not foresee this result, he saw enough to satisfy him that it would be safest to exclude the president from Peru. The tidings of his arrival, moreover, quickened his former purpose of sending an embassy to Spain to vindicate his late proceedings, and request the royal confirmation219 of his authority. The person placed at the head of this mission was Lorenzo de Aldana, a cavalier of discretion as well as courage, and high in the confidence of Pizarro, as one of his most devoted partisans220. He had occupied some important posts under that chief, one secret of whose successes was the sagacity he showed in the selection of his agents.
Besides Aldana and one or two cavaliers, the bishop119 of Lima was joined in the commission, as likely, from his position, to have a favorable influence on Gonzalo’s fortunes at court. Together with the despatches for the government, the envoys221 were intrusted with a letter to Gasca from the inhabitants of Lima; in which, after civilly congratulating the president on his arrival, they announce their regret that he had come too late. The troubles of the country were now settled by the overthrow222 of the viceroy, and the nation was reposing223 in quiet under the rule of Pizarro. An embassy, they stated, was on its way to Castile, not to solicit pardon, for they had committed no crime, 25 but to petition the emperor to confirm their leader in the government, as the man in Peru best entitled to it by his virtues224. 26 They expressed the conviction that Gasca’s presence would only serve to renew the distractions of the country, and they darkly intimated that his attempt to land would probably cost him his life. — The language of this singular document was more respectful than might be inferred from its import. It was dated the 14th of October, 1546, and was subscribed225 by seventy of the principal cavaliers in the city. It was not improbably dictated by Cepeda, whose hand is visible in most of the intrigues226 of Pizarro’s little court. It is also said, — the authority is somewhat questionable227, — that Aldana received instructions from Gonzalo secretly to offer a bribe228 of fifty thousand pesos de oro to the president, to prevail on him to return to Castile; and in case of his refusal, some darker and more effectual way was to be devised to rid the country of his presence. 27
25 “Porque perdo ninguno de nosotros le pide, porque no entendemos que emos errado, sino seruido a su Magestad: conseruado nuestro derecho; que por sus leyes Reales a sus vasallos es permitido.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 33.]
26 “Porque el por sus virtudes es muy amado de todos: y tenido por padre del Peru.” Ibid., ubi supra.]
27 Ibid., loc. cit. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. 10. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 8. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 177. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1546.
Pizarro, in his letter to Valdivia, notices this remonstrance229 to Gasca, who, with all his reputation as a saint, was as deep as any man in Spain, and had now come to send him home, as a reward, no doubt, of his faithful services. “But I and the rest of the cavaliers,” he concludes, “have warned him not to set foot here.” “Y agora que yo tenia puesta esta tierra en sosiego embiava su parte al de la Gasca que aunque arriba digo que dicen ques un santo, es un hombre mas manoso que havia en toda Espana e mas sabio; e asi venia por presidente e Governador, e todo quanto el quiera; e para poderme embiar a mi a Espana, i a cabo de dos anos que andavamos fuera de nuestras casas queria el Rey darme este pago, mas yo con todos los cavalleros deste Reyno le embiavamos a decir que se vaya, sino que haremos con el como con Blasco Nunez.” Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.]
Aldana, fortified230 with his despatches, sped swiftly on his voyage to Panama. Through him the governor learned the actual state of feeling in the councils of Pizarro; and he listened with regret to the envoy’s conviction, that no terms would be admitted by that chief or his companions, that did not confirm him in the possession of Peru. 28
28 With Aldana’s mission to Castile Gonzalo Pizarro closes the important letter, so often cited in these pages, and which may be supposed to furnish the best arguments for his own conduct. It is a curious fact, that Valdivia, the conqueror231 of Chili232, to whom the epistle is addressed, soon after this openly espoused233 the cause of Gasca, and his troops formed part of the forces who contended with Pizarro, not long afterwards, at Huarina. Such was the friend on whom Gonzalo relied!]
Aldana was soon admitted to an audience by the president. It was attended with very different results from what had followed from the conferences with Hinojosa; for Pizarro’s envoy was not armed by nature with that stubborn panoply234 which had hitherto made the other proof against all argument. He now learned with surprise the nature of Gasca’s powers, and the extent of the royal concessions to the insurgents. He had embarked with Gonzalo Pizarro on a desperate venture, and he found that it had proved successful. The colony had nothing more, in reason, to demand; and, though devoted in heart to his leader, he did not feel bound by any principle of honor to take part with him, solely to gratify his ambition, in a wild contest with the Crown that must end in inevitable235 ruin. He consequently abandoned his mission to Castile, probably never very palatable236 to him, and announced his purpose to accept the pardon proffered237 by government, and support the president in settling the affairs of Peru. He subsequently wrote, it should be added, to his former commander in Lima, stating the course he had taken, and earnestly recommending the latter to follow his example.
The influence of this precedent196 in so important a person as Aldana, aided, doubtless, by the conviction that no change was now to be expected in Pizarro, while delay would be fatal to himself, at length prevailed over Hinojosa’s scruples, and he intimated to Gasca his willingness to place the fleet under his command. The act was performed with great pomp and ceremony. Some of Pizarro’s stanchest partisans were previously238 removed from the vessels; and on the nineteenth of November, 1546, Hinojosa and his captains resigned their commissions into the hands of the president. They next took the oaths of allegiance to Castile; a free pardon for all past offences was proclaimed by the herald239 from a scaffold erected240 in the great square of the city; and the president, greeting them as true and loyal vassals241 of the Crown, restored their several commissions to the cavaliers. The royal standard of Spain was then unfurled on board the squadron, and proclaimed that this strong-hold of Pizarro’s power had passed away from him for ever. 29
29 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 9. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 38, 42. — Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 178. — Ms. de Caravantes.
Garcilasso de la Vega, — whose partiality for Gonzalo Pizarro forms a wholesome242 counterpoise to the unfavorable views taken of his conduct by most other writers, — in his notice of this transaction, seems disposed to allow little credit to that loyalty which is shown by the sacrifice of a benefactor243. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 4.]
The return of their commissions to the insurgent126 captains was a politic act in Gasca. It secured the services of the ablest officers in the country, and turned against Pizarro the very arm on which he had most leaned for support. Thus was this great step achieved, without force or fraud, by Gasca’s patience and judicious244 forecast. He was content to bide202 his time; and he now might rely with well-grounded confidence on the ultimate success of his mission.
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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mortifying
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| adj.抑制的，苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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retrace
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| v.折回；追溯，探源 | |
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persuasive
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| adj.有说服力的，能说得使人相信的 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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colonists
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ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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peg
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| n.木栓，木钉；vt.用木钉钉，用短桩固定 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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corona
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| n.日冕 | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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suavity
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| n.温和；殷勤 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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intercourse
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cloister
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| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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73
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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74
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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75
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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76
benign
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| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
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77
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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78
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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79
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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80
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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81
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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82
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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83
implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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84
covet
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| vt.垂涎；贪图(尤指属于他人的东西) | |
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85
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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86
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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87
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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88
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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89
avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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90
astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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91
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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92
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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93
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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94
soliciting
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| v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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95
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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96
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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97
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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98
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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99
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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101
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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102
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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103
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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104
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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105
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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106
revocation
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| n.废止，撤回 | |
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107
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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108
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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109
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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110
fomenting
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的现在分词 ) | |
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111
banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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112
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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113
stipend
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| n.薪贴；奖学金；养老金 | |
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114
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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115
treasuries
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| n.（政府的）财政部( treasury的名词复数 )；国库，金库 | |
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116
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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117
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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118
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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119
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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120
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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121
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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122
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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123
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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124
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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125
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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126
insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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127
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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128
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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129
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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130
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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131
slaughter
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|
| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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132
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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133
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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134
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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136
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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137
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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138
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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139
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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140
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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141
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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142
solely
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|
| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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143
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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144
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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145
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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146
reverence
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|
| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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147
affected
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|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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148
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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149
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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150
ruffled
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| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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151
resentment
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|
| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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152
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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153
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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154
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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155
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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156
distractions
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| n.使人分心的事[人]( distraction的名词复数 )；娱乐，消遣；心烦意乱；精神错乱 | |
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157
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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158
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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159
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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160
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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161
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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162
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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163
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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164
requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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165
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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166
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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167
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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168
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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169
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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170
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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171
stanch
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| v.止住（血等）；adj.坚固的；坚定的 | |
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172
adherent
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| n.信徒，追随者，拥护者 | |
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173
precluded
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| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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174
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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175
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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176
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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177
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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178
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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179
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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180
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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181
admonished
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| v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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182
condescending
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|
| adj.谦逊的,故意屈尊的 | |
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183
obduracy
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| n.冷酷无情，顽固，执拗 | |
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184
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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185
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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186
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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187
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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188
conjured
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| 用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 )； 祈求，恳求； 变戏法； （变魔术般地） 使…出现 | |
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189
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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190
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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191
complimentary
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| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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192
concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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193
intriguing
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|
| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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194
vacancy
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| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
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195
precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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196
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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197
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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198
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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199
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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200
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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201
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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202
bide
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| v.忍耐；等候；住 | |
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203
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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204
covetous
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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205
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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207
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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209
commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ballads
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| 民歌，民谣，特别指叙述故事的歌( ballad的名词复数 )； 讴 | |
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doughty
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| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
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chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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221
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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reposing
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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panoply
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| n.全副甲胄，礼服 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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palatable
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| adj.可口的，美味的；惬意的 | |
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proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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240
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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241
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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242
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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