Gasca Assembles His Forces. — Defection Of Pizarro’s Followers1. — He Musters2 His Levies4. — Agitation5 In Lima. — He Abandons The City. — Gasca Sails From Panama. — Bloody6 Battle Of Huarina.
1547.
No sooner was Gasca placed in possession of Panama and the fleet, than he entered on a more decisive course of policy than he had been hitherto allowed to pursue. He made levies of men, and drew together supplies from all quarters. He took care to discharge the arrears7 already due to the soldiers, and promised liberal pay for the future; for, though mindful that his personal charges should cost little to the Crown, he did not stint8 his expenditure9 when the public good required it. As the funds in the treasury10 were exhausted11, he obtained loans on the credit of the government from the wealthy citizens of Panama, who, relying on his good faith, readily made the necessary advances. He next sent letters to the authorities of Guatemala and Mexico, requiring their assistance in carrying on hostilities12, if necessary, against the insurgents14; and he despatched a summons, in like manner, to Benalcazar, in the provinces north of Peru, to meet him, on his landing in that country, with his whole available force.
The greatest enthusiasm was shown by the people of Panama in getting the little navy in order for his intended voyage; and prelates and commanders did not disdain15 to prove their loyalty16 by taking part in the good work, along with the soldiers and sailors. 1 Before his own departure, however, Gasca proposed to send a small squadron of four ships under Aldana, to cruise off the port of Lima, with instructions to give protection to those well affected17 to the royal cause, and receive them, if need be, on board his vessels19. He was also in trusted with authenticated20 copies of the president’s commission, to be delivered to Gonzalo Pizarro, that the chief might feel, there was yet time to return before the gates of mercy were closed against him. 2
1 “Y ponia sus fuercas con21 tanta llaneza y obediencia, que los Obispos y clerigos y los capitanes y mas principales personas eran los que primero echauan mano, y tirauan de las gumenas y cables de los nauios, para los sacar a la costa.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 70.]
2 Ibid., ubi supra. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1546. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 178. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 9. — Herrera, Hist General, dec. 8, lib. 3, cap. 3.]
While these events were going on, Gasca’s proclamations and letters were doing their work in Peru. It required but little sagacity to perceive that the nation at large, secured in the protection of person and property, had nothing to gain by revolution. Interest and duty, fortunately, now lay on the same side; and the ancient sentiment of loyalty, smothered22 for a time, but not extinguished, revived in the breasts of the people. Still this was not manifested, at once, by any overt23 act; for, under a strong military rule, men dared hardly think for themselves, much less communicate their thoughts to one another. But changes of public opinion, like changes in the atmosphere that come on slowly and imperceptibly, make themselves more and more widely felt, till, by a sort of silent sympathy, they spread to the remotest corners of the land. Some intimations of such a change of sentiment at length found their way to Lima, although all accounts of the president’s mission had been jealously excluded from that capital. Gonzalo Pizarro himself became sensible of these symptoms of disaffection, though almost too faint and feeble, as yet, for the most experienced eye to descry24 in them the coming tempest.
Several of the president’s proclamations had been forwarded to Gonzalo by his faithful partisans26; and Carbajal, who had been summoned from Potosi, declared they were “more to be dreaded28 than the lances of Castile.” 3 Yet Pizarro did not, for a moment, lose his confidence in his own strength; and with a navy like that now in Panama at his command, he felt he might bid defiance30 to any enemy on his coasts. He had implicit31 confidence in the fidelity32 of Hinojosa.
3 “Que eran mas de temer aquellas cartas que a las lacas del Rey de Castilla.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 45.
It was at this period that Paniagua arrived off the port with Gasca’s despatches to Pizarro, consisting of the emperor’s letter and his own. They were instantly submitted by that chieftain to his trusty counsellors, Carbajal and Cepeda, and their opinions asked as to the course to be pursued. It was the crisis of Pizarro’s fate.
Carbajal, whose sagacious eye fully33 comprehended the position in which they stood, was in favor of accepting the royal grace on the terms proposed; and he intimated his sense of their importance by declaring, that “he would pave the way for the bearer of them into the capital with ingots of gold and silver.” 4 Cepeda was of a different way of thinking. He was a judge of the Royal Audience; and had been sent to Peru as the immediate34 counsellor of Blasco Nunez. But he had turned against the viceroy, had encountered him in battle, and his garments might be said to be yet wet with his blood! What grace was there, then, for him? Whatever respect might be shown to the letter of the royal provisions, in point of fact, he must ever live under the Castilian rule a ruined man. He accordingly strongly urged the rejection35 of Gasca’s offers. “They will cost you your government,” he said to Pizarro; “the smooth-tongued priest is not so simple a person as you take him to be. He is deep and politic36. 5 He knows well what promises to make; and, once master of the country, he will know, too, how to keep them.”
4 “Y le enladrillen los caminos por do viniere con barras de plata, y tejos de Oro.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 5.]
5 “Que no lo embiauan por hombre sencillo y llano, sino de grandes cautelas, astucias, falsedades y enganos.” Ibid., loc. cit.
Carbajal was not shaken by the arguments or the sneers37 of his companions; and as the discussion waxed warm, Cepeda taxed his opponent with giving counsel suggested by fears for his own safety — a foolish taunt38, sufficiently39 disproved by the whole life of the doughty40 old warrior41. Carbajal did not insist further on his own views, however, as he found them unwelcome to Pizarro, and contented42 himself with coolly remarking, that “he had, indeed, no relish43 for rebellion; but he had as long a neck for a halter, he believed, as any of his companions; and as he could hardly expect to live much longer, at any rate, it was, after all, of little moment to him.” 6
6 “Por lo demas, quado acaezca otra cosa, ya yo he viuido muchos anos, y tengo tan bue palmo de pescueco para la soga, como cada uno de vuesas mercedes.” Ibid., loc. cit.]
Pizarro, spurred on by a fiery44 ambition that overleaped every obstacle, 7 did not condescend45 to count the desperate chances of a contest with the Crown. He threw his own weight into the scale with Cepeda. The offer of grace was rejected; and he thus cast away the last tie which held him to his country, and, by the act, proclaimed himself a rebel. 8
7 “Loca y luciferina soberuia,” as Fernandez characterizes the aspiring46 temper of Gonzalo. Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 15.]
8 Ms. de Caravantes.
According to Garcilasso, Paniagua was furnished with secret instructions by the president, empowering him, in case he judged it necessary to the preservation47 of the royal authority, to confirm Pizarro in the government, “it being little matter if the Devil ruled there, provided the country remained to the Crown!” The fact was so reported by Paniagua, who continued in Peru after these events. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 5.) This is possible. But it is more probable that a credulous48 gossip, like Garcilasso, should be in error, than that Charles the Fifth should have been prepared to make such an acknowledgment of his imbecility, or that the man selected for Gasca’s confidence should have so indiscreetly betrayed his trust.]
It was not long after the departure of Paniagua, that Pizarro received tidings of the defection of Aldana and Hinojosa, and of the surrender of the fleet, on which he had expended49 an immense sum, as the chief bulwark50 of his power. This unwelcome intelligence was followed by accounts of the further defection of some of the principal towns in the north, and of the assassination51 of Puelles, the faithful lieutenant52 to whom he had confided53 the government of Quito. It was not very long, also, before he found his authority assailed54 in the opposite quarter at Cuzco; for Centeno, the loyal chieftain who, as the reader may remember, had been driven by Carbajal to take refuge in a cave near Arequipa, had issued from his concealment55 after remaining there a year, and, on learning the arrival of Gasca, had again raised the royal standard. Then collecting a small body of followers, and falling on Cuzco by night, he made himself master of that capital, defeated the garrison56 who held it, and secured it for the Crown. Marching soon after into the province of Charcas, the bold chief allied57 himself with the officer who commanded for Pizarro in La Plata; and their combined forces, to the number of a thousand, took up a position on the borders of Lake Titicaca, where the two cavaliers coolly waited an opportunity to take the field against their ancient commander. Gonzalo Pizarro, touched to the heart by the desertion of those in whom he most confided, was stunned58 by the dismal59 tidings of his losses coming so thick upon him. Yet he did not waste his time in idle crimination or complaint; but immediately set about making preparations to meet the storm with all his characteristic energy. He wrote, at once, to such of his captains as he believed still faithful, commanding them to be ready with their troops to march to his assistance at the shortest notice. He reminded them of their obligations to him, and that their interests were identical with his own. The president’s commission, he added, had been made out before the news had reached Spain of the battle of Anaquito, and could never cover a pardon to those concerned in the death of the viceroy. 9
9 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 11, 13. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 45, 59. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1547.]
Pizarro was equally active in enforcing his levies in the capital, and in putting them in the best fighting order. He soon saw himself at the head of a thousand men, beautifully equipped, and complete in all their appointments; “as gallant60 an array,” says an old writer, “though so small in number, as ever trod the plains of Italy,” — displaying in the excellence61 of their arms, their gorgeous uniforms, and the caparisons of their horses, a magnificence that could be furnished only by the silver of Peru. 10 Each company was provided with a new stand of colors, emblazoned with its peculiar62 device. Some bore the initials and arms of Pizarro, and one or two of these were audaciously surmounted63 by a crown, as if to intimate the rank to which their commander might aspire64. 11
10 “Mil Hombres tan bien armados i aderecados, como se han visto en Italia, en la maior prosperidad, porque ninguno havia, demas de las Armas, que no llevase Calcas, i Jubon de Seda, i muchos de Tela de Oro, i de Brocado, i otros bordados, i recamados de Oro, i Plata, con mucha Chaperia de Oro por los Sombreros, i especialmente por Frascos, i Caxas de Arcubuces.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 11.]
11 Ibid., ubi supra.
Some writers even assert that Pizarro was preparing for his coronation at this time, and that he had actually despatched his summons to the different towns to send their deputies to assist at it. “Queria spresurar su coronacion, y para ello despacho cartas a todas las ciudades del Peru.” (Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1547.) But it is hardly probable he could have placed so blind a confidence in the colonists65 at this crisis, as to have meditated66 so rash a step. The loyal Castilian historians are not slow to receive reports to the discredit67 of the rebel.
Among the leaders most conspicuous68 on this occasion was Cepeda, “who,” in the words of a writer of his time, “had exchanged the robe of the licentiate for the plumed69 casque and mailed harness of the warrior.” 12 But the cavalier to whom Pizarro confided the chief care of organizing his battalions70 was the veteran Carbajal, who had studied the art of war under the best captains of Europe, and whose life of adventure had been a practical commentary on their early lessons. It was on his arm that Gonzalo most leaned in the hour of danger; and well had it been for him, if he had profited by his counsels at an earlier period.
12 “El qual en este tiempo, oluidado de lo que conuenia a sus letras, y profession, y officio de Oydor; salio en calcas jubon, y cuera, de muchos recamados: y gorra con plumas.” Fernandez Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2 cap. 62.]
It gives one some idea of the luxurious72 accommodations of Pizarro’s forces, that he endeavoured to provide each of his musketeers with a horse. The expenses incurred73 by him were enormous. The immediate cost of his preparations, we are told, was not less than half a million of pesos de oro; and his pay to the cavaliers, and, indeed, to the common soldiers, in his little army, was on an extravagant74 scale, nowhere to be met with but on the silver soil of Peru. 13
13 Ibid., ubi supra. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 11. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 3, cap. 5. — Montesinos, Annales, ano 1547.]
When his own funds were exhausted, he supplied the deficiency by fines imposed on the rich citizens of Lima as the price of exemption75 from service, by forced loans, and various other schemes of military exaction76. 14 From this time, it is said, the chieftain’s temper underwent a visible change. 15 He became more violent in his passions, more impatient of control, and indulged more freely in acts of cruelty and license77. The desperate cause in which he was involved made him reckless of consequences. Though naturally frank and confiding78, the frequent defection of his followers filled him with suspicion. He knew not in whom to confide29. Every one who showed himself indifferent to his cause, or was suspected of being so, was dealt with as an open enemy. The greatest distrust prevailed in Lima. No man dared confide in his neighbour. Some concealed79 their effects; others contrived80 to elude81 the vigilance of the sentinels, and hid themselves in the neighbouring woods and mountains. 16 No one was allowed to enter or leave the city without a license. All commerce, all intercourse82, with other places was cut off. It was long since the fifths belonging to the Crown had been remitted83 to Castile; as Pizarro had appropriated them to his own use. He now took possession of the mints, broke up the royal stamps, and issued a debased coin, emblazoned with his own cipher84. 17 It was the most decisive act of sovereignty.
14 Fernandez, Parte 1, lib. 2 cap. 62. — Montesinos, Annales Ms., ano 1547.]
15 Gomara, Hist. de las Ind. cap. 172.]
16 “Andaba la Gente tan asombrada con el temor de la muerte, que no se podian entender, ni tenian animo para huir, i algunos, que hallaron mejor aparejo, se escondieron por los Canaverales, i Cuevas, enterrando sus Haciendas.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 15.]
17 Rel. Anonima, Ms. — Montesinos Annales, Ms., ano 1547. “Assi mismo echo Gozalo Picarro a toda la plata que gastaua y destribuya su marca, que era una G. rebuelta en una P. y pregono que so pena de muerte, todos recibiessen por plata fina la que tuuiesse aquella marca: sin ensayo, ni otra diligencia alguna. Y desta suerte hizo passar mucha plata de ley baja por fina.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 62.]
At this gloomy period, the lawyer Cepeda contrived a solemn farce85, the intent of which was to give a sort of legal sanction to the rebel cause in the eyes of the populace. He caused a process to be prepared against Gasca, Hinojosa, and Aldana, in which they were accused of treason against the existing government of Peru, were convicted, and condemned86 to death. This instrument he submitted to a number of jurists in the capital, requiring their signatures. But they had no mind thus inevitably87 to implicate88 themselves, by affixing89 their names to such a paper; and they evaded90 it by representing, that it would only serve to cut off all chance, should any of the accused be so disposed, of their again embracing the cause they had deserted91. Cepeda was the only man who signed the document. Carbajal treated the whole thing with ridicule92. “What is the object of your process?” said he to Cepeda. “Its object,” replied the latter, “is to prevent delay, that, if taken at any time, the guilty party may be at once led to execution.” “I cry you mercy,” retorted Carbajal; “I thought there must be some virtue93 in the instrument, that would have killed them outright94. Let but one of these same traitors95 fall into my hands, and I will march him off to execution, without waiting for the sentence of a court, I promise you!” 18
18 “Riose mucho entonces Caruajal y dixo; que segu auia hecho la instancia, que auia entendido, que la justicia como rayo, auia de yr luego a justiciarlos. Y dezia que si el los tuuiesse presos, no se le daria vn clauo por su sentecia, ni firmas.” (Ibid., Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 55.) Among the jurists in Lima who thus independently resisted Cepeda’s requisition to sign the paper was the Licentiate Polo Ondegardo, a man of much discretion96, and one of the best authorities for the ancient institutions of the Incas.]
While this paper war was going on, news was brought that Aldana’s squadron was off the port of Callao. That commander had sailed from Panama, the middle of February, 1547. On his passage down the coast he had landed at Truxillo, where the citizens welcomed him with enthusiasm, and eagerly proclaimed their submission97 to the royal authority. He received, at the same time, messages from several of Pizarro’s officers in the interior, intimating their return to their duty, and their readiness to support the president. Aldana named Caxamalca as a place of rendezvous98, where they should concentrate their forces, and wait the landing of Gasca. He then continued his voyage towards Lima. No sooner was Pizarro informed of his approach, than, fearful lest it might have a disastrous99 effect in seducing100 his followers from their fidelity, he marched them about a league out of the city, and there encamped. He was two leagues from the coast, and he posted a guard on the shore, to intercept101 all communication with the vessels. Before leaving the capital, Cepeda resorted to an expedient102 for securing the inhabitants more firmly, as he conceived, in Pizarro’s interests. He caused the citizens to be assembled, and made them a studied harangue103, in which he expatiated104 on the services of their governor, and the security which the country had enjoyed under his rule. He then told them that every man was at liberty to choose for himself; to remain under the protection of their present ruler, or, if they preferred, to transfer their allegiance to his enemy. He invited them to speak their minds, but required every one who would still continue under Pizarro to take an oath of fidelity to his cause, with the assurance, that, if any should be so false hereafter as to violate this pledge, he should pay for it with his life. 19 There was no one found bold enough — with his head thus in the lion’s mouth — to swerve105 from his obedience106 to Pizarro; and every man took the oath prescribed, which was administered in the most solemn and imposing107 form by the licentiate. Carbajal, as usual, made a jest of the whole proceeding108. “How long,” he asked his companion, “do you think these same oaths will stand? The first wind that blows off the coast after we are gone will scatter109 them in air!” His prediction was soon verified.
19 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 61. — Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1547. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 11, 14.]
Meantime, Aldana anchored off the port, where there was no vessel18 of the insurgents to molest110 him. By Cepeda’s advice, some four or five had been burnt a short time before, during the absence of Carbajal, in order to cut off all means by which the inhabitants could leave the place. This was deeply deplored111 by the veteran soldier on his return. “It was destroying,” he said, “the guardian112 angels of Lima.” 20 And certainly, under such a commander, they might now have stood Pizarro in good stead but his star was on the wane113.
20 “Entre otras cosas dixo a Goncalo Picarro vuesa Senoria mando quemar cinco angeles que tenia en su puerto para guarda y defensa de la costa del Peru.” Garcilasso, Parte 2, lit. 5, cap. 6.]
The first act of Aldana was to cause the copy of Gasca’s powers, with which he had been intrusted, to be conveyed to his ancient commander, by whom it was indignantly torn in pieces. Aldana next contrived, by means of his agents, to circulate among the citizens, and even the soldiers of the camp, the president’s manifestoes. They were not long in producing their effect. Few had been at all aware of the real purport114 of Gasca’s mission, of the extent of his powers, or of the generous terms offered by government. They shrunk from the desperate course into which they had been thus unwarily seduced115, and they sought only in what way they could, with least danger, extricate116 themselves from their present position, and return to their allegiance. Some escaped by night from the camp, eluded117 the vigilance of the sentinels, and effected their retreat on board the vessels. Some were taken, and found no quarter at the hands of Carbajal and his merciless ministers. But, where the spirit of disaffection was abroad, means of escape were not wanting.
As the fugitives118 were cut off from Lima and the neighbouring coast, they secreted119 themselves in the forests and mountains, and watched their opportunity for making their way to Truxillo and other ports at a distance; and so contagious120 was the example, that it not unfrequently happened that the very soldiers sent in pursuit of the deserters joined with them. Among those that fled was the Licentiate Carbajal, who must not be confounded with his military namesake. He was the same cavalier whose brother had been put to death in Lima by Blasco Nunez, and who revenged himself, as we have seen, by imbruing his own hands in the blood of the viceroy. That a person thus implicated121 should trust to the royal pardon showed that no one need despair of it; and the example proved most disastrous to Pizarro. 21
21 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 180. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 63, 65. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 15, 16.]
Carbajal, who made a jest of every thing, even of the misfortunes which pinched him the sharpest, when told of the desertion of his comrades, amused himself by humming the words of a popular ditty:
“The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother:
Two at a time, it blows them away!” 22
22
“Estos mis Cabellicos, Madre,
Dos a dos me los lleva el Aire.”
Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap 180.
But the defection of his followers made a deeper impression on Pizarro, and he was sorely distressed123 as he beheld124 the gallant array, to which he had so confidently looked for gaining his battles, thus melting away like a morning mist. Bewildered by the treachery of those in whom he had most trusted, he knew not where to turn, nor what course to take. It was evident that he must leave his present dangerous quarters without loss of time. But whither should he direct his steps? In the north, the great towns had abandoned his cause, and the president was already marching against him; while Centeno held the passes of the south, with a force double his own. In this emergency, he at length resolved to occupy Arequipa, a seaport125 still true to him, where he might remain till he had decided126 on some future course of operations.
After a painful but rapid march, Gonzalo arrived at this place, where he was speedily joined by a reinforcement that he had detached for the recovery of Cuzco. But so frequent had been the desertions from both companies, — though in Pizarro’s corps127 these had greatly lessened128 since the departure from the neighbourhood of Lima, — that his whole number did not exceed five hundred men, less than half of the force which he had so recently mustered129 in the capital. To such humble130 circumstances was the man now reduced, who had so lately lorded it over the land with unlimited131 sway! Still the chief did not despond. He had gathered new spirit from the excitement of his march and his distance from Lima; and he seemed to recover his former confidence, as he exclaimed, — “It is misfortune that teaches us who are our friends. If but ten only remain true to me, fear not but I will again be master of Peru!” 23
23 “Aunque siempre dijo: que con diez Amigos que le quedasen, havia de conservarse, i conquistar de nuevo el Peru: tanta era su sana,sana o su sobervia.” Ibid., loc cit.]
No sooner had the rebel forces withdrawn132 from the neighbourhood of Lima, than the inhabitants of that city, little troubled, as Carbajal had predicted, by their compulsory134 oaths of allegiance to Pizarro, threw open their gates to Aldana, who took possession of this important place in the name of the president. That commander, meanwhile, had sailed with his whole fleet from Panama, on the tenth of April, 1547. The first part of his voyage was prosperous; but he was soon perplexed135 by contrary currents, and the weather became rough and tempestuous136. The violence of the storm continuing day after day, the sea was lashed137 into fury, and the fleet was tossed about on the billows, which ran mountain high, as if emulating138 the wild character of the region they bounded. The rain descended139 in torrents140, and the lightning was so incessant141, that the vessels, to quote the lively language of the chronicler, “seemed to be driving through seas of flame!” 24 The hearts of the stoutest142 mariners143 were filled with dismay. They considered it hopeless to struggle against the elements, and they loudly demanded to return to the continent, and postpone144 the voyage till a more favorable season of the year.
24 “Y los truenos y relapagos eran tantos y tales; que siempre parecia que estauan en llamas, y que sobre ellos venian Rayos (que en todas aquellas partes caen muchos).” (Fernandez, Hist del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71.) The vivid coloring of the old chronicler shows that he had himself been familiar with these tropics tempests on the Pacific.
But the president saw in this the ruin of his cause, as well as of the loyal vassals145 who had engaged, on his landing, to support it. “I am willing to die,” he said, “but not to return”; and, regardless of the remonstrances146 of his more timid followers he insisted on carrying as much sail as the ships could possibly bear, at every interval147 of the storm. 25 Meanwhile, to divert the minds of the seamen148 from their present danger, Gasca amused them by explaining some of the strange phenomena149 exhibited by the ocean in the tempest, which had filled their superstitious150 minds with mysterious dread27. 26
25 “Y con lo poco que en aquella sazon, el Presidente estimaua la vida si no auia de hazer la jornada: y el gran desseo que tenia de hazeria se puso cotra ellos diziendo, que qual quiera que le tocasse en abaxar vela, le costaria la vida.” Fernandez, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71.]
26 The phosphoric lights, sometimes seen in a storm at sea, were observed to hover151 round the masts and rigging of the president’s vessel; and he amused the seamen, according to Fernandez, by explaining the phenomenon, and telling the fables152 to which they had given rise in ancient mythology153. — This little anecdote154 affords a key to Gasca’s popularity with even the humblest classes.]
Signals had been given for the ships to make the best of their way, each for itself, to the island of Gorgona. Here they arrived, one after another, with but a single exception, though all more or less shattered by the weather. The president waited only for the fury of the elements to spend itself when he again embarked155, and, on smoother waters, crossed over to Manta. From this place he soon after continued his voyage to Tumbez, and landed at that port on the thirteenth of June. He was everywhere received with enthusiasm, and all seemed anxious to efface156 the remembrance of the past by professions of future fidelity to the Crown. Gasca received, also, numerous letters of congratulation from cavaliers in the interior, most of whom had formerly157 taken service under Pizarro. He made courteous158 acknowledgments for their offers of assistance, and commanded them to repair to Caxamalca, the general place of rendezvous.
To this same spot he sent Hinojosa, so soon as that officer had disembarked with the land forces from the fleet, ordering him to take command of the levies assembled there, and then join him at Xauxa. Here he determined159 to establish his head-quarters. It lay in a rich and abundant territory, and by its central position afforded a point for acting160 with greatest advantage against the enemy.
He then moved forward, at the head of a small detachment of cavalry161, along the level road on the coast. After halting for a short time in that loyal city, he traversed the mountain range on the southeast, and soon entered the fruitful valley of Xauxa. There he was presently joined by reinforcements from the north, as well as from the principal places on the coast; and, not long after his arrival, received a message from Centeno, informing him that he held the passes by which Gonzalo Pizarro was preparing to make his escape from the country, and that the insurgent13 chief must soon fall into his hands.
The royal camp was greatly elated by these tidings. The war, then, was at length terminated, and that without the president having been called upon so much as to lift his sword against a Spaniard. Several of his counsellors now advised him to disband the greater part of his forces, as burdensome and no longer necessary. But the president was too wise to weaken his strength before he had secured the victory. He consented, however, to countermand162 the requisition for levies from Mexico and the adjoining colonies, as now feeling sufficiently strong in the general loyalty of the country. But, concentrating his forces at Xauxa, he established his quarters in that town, as he had first intended, resolved to await there tidings of the operations in the south. The result was different from what he had expected. 27
27 For the preceding pages, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 1. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 3, cap. 14, et seq. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71–77. — Ms. de Caravantes.
This last writer, who held an important post in the department of colonial finance, had opportunities of information which have enabled him to furnish several particulars not to be met with elsewhere, respecting the principal actors in these turbulent times. His work, still in manuscript, which formerly existed in the archives of the University of Salamanca, has been transferred to the King’s library at Madrid.
Pizarro, meanwhile, whom we left at Arequipa, had decided, after much deliberation, to evacuate163 Peru, and pass into Chili164. In this territory, beyond the president’s jurisdiction165, he might find a safe retreat. The fickle166 people, he thought, would soon weary of their new ruler; and he would then rally in sufficient strength to resume active operations for the recovery of his domain167. Such were the calculations of the rebel chieftain. But how was he to effect his object, while the passes among the mountains, where his route lay, were held by Centeno with a force more than double his own? He resolved to try negotiation169; for that captain had once served under him, and had, indeed, been most active in persuading Pizarro to take on himself the office of procurator. Advancing, accordingly, in the direction of Lake Titicaca, in the neighbourhood of which Centeno had pitched his camp, Gonzalo despatched an emissary to his quarters to open a negotiation. He called to his adversary’s recollection the friendly relations that had once subsisted170 between them; and reminded him of one occasion in particular, in which he had spared his life, when convicted of a conspiracy171 against himself. He harboured no sentiments of unkindness, he said, for Centeno’s recent conduct, and had not now come to seek a quarrel with him. His purpose was to abandon Peru; and the only favor he had to request of his former associate was to leave him a free passage across the mountains.
To this communication Centeno made answer in terms as courtly as those of Pizarro himself, that he was not unmindful of their ancient friendship. He was now ready to serve his former commander in any way not inconsistent with honor, or obedience to his sovereign. But he was there in arms for the royal cause, and he could not swerve from his duty. If Pizarro would but rely on his faith, and surrender himself up, he pledged his knightly172 word to use all his interest with the government, to secure as favorable terms for him and his followers as had been granted to the rest of their countrymen — Gonzalo listened to the smooth promises of his ancient comrade with bitter scorn depicted173 in his countenance174, and, snatching the letter from his secretary, cast it away from him with indignation. There was nothing left but an appeal to arms. 28
28 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 16. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7.
He at once broke up his encampment, and directed his march on the borders of Lake Titicaca, near which lay his rival. He resorted, however, to stratagem175, that he might still, if possible, avoid an encounter. He sent forward his scouts176 in a different direction from that which he intended to take, and then quickened his march on Huarina. This was a small town situated177 on the southeastern extremity178 of Lake Titicaca, the shores of which, the seat of the primitive179 civilization of the Incas, were soon to resound180 with the murderous strife181 of their more civilized182 conquerors183!
But Pizarro’s movements had been secretly communicated to Centeno, and that commander, accordingly, changing his ground, took up a position not far from Huarina, on the same day on which Gonzalo reached this place. The videttes of the two camps came in sight of each other that evening, and the rival forces, lying on their arms, prepared for action on the following morning.
It was the twenty-sixth of October, 1547, when the two commanders, having formed their troops in order of battle, advanced to the encounter on the plains of Huarina. The ground, defended on one side by a bold spur of the Andes, and not far removed on the other from the waters of Titicaca, was an open and level plain, well suited to military manoeuvres. It seemed as if prepared by Nature as the lists for an encounter. Centeno’s army amounted to about a thousand men. His cavalry consisted of near two hundred and fifty, well equipped and mounted. Among them were several gentlemen of family, some of whom had once followed the banners of Pizarro, the whole forming an efficient corps, in which rode some of the best lances of Peru. His arquebusiers were less numerous, not exceeding a hundred and fifty, indifferently provided with ammunition185. The remainder, and much the larger part of Centeno’s army, consisted of spearmen, irregular levies hastily drawn133 together, and possessed186 of little discipline. 29
29 In the estimate of Centeno’s forces, — which ranges, in the different accounts, from seven hundred to twelve hundred, — I have taken the intermediate number of a thousand adopted by Zarate, as, on the whole, more probable than either extreme.]
This corps of infantry187 formed the centre of his line, flanked by the arquebusiers in two nearly equal divisions, while his cavalry were also disposed in two bodies on the right and left wings. Unfortunately, Centeno had been for the past week ill of a pleurisy, — so ill, indeed, that on the preceding day he had been bled several times. He was now too feeble to keep his saddle, but was carried in a litter, and when he had seen his men formed in order, he withdrew to a distance from the field, unable to take part in the action. But Solano, the militant188 bishop189 of Cuzco, who, with several of his followers, took part in the engagement, — a circumstance, indeed, of no strange occurrence, — rode along the ranks with the crucifix in his hand, bestowing190 his benediction191 on the soldiers, and exhorting192 each man to do his duty.
Pizarro’s forces were less than half of his rival’s, not amounting to more than four hundred and eighty men. The horse did not muster3 above eighty-five in all, and he posted them in a single body on the right of his battalion71. The strength of his army lay in his arquebusiers, about three hundred and fifty in number. It was an admirable corps, commanded by Carbajal, by whom it had been carefully drilled. Considering the excellence of its arms, and its thorough discipline, this little body of infantry might be considered as the flower of the Peruvian soldiery, and on it Pizarro mainly relied for the success of the day. 30 The remainder of his force, consisting of pikemen, not formidable for their numbers, though, like the rest of the infantry, under excellent discipline, he distributed on the left of his musketeers, so as to repel193 the enemy’s horse.
30 Flor de la milicia del Peru, says Garcilasso de la Vega, who compares Carbajal to an expert chess-player, disposing his pieces in such a manner as must infallibly secure him the victory. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 18.]
Pizarro himself had charge of the cavalry, taking his place, as usual, in the foremost rank. He was superbly accoutred. Over his shining mail he wore a sobre-vest of slashed194 velvet195 of a rich crimson196 color, and he rode a high-mettled charger, whose gaudy197 caparisons, with the showy livery of his rider, made the fearless commander the most conspicuous object in the field.
His lieutenant, Carbajal, was equipped in a very different style. He wore armour198 of proof of the most homely199 appearance, but strong and serviceable; and his steel bonnet200, with its closely barred visor of the same material, protected his head from more than one desperate blow on that day. Over his arms he wore a surcoat of a greenish color, and he rode an active, strong-boned jennet, which, though capable of enduring fatigue201, possessed neither grace nor beauty. It would not have been easy to distinguish the veteran from the most ordinary cavalier.
The two hosts arrived within six hundred paces of each other, when they both halted. Carbajal preferred to receive the attack of the enemy, rather than advance further; for the ground he now occupied afforded a free range for his musketry, unobstructed by the trees or bushes that were sprinkled over some other parts of the field. There was a singular motive202, in addition, for retaining his present position. The soldiers were encumbered203, some with two, some with three, arquebuses each, being the arms left by those who, from time to time, had deserted the camp. This uncommon204 supply of muskets205, however serious an impediment on a march, might afford great advantage to troops waiting an assault; since, from the imperfect knowledge as well as construction of fire-arms at that day, much time was wasted in loading them. 31
31 Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.
The historian’s father — of the same name with himself — was one of the few noble cavaliers who remained faithful to Gonzalo Pizarro, in the wane of his fortunes. He was present at the battle of Huarina; and the particulars which he gave his son enabled the latter to supply many deficiencies in the reports of historians.]
Preferring, therefore, that the enemy should begin the attack, Carbajal came to a halt, while the opposite squadron, after a short respite206, continued their advance a hundred paces farther. Seeing that they then remained immovable, Carbajal detached a small party of skirmishers to the front, in order to provoke them; but it was soon encountered by a similar party of the enemy, and some shots were exchanged, though with little damage to either side. Finding this manoeuvre184 fail, the veteran ordered his men to advance a few paces, still hoping to provoke his antagonist207 to the charge. This succeeded. “We lose honor,” exclaimed Centeno’s soldiers; who, with a bastard208 sort of chivalry209, belonging to undisciplined troops, felt it a disgrace to await an assault. In vain their officers called out to them to remain at their post. Their commander was absent, and they were urged on by the cries of a frantic210 friar, named Domingo Ruiz, who, believing the Philistines211 were delivered into their hands, called out, — “Now is the time! Onward212, onward, fall on the enemy!” 32 There needed nothing further and the men rushed forward in tumultuous haste, the pikemen carrying their levelled weapons so heedlessly as to interfere213 with one another, and in some instances to wound their comrades. The musketeers, at the same time, kept up a disorderly fire as they advanced, which, from their rapid motion and the distance, did no execution.
32 “A las manos, a las manos; a ellos, a ellos.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 79.]
Carbajal was well pleased to see his enemies thus wasting their ammunition. Though he allowed a few muskets to be discharged, in order to stimulate215 his opponents the more, he commanded the great body of his infantry to reserve their fire till every shot could take effect. As he knew the tendency of marksmen to shoot above the mark, he directed his men to aim at the girdle, or even a little below it; adding, that a shot that fell short might still do damage, while one that passed a hair’s breadth above the head was wasted. 33
33 Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.]
The veteran’s company stood calm and unmoved, as Centeno’s rapidly advanced; but when the latter had arrived within a hundred paces of their antagonists216, Carbajal gave the word to fire. An instantaneous volley ran along the line, and a tempest of balls was poured into the ranks of the assailants, with such unerring aim, that more than a hundred fell dead on the field, while a still greater number were wounded. Before they could recover from their disorder214, Carbajal’s men, snatching up their remaining pieces, discharged them with the like dreadful effect into the thick of the enemy. The confusion of the latter was now complete. Unable to sustain the incessant shower of balls which fell on them from the scattering217 fire kept up by the arquebusiers, they were seized with a panic, and fled, scarcely making a show of further fight, from the field.
But very different was the fortune of the day in the cavalry combat. Gonzalo Pizarro had drawn up his troop somewhat in the rear of Carbajal’s right, in order to give the latter a freer range for the play of his musketry. When the enemy’s horse on the left galloped218 briskly against him, Pizarro, still favoring Carbajal, — whose fire, moreover, inflicted219 some loss on the assailants, — advanced but a few rods to receive the charge. Centeno’s squadron, accordingly, came thundering on in full career, and, notwithstanding the mischief220 sustained from their enemy’s musketry, fell with such fury on their adversaries221 as to overturn them, man and horse, in the dust; “riding over their prostrate222 bodies,” says the historian, “as if they had been a flock of sheep!” 34 The latter, with great difficulty recovering from the first shock, attempted to rally and sustain the fight on more equal terms.
34 “Los de Diego Centeno, como yuan con la pujanca de vna zariera larga, lleuaron a los de Goncalo Picarro de encuentro, y los tropellaron como si fueran ouejas, y cayeron cauallos y caualleros.” Ibid., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 19]
Yet the chief could not regain223 the ground he had lost. His men were driven back at all points. Many were slain224, many more wounded, on both sides, and the ground was covered with the dead bodies of men and horses. But the loss fell much the most heavily on Pizarro’s troop; and the greater part of those who escaped with life were obliged to surrender as prisoners. Cepeda, who fought with the fury of despair, received a severe cut from a sabre across the face, which disabled him and forced him to yield. 35 Pizarro, after seeing his best and bravest fall around him, was set upon by three or four cavaliers at once. Disentangling himself from the melee225, he put spurs to his horse, and the noble animal, bleeding from a severe wound across the back, outstripped226 all his pursuers except one, who stayed him by seizing the bridle227. It would have gone hard with Gonzalo, but, grasping a light battle-axe, which hung by his side, he dealt such a blow on the head of his enemy’s horse that he plunged228 violently, and compelled his rider to release his hold. A number of arquebusiers, in the mean time, seeing Pizarro’s distress122, sprang forward to his rescue, slew229 two of his assailants who had now come up with him, and forced the others to fly in their turn. 36
35 Cepeda’s wound laid open his nose, leaving so hideous230 a scar that he was obliged afterwards to cover it with a patch, as Garcilasso tells us, who frequently saw him in Cuzco.]
36 According to most authorities, Pizarro’s horse was not only wounded but slain in the fight, and the loss was supplied by his friend Garcilasso de la Vega, who mounted him on his own. This timely aid to the rebel did no service to the generous cavalier in after times, but was urged against him by his enemies as a crime. The fact is stoutly231 denied by his son, the historian, who seems anxious to relieve his father from this honorable imputation232, which threw a cloud over both their fortunes Ibid. Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 23]
The rout168 of the cavalry was complete, and Pizarro considered the day as lost, as he heard the enemy’s trumpet233 sending forth234 the note of victory. But the sounds had scarcely died away, when they were taken up by the opposite side. Centeno’s infantry had been discomfited235, as we have seen, and driven off the ground. But his cavalry on the right had charged Carbajal’s left, consisting of spearmen mingled236 with arquebusiers. The horse rode straight against this formidable phalanx. But they were unable to break through the dense237 array of pikes, held by the steady hands of troops who stood firm and fearless on their post; while, at the same time, the assailants were greatly annoyed by the galling238 fire of the arquebusiers in the rear of the spearmen. Finding it impracticable to make a breach239, the horsemen rode round the flanks in much disorder, and finally joined themselves with the victorious240 squadron of Centeno’s cavalry in the rear. Both parties now attempted another charge on Carbajal’s battalion. But his men facing about with the promptness and discipline of well-trained soldiers, the rear was converted into the front. The same forest of spears was presented to the attack; while an incessant discharge of balls punished the audacity241 of the cavaliers, who, broken and completely dispirited by their ineffectual attempt, at length imitated the example of the panic-struck foot, and abandoned the field.
Pizarro and a few of his comrades still fit for action followed up the pursuit for a short distance only, as, indeed, they were in no condition themselves, nor sufficiently strong in numbers, long to continue it. The victory was complete, and the insurgent chief took possession of the deserted tents of the enemy, where an immense booty was obtained in silver; 37 and where he also found the tables spread for the refreshment242 of Centeno’s soldiers after their return from the field. So confident were they of success! The repast now served the necessities of their conquerors. Such is the fortune of war! It was, indeed, a most decisive action; and Gonzalo Pizarro, as he rode over the field strewed243 with the corpses245 of his enemies, was observed several times to cross himself and exclaim, — “Jesu! what a victory!”
37 The booty amounted to no less than one million four hundred thousand pesos, according to Fernandez. ‘El saco que vuo fue grande: que se dixo ser de mas de vn millon y quatrocietos mil pesos.” (Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 79.) The amount is, doubtless, grossly exaggerated. But we get to be so familiar with the golden wonders of Peru, that, like the reader of the “Arabian Nights,” we become of too easy faith to resort to the vulgar standard of probability]
No less than three hundred and fifty of Centeno’s followers were killed, and the number of wounded was even greater. More than a hundred of these are computed246 to have perished from exposure during the following night; for, although the climate in this elevated region is temperate247, yet the night winds blowing over the mountains are sharp and piercing, and many a wounded wretch248, who might have been restored by careful treatment, was chilled by the damps, and found a stiffened249 corpse244 at sunrise. The victory was not purchased without a heavy loss on the part of the conquerors, a hundred or more of whom were left on the field. Their bodies lay thick on that part of the ground occupied by Pizarro’s cavalry, where the fight raged hottest. In this narrow space were found, also, the bodies of more than a hundred horses, the greater part of which, as well as those of their riders, usually slain with them, belonged to the victorious army. It was the most fatal battle that had yet been fought on the blood-stained soil of Peru. 38
38 “La mas sangrienta batalla que vuo en el Peru.” Ibid., loc. cit.
In the accounts of this battle there are discrepancies250, as usual, which the historian must reconcile as he can. But on the whole, there is a general conformity251 in the outline and in the prominent points. All concur252 in representing it as the bloodiest253 fight that had yet occurred between the Spaniards in Peru, and all assign to Carbajal the credit of the victory. — For authorities, besides Garcilasso and Fernandez, repeatedly quoted, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. (He was present in the action.) — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap 3. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec 8, lib. 4, cap. 2. — Gomara, Hist de las Indias, cap. 181. — Montesi nos, Annales, Ms., ano 1547]
The glory of the day — the melancholy254 glory — must be referred almost wholly to Carbajal and his valiant255 squadron. The judicious256 arrangements of the old warrior, with the thorough discipline and unflinching courage of his followers, retrieved257 the fortunes of the fight, when it was nearly lost by the cavalry, and secured the victory.
Carbajal, proof against all fatigue, followed up the pursuit with those of his men that were in condition to join him. Such of the unhappy fugitives as fell into his hands — most of whom had been traitors to the cause of Pizarro — were sent to instant execution. The laurels258 he had won in the field against brave men in arms, like himself, were tarnished259 by cruelty towards his defenceless captives. Their commander, Centeno, more fortunate, made his escape. Finding the battle lost, he quitted his litter, threw himself upon his horse, and, notwithstanding his illness, urged on by the dreadful doom260 that awaited him, if taken, he succeeded in making his way into the neighbouring sierra. Here he vanished from his pursuers, and, like a wounded stag, with the chase close upon his track, he still contrived to elude it, by plunging261 into the depths of the forests, till, by a circuitous262 route, he miraculously263 succeeded in effecting his escape to Lima. The bishop of Cuzco, who went off in a different direction, was no less fortunate. Happy for him that he did not fall into the hands of the ruthless Carbajal, who, as the bishop had once been a partisan25 of Pizarro, would, to judge from the little respect he usually showed those of his cloth, have felt as little compunction in sentencing him to the gibbet as if he had been the meanest of the common file. 39
39 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Fernandez, Hist.del Peru, ubi supra. — Zarate, lib. 7, cap. 3. — Garcilasso, Com Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 21, 22]
On the day following the action, Gonzalo Pizarro caused the bodies of the soldiers, still lying side by side on the field where they had been so lately engaged together in mortal strife, to be deposited in a common sepulchre. Those of higher rank — for distinctions of rank were not to be forgotten in the grave — were removed to the church of the village of Huarina, which gave its name to the battle. There they were interred264 with all fitting solemnity. But in later times they were transported to the cathedral church of La Paz, “The City of Peace,” and laid under a mausoleum erected265 by general subscription266 in that quarter. For few there were who had not to mourn the loss of some friend or relative on that fatal day.
The victor now profited by his success to send detachments to Arequipa, La Plata, and other cities in that part of the country, to raise funds and reinforcements for the war. His own losses were more than compensated267 by the number of the vanquished268 party who were content to take service under his banner. Mustering269 his forces, he directed his march to Cuzco, which capital, though occasionally seduced into a display of loyalty to the Crown, had early manifested an attachment270 to his cause.
Here the inhabitants were prepared to receive him in triumph, under arches thrown across the streets, with bands of music, and minstrelsy commemorating271 his successes. But Pizarro, with more discretion, declined the honors of an ovation272 while the country remained in the hands of his enemies. Sending forward the main body of his troops, he followed on foot, attended by a slender retinue273 of friends and citizens, and proceeded at once to the cathedral, where thanksgivings were offered up, and Te Deum was chanted in honor of his victory. He then withdrew to his residence, announcing his purpose to establish his quarters, for the present, in the venerable capital of the Incas. 40
40 Ibid., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 27. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 3.
Garcilasso de la Vega, who was a boy at the time, witnessed Pizarro’s entry into Cuzco. He writes, therefore, from memory; though after an interval of many years. In consequence of his father’s rank, he had easy access to the palace of Pizarro; and this portion of his narrative274 may claim the consideration due not merely to a contemporary, but to an eyewitness275.]
All thoughts of a retreat into Chili were abandoned; for his recent success had kindled276 new hopes in his bosom277, and revived his ancient confidence. He trusted that it would have a similar effect on the vacillating temper of those whose fidelity had been shaken by fears for their own safety, and their distrust of his ability to cope with the president. They would now see that his star was still in the ascendant. Without further apprehensions278 for the event, he resolved to remain in Cuzco, and there quietly await the hour when a last appeal to arms should decide which of the two was to remain master of Peru.
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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musters
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的第三人称单数 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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arrears
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stint
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| v.节省，限制，停止；n.舍不得化，节约，限制；连续不断的一段时间从事某件事 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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authenticated
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| v.证明是真实的、可靠的或有效的( authenticate的过去式和过去分词 )；鉴定，使生效 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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overt
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descry
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partisan
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partisans
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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32
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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33
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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34
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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35
rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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36
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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37
sneers
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| 讥笑的表情（言语）( sneer的名词复数 ) | |
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38
taunt
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| n.辱骂，嘲弄；v.嘲弄 | |
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39
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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40
doughty
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| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
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41
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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42
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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43
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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44
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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45
condescend
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| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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46
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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47
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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48
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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49
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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50
bulwark
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| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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51
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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52
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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53
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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54
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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55
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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56
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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57
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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58
stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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59
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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60
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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61
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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62
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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63
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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64
aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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65
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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66
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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67
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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68
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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69
plumed
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| 饰有羽毛的 | |
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70
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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71
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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72
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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73
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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74
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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75
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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76
exaction
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| n.强求，强征；杂税 | |
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77
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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78
confiding
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|
| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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79
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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80
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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81
elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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82
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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83
remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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84
cipher
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|
| n.零；无影响力的人；密码 | |
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85
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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86
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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87
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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88
implicate
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| vt.使牵连其中，涉嫌 | |
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89
affixing
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| v.附加( affix的现在分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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90
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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91
deserted
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|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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92
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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93
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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94
outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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95
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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96
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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97
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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98
rendezvous
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|
| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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99
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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100
seducing
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| 诱奸( seduce的现在分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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101
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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102
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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103
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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104
expatiated
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| v.详述，细说( expatiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
swerve
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| v.突然转向，背离；n．转向，弯曲，背离 | |
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106
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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107
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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108
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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109
scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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110
molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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111
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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113
wane
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| n.衰微，亏缺，变弱；v.变小，亏缺，呈下弦 | |
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114
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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115
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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116
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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117
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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118
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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119
secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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120
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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121
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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122
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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123
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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124
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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125
seaport
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| n.海港，港口，港市 | |
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126
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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127
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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128
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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129
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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130
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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131
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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132
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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133
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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134
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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135
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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136
tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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137
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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138
emulating
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| v.与…竞争( emulate的现在分词 )；努力赶上；计算机程序等仿真；模仿 | |
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139
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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140
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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141
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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142
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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143
mariners
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| 海员，水手（mariner的复数形式） | |
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144
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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145
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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146
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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147
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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148
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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149
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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150
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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151
hover
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| vi.翱翔，盘旋；徘徊；彷徨，犹豫 | |
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152
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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153
mythology
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| n.神话，神话学，神话集 | |
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154
anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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155
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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156
efface
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| v.擦掉，抹去 | |
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157
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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158
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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159
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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160
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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161
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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162
countermand
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| v.撤回(命令)，取消(订货) | |
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163
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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164
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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165
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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166
fickle
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| adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的，不坚定的 | |
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167
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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168
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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169
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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170
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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172
knightly
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| adj. 骑士般的 adv. 骑士般地 | |
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173
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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174
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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175
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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176
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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177
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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178
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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179
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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180
resound
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| v.回响 | |
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181
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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182
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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183
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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184
manoeuvre
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| n.策略，调动；v.用策略，调动 | |
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185
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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186
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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187
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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188
militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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189
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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190
bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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191
benediction
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| n.祝福；恩赐 | |
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192
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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193
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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194
slashed
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| v.挥砍( slash的过去式和过去分词 )；鞭打；割破；削减 | |
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195
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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196
crimson
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| n./adj.深(绯)红色(的)；vi.脸变绯红色 | |
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197
gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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198
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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199
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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200
bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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201
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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202
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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203
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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204
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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205
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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206
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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207
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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208
bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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209
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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210
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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211
philistines
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| n.市侩，庸人( philistine的名词复数 )；庸夫俗子 | |
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212
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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213
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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214
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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215
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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216
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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217
scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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218
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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219
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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220
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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221
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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222
prostrate
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|
| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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223
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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224
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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225
melee
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| n.混战；混战的人群 | |
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226
outstripped
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|
| v.做得比…更好，（在赛跑等中）超过( outstrip的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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227
bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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228
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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229
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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230
hideous
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|
| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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231
stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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232
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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233
trumpet
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|
| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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234
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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235
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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236
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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237
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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238
galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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239
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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240
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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241
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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242
refreshment
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| n.恢复，精神爽快，提神之事物；（复数）refreshments:点心，茶点 | |
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243
strewed
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|
| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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244
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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245
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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246
computed
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| adj.[医]计算的，使用计算机的v.计算，估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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247
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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248
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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249
stiffened
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| 加强的 | |
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250
discrepancies
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| n.差异，不符合（之处），不一致（之处）( discrepancy的名词复数 ) | |
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251
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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252
concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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253
bloodiest
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| adj.血污的( bloody的最高级 )；流血的；屠杀的；残忍的 | |
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254
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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255
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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256
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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257
retrieved
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| v.取回( retrieve的过去式和过去分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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258
laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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259
tarnished
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| （通常指金属）（使）失去光泽，（使）变灰暗( tarnish的过去式和过去分词 )； 玷污，败坏 | |
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260
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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261
plunging
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|
| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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262
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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263
miraculously
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| ad.奇迹般地 | |
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264
interred
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| v.埋，葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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265
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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266
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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267
compensated
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|
| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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268
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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269
mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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270
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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271
commemorating
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的现在分词 ) | |
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272
ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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273
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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274
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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275
eyewitness
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| n.目击者，见证人 | |
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276
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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277
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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278
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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