1548–1550.
It was now necessary to decide on the fate of the prisoners; and Alonso de Alvarado, with the Licentiate Cianca, one of the new Royal Audience, was instructed to prepare the process. It did not require a long time. The guilt1 of the prisoners was too manifest, taken, as they had been, with arms in their hands. They were all sentenced to be executed, and their estates were confiscated2 to the use of the Crown. Gonzalo Pizarro was to be beheaded, and Carbajal to be drawn4 and quartered. No mercy was shown to him who had shown none to others. There was some talk of deferring5 the execution till the arrival of the troops in Cuzco; but the fear of disturbances6 from those friendly to Pizarro determined7 the president to carry the sentence into effect the following day, on the field of battle. 1
1 The sentence passed upon Pizarro is given at length in the manuscript copy of Zarate’s History, to which I have had occasion more than once to refer. The historian omitted it in his printed work, but the curious reader may find it entire, cited in the original, in Appendix, No. 14.]
When his doom8 was communicated to Carbajal, he heard it with his usual indifference9. “They can but kill me,” he said, as if he had already settled the matter in his own mind. 2 During the day, many came to see him in his confinement10; some to upbraid11 him with his cruelties; but most, from curiosity to see the fierce warrior12 who had made his name so terrible through the land. He showed no unwillingness13 to talk with them, thought it was in those sallies of caustic14 humor in which he usually indulged at the expense of his hearer. Among these visiters was a cavalier of no note, whose life, it appears, Carbajal had formerly15 spared, when in his power. This person expressed to the prisoner his strong desire to serve him; and as he reiterated16 his professions, Carbajal cut them short by exclaiming, — “And what service can you do me? Can you set me free? If you cannot do that, you can do nothing. If I spared your life, as you say, it was probably because I did not think it worth while to take it.”
2 ‘Basta matar.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 91.]
Some piously17 disposed persons urged him to see a priest, if it were only to unburden his conscience before leaving the world. “But of what use would that be?” asked Carbajal. “I have nothing that lies heavy on my conscience, unless it be, indeed, the debt of half a real to a shopkeeper in Seville, which I forgot to pay before leaving the country!” 3
3 “En esso no tengo que confessar: porque juro a tal, que no tengo otro cargo18, si no medio rea que deuo en Seuilla a vna bodegonera de la puerta del Arenal, del tiempo que passe a Indias.” Ibid., ubi supra.
He was carried to execution on a hurdle19, or rather in a basket, drawn by two mules21. His arms were pinioned22, and, as they forced his bulky body into this miserable23 conveyance24, he exclaimed, — “Cradles for infants, and a cradle for the old man too, it seems!” 4 Notwithstanding the disinclination he had manifested to a confessor, he was attended by several ecclesiastics26 on his way to the gallows27; and one of them repeatedly urged him to give some token of penitence28 at this solemn hour, if it were only by repeating the Pater Noster and Ave Maria. Carbajal, to rid himself of the ghostly father’s importunity29, replied by coolly repeating the words, “Pater Noster,” “Ave Maria”! He then remained obstinately31 silent. He died, as he had lived, with a jest, or rather a scoff32, upon his lips. 5
4 “Nino en cuna, y viejo en cuna” Ibid., loc. cit.]
5 “Murio como gentil, porque dicen, que yo no le quise ver, que unsi le di la palabra de no velle; mas a la postrer vez que me hablo llevandole a matar le decia el sacerdote que con3 el iba, que se encomendase a Dios y dijese el Pater Noster y el Ave Maria, y dicen que dijo Pater Noster, Ave Maria y que no dijo otra palabra.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq Ms.]
Francisco de Carbajal was one of the most extraordinary characters of these dark and turbulent times; the more extraordinary from his great age; for, at the period of his death, he was in his eighty-fourth year; — an age when the bodily powers, and, fortunately, the passions, are usually blunted; when, in the witty33 words of the French moralist, “We flatter ourselves we are leaving our vices34, whereas it is our vices that are leaving us.” 6 But the fires of youth glowed fierce and unquenchable in the bosom35 of Carbajal.
6 I quote from memory, but believe the reflection may be found in that admirable digest of worldly wisdom, The Characters of La Bruyere.
The date of his birth carries us back towards the middle of the fifteenth century, before the times of Ferdinand and Isabella. He was of obscure parent age, and born, as it is said, at Arevalo. For forty years he served in the Italian wars, under the most illustrious captains of the day, Gonsalvo de Cordova, Navarro, and the Colonnas. He was an ensign at the battle of Ravenna; witnessed the capture of Francis the First at Pavia; and followed the banner of the ill-starred Bourbon at the sack of Rome. He got no gold for his share of the booty, on this occasion, but simply the papers of a notary37’s office, which, Carbajal shrewdly thought, would be worth gold to him. And so it proved; for the notary was fain to redeem38 them at a price which enabled the adventurer to cross the seas to Mexico, and seek his fortune in the New World. On the insurrection of the Peruvians, he was sent to the support of Francis Pizarro, and was rewarded by that chief with a grant of land in Cuzco. Here he remained for several years, busily employed in increasing his substance; for the love of lucre39 was a ruling passion in his bosom. On the arrival of Vaca de Castro, we find him doing good service under the royal banner; and at the breaking out of the great rebellion under Gonzalo Pizarro, he converted his property into gold, and prepared to return to Castile. He seemed to have a presentiment40 that to remain where he was would be fatal. But, although he made every effort to leave Peru, he was unsuccessful, for the viceroy had laid an embargo41 on the shipping42. 7 He remained in the country, therefore, and took service, as we have seen, though reluctantly, under Pizarro. It was his destiny.
7 Pedro Pizarro bears testimony43 to Carbajal’s endeavours to leave the country, in which he was aided, though ineffectually, by the chronicler, who was, at that time, in the most friendly relations with him. Civil war parted these ancient comrades; but Carbajal did not forget his obligations to Pedro Pizarro, which he afterwards repaid by exempting45 him on two different occasions from the general doom of the prisoners who fell into his hands.]
The tumultuous life on which he now entered roused all the slumbering46 passions of his soul, which lay there, perhaps unconsciously to himself; cruelty, avarice47, revenge. He found ample exercise for them in the war with his countrymen; for civil war is proverbially the most sanguinary and ferocious48 of all. The atrocities49 recorded of Carbajal, in his new career, and the number of his victims, are scarcely credible50. For the honor of humanity, we may trust the accounts are greatly exaggerated; but that he should have given rise to them at all is sufficient to consign51 his name to infamy52. 8
8 Out of three hundred and forty executions, according to Fernandez, three hundred were by Carbajal. (Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 91.) Zarate swells53 the number of these executions to five hundred. (Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 1.) The discrepancy55 shows how little we can confide56 in the accuracy of such estimates.]
He even took a diabolical57 pleasure, it is said, in amusing himself with the sufferings of his victims, and in the hour of execution would give utterance58 to frightful59 jests, that made them taste more keenly the bitterness of death! He had a sportive vein60, if such it could be called, which he freely indulged on every occasion. Many of his sallies were preserved by the soldiery; but they are, for the most part, of a coarse, repulsive61 character, flowing from a mind familiar with the weak and wicked side of humanity, and distrusting every other. He had his jest for every thing, — for the misfortunes of others, and for his own. He looked on life as a farce62, — though he too often made it a tragedy.
Carbajal must be allowed one virtue63; that of fidelity64 to his party. This made him less tolerant of perfidy65 in others. He was never known to show mercy to a renegade. This undeviating fidelity, though to a bad cause, may challenge something like a feeling of respect, where fidelity was so rare. 9
9 Fidelity, indeed, is but one of many virtues66 claimed for Carbajal by Garcilasso, who considers most of the tales of cruelty and avarice circulated of the veteran, as well as the hardened levity67 imputed68 to him in his latter moments, as inventions of his enemies. The Inca chronicler was a boy when Gonzalo and his chivalry69 occupied Cuzco; and the kind treatment he experienced from them, owing, doubtless, to his father’s position in the rebel army, he has well repaid by depicting70 their portraits in the favorable colors in which they appeared to his young imagination. But the garrulous72 old man has recorded several individual instances of atrocity73 in the career of Carbajal, which form but an indifferent commentary on the correctness of his general assertions in respect to his character.]
As a military man, Carbajal takes a high rank among the soldiers of the New World. He was strict, even severe, in enforcing discipline, so that he was little loved by his followers74. Whether he had the genius for military combinations requisite76 for conducting war on an extended scale may be doubted; but in the shifts and turns of guerilla warfare77 he was unrivalled. Prompt, active, and persevering78, he was insensible to danger or fatigue79, and, after days spent in the saddle, seemed to attach little value to the luxury of a bed. 10
10 “Fue maior sufridor de trabajos, que requeria su edad, porque a maravilla se quitaba las Armas de Dia, ni de Noche, i quando era necesario, tampoco se acostaba, ni dormia mas de quanto recostado en vna Silla, se le cansaba la mano en que arrimaba la Cabeca.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 14.]
He knew familiarly every mountain pass, and, such were the sagacity and the resources displayed in his roving expeditions, that he was vulgarly believed to be attended by a familiar. 11 With a character so extraordinary, with powers prolonged so far beyond the usual term of humanity, and passions so fierce in one tottering80 on the verge81 of the grave, it was not surprising that many fabulous82 stories should be eagerly circulated respecting him, and that Carbajal should be clothed with mysterious terrors as a sort of supernatural being, — the demon83 of the Andes!
11 Pedro Pizarro, who seems to have entertained feelings not unfriendly to Carbajal, thus sums up his character in a few words. “Era mui lenguaz: hablaba muy discreptamente y a gusto de los que le oian: era hombre sagaz, cruel, bien entendido en la guerra. . . . . . Este Carbajal era tan sabio que decian tenia familiar.” Descub. y Conq., Ms.
Very different were the circumstances attending the closing scene of Gonzalo Pizarro. At his request, no one had been allowed to visit him in his confinement. He was heard pacing his tent during the greater part of the day, and when night came, having ascertained85 from Centeno that his execution was to take place on the following noon, he laid himself down to rest. He did not sleep long, however, but soon rose, and continued to traverse his apartment, as if buried in meditation86, till dawn He then sent for a confessor, and remained with him till after the hour of noon, taking little or no refreshment87. The officers of justice became impatient; but their eagerness was sternly rebuked88 by the soldiery, many of whom, having served under Gonzalo’s banner, were touched with pity for his misfortunes.
When the chieftain came forth89 to execution, he showed in his dress the same love of magnificence and display as in happier days. Over his doublet he wore a superb cloak of yellow velvet90, stiff with gold embroidery91, while his head was protected by a cap of the same materials, richly decorated, in like manner, with ornaments92 of gold. 12 In this gaudy93 attire94 he mounted his mule20, and the sentence was so far relaxed that his arms were suffered to remain unshackled. He was escorted by a goodly number of priests and friars, who held up the crucifix before his eyes, while he carried in his own hand an image of the Virgin95. She had ever been the peculiar96 object of Pizarro’s devotion; so much so, that those who knew him best in the hour of his prosperity were careful, when they had a petition, to prefer it in the name of the blessed Mary.
12 “Al tiempo que lo mataron, dio al Verdugo toda la Ropa, que traia que era mui rica, i de mucho valor97, porque tenia vna Ropa de Armas de Terciopelo amarillo, casi toda cubierta de Chaperia de Oro i vn Chapeo de la misma forma.’ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib 7 cap. 8.
Pizarro’s lips were frequently pressed to the emblem98 of his divinity, while his eyes were bent99 on the crucifix in apparent devotion, heedless of the objects around him. On reaching the scaffold, he ascended100 it with a firm step, and asked leave to address a few words to the soldiery gathered round it. “There are many among you,” said he, “who have grown rich on my brother’s bounty101, and my own. Yet, of all my riches, nothing remains102 to me but the garments I have on; and even these are not mine, but the property of the executioner. I am without means, therefore, to purchase a mass for the welfare of my soul; and I implore103 you, by the remembrance of past benefits, to extend this charity to me when I am gone, that it may be well with you in the hour of death.” A profound silence reigned104 throughout the martial105 multitude, broken only by sighs and groans106, as they listened to Pizarro’s request; and it was faithfully responded to, since, after his death, masses were said in many of the towns for the welfare of the departed chieftain.
Then, kneeling down before a crucifix placed on a table, Pizarro remained for some minutes absorbed in prayer; after which, addressing the soldier who was to act as the minister of justice, he calmly bade him “do his duty with a steady hand.” He refused to have his eyes bandaged, and, bending forward his neck, submitted it to the sword of the executioner, who struck off the head with a single blow, so true that the body remained for some moments in the same erect108 posture109 as in life. 13 The head was taken to Lima, where it was set in a cage or frame, and then fixed110 on a gibbet by the side of Carbajal’s. On it was placed a label, bearing, — “This is the head of the traitor111 Gonzalo Pizarro, who rebelled in Peru against his sovereign, and battled in the cause of tyranny and treason against the royal standard in the valley of Xaquixaguana.” 14 His large estates, including the rich mines in Potosi, were confiscated; his mansion112 in Lima was razed113 to the ground, the place strewed114 with salt, and a store pillar set up, with an inscription115 interdicting116 any one from building on a spot which had been profaned117 by the residence of a traitor.
13 “The executioner,” says Garcilasso, with a simile118 more expressive119 than elegant, “did his work as cleanly as if he had been slicing off a head of lettuce120!” “De vn reues le corto la cabeca con tanta facilidad, como si fuera vna hoja de lechuga, y se quedo con ella en la mano, y tardo el cuerpo algun espacio en caer en el suelo.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 43.]
14 “Esta es la cabeza del traidor de Gonzalo Pizarro que se hizo justicia del en el valle de Aquixaguana, donde dio la batalla campal contra el estandarte real queriendo defender121 su traicion e tirania: ninguno sea osado de la quitar de aqui so pena de muerte natural.” Zarate, Ms.]
Gonzalo’s remains were not exposed to the indignities122 inflicted123 on Carbajal’s, whose quarters were hung in chains on the four great roads leading to Cuzco. Centeno saved Pizarro’s body from being stripped, by redeeming124 his costly125 raiment from the executioner, and in this sumptuous126 shroud127 it was laid in the chapel128 of the convent of Our Lady of Mercy in Cuzco. It was the same spot where, side by side, lay the bloody129 remains of the Almagros, father and son, who in like manner had perished by the hand of justice, and were indebted to private charity for their burial. All these were now con signed “to the same grave,” says the historian, with some bitterness, “as if Peru could not afford land enough for a burial-place to its conquerors131.” 15
15 “Y las sepolturas vna sola auiendo de ser tres: que aun la tierra parece que les falto para auer los de cubrir.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 43.
For the tragic132 particulars of the preceding pages, see Ibid, cap. 39–43. — Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms — Carta de Valdivia, Ms. — Ms. de Caravantes. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap 186. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 91. — Zarate Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 8. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 4, cap. 16.]
Gonzalo Pizarro had reached only his forty-second year at the time of his death, — being just half the space allotted133 to his follower75 Carbajal. He was the youngest of the remarkable134 family to whom Spain was indebted for the acquisition of Peru. He came over to the country with his brother Francisco, on the return of the latter from his visit to Castile. Gonzalo was present in all the remarkable passages of the Conquest. He witnessed the seizure135 of Atahuallpa, took an active part in suppressing the insurrection of the Incas, and especially in the reduction of Charcas. He afterwards led the disastrous137 expedition to the Amazon; and, finally, headed he memorable138 rebellion which ended so fatally to himself. There are but few men whose lives abound139 in such wild and romantic adventure, and, for the most part, crowned with success. The space which he occupies in the page of history is altogether disproportioned to his talents. It may be in some measure ascribed to fortune, but still more to those showy qualities which form a sort of substitute for mental talent, and which secured his popularity with the vulgar.
He had a brilliant exterior140; excelled in all martial exercises; rode well, fenced well, managed his lance to perfection, was a first-rate marksman with the arquebuse, and added the accomplishment141 of being an excellent draughtsman. He was bold and chivalrous142, even to temerity143; courted adventure, and was always in the front of danger. He was a knighterrant, in short, in the most extravagant144 sense of the term, and, “mounted on his favorite charger,” says one who had often seen him, “made no more account of a squadron of Indians than of a swarm145 of flies.” 16
16 “Quando Goncalo Pizarro, que aya gloria, se veya en su zaynillo, no hazia mas caso de esquadrones de Yndios, que si fueran de moscas.” Garcilasso, Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 43.]
While thus, by his brilliant exploits and showy manners, he captivated the imaginations of his countrymen, he won their hearts no less by his soldier-like frankness, his trust in their fidelity, — too often abused, — and his liberal largesses; for Pizarro, though avaricious146 of the property of others, was, like the Roman conspirator147, prodigal148 of his own. This was his portrait in happier days, when his heart had not been corrupted149 by success; for tha some change was wrought150 on him by his prosperity is well attested151. His head was made giddy by his elevation152; and it is proof of a want of talent equal to his success, that he knew not how to profit by it. Obeying the dictates153 of his own rash judgment154, he rejected the warnings of his wisest counsellors, and relied with blind confidence on his destiny. Garcilasso imputes155 this to the malignant156 influence of the stars. 17 But the superstitious157 chronicler might have better explained it by a common principle of human nature; by the presumption158 nourished by success; the insanity159, as the Roman, or rather Grecian, proverb calls it, with which the gods afflict160 men when they design to ruin them. 18
17 “Dezian que no era falta de ontendimiento, pues lo tenia bastante, sino que deuia de ser sobra de influencia de signos y planetas, que le cegauan y forcauan a que pusiesse la garganta al cuchillo.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2 lib. 5, cap. 33.]
18 Eurip. Fragmenta]
Gonzalo was without education, except such as he had picked up in the rough school of war. He had little even of that wisdom which springs from natural shrewdness and insight into character. In all this he was inferior to his elder brothers, although he fully107 equalled them in ambition. Had he possessed161 a tithe162 of their sagacity, he would not have madly persisted in rebellion, after the coming of the president. Before this period, he represented the people. Their interests and his were united. He had their support, for he was contending for the redress163 of their wrongs. When these were redressed164 by the government, there was nothing to contend for. From that time, he was battling only for himself The people had no part nor interest in the contest. Without a common sympathy to bind165 them together, was it strange that they should fall off from him, like leaves in winter, and leave him exposed, a bare and sapless trunk, to the fury of the tempest?
Cepeda, more criminal than Pizarro, since he had both superior education and intelligence, which he employed only to mislead his commander, did not long survive him. He had come to the country in an office of high responsibility. His first step was to betray the viceroy whom he was sent to support; his next was to betray the Audience with whom he should have acted; and lastly, he betrayed the leader whom he most affected166 to serve. His whole career was treachery to his own government. His life was one long perfidy.
After his surrender, several of the cavaliers, disgusted at his cold-blooded apostasy167, would have persuaded Gasca to send him to execution along with his commander; but the president refused, in consideration of the signal service he had rendered the Crown by his defection. He was put under arrest, however, and sent to Castile. There he was arraigned168 for high-treason. He made a plausible169 defence, and as he had friends at court, it is not improbable he would have been acquitted170; but, before the trial was terminated, he died in prison. It was the retributive justice not always to be found in the affairs of this world. 19
19 The cunning lawyer prepared so plausible an argument in his own justification171, that Yllescas, the celebrated172 historian of the Popes, declares that no one who read the paper attentively173, but must rise from the perusal174 of it with an entire conviction of the writer’s innocence175, and of his unshaken loyalty176 to the Crown. See the passage quoted by Garcilasso Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 6, cap. 10]
Indeed, it so happened, that several of those who had been most forward to abandon the cause of Pizarro survived their commander but a short time. The gallant177 Centeno, and the Licentiate Carbajal, who deserted178 him near Lima, and bore the royal standard on the field of Xaquixaguana, both died within a year after Pizarro. Hinojosa was assassinated179 but two years later in La Plata; and his old comrade Valdivia, after a series of brilliant exploits in Chili180, which furnished her most glorious theme to the epic71 Muse181 of Castile, was cut off by the invincible182 warriors183 of Arauco. The Manes of Pizarro were amply avenged184.
Acosta, and three or four other cavaliers who surrendered with Gonzalo, were sent to execution on the same day with their chief; and Gasca, on the morning following the dismal185 tragedy, broke up his quarters and marched with his whole army to Cuzco, where he was received by the politic186 people with the same enthusiasm which they had so recently shown to his rival. He found there a number of the rebel army who had taken refuge in the city after their late defeat, where they were immediately placed under arrest. Proceedings187, by Gasca’s command, were instituted against them. The principal cavaliers, to the number of ten or twelve, were executed; others were banished188 or sent to the galleys189. The same rigorous decrees were passed against such as had fled and were not yet taken, and the estates of all were confiscated. The estates of the rebels supplied a fund for the recompense of the loyal. 20 The execution of justice may seem to have been severe; but Gasca was willing that the rod should fall heavily on those who had so often rejected his proffers191 of grace. Lenity was wasted on a rude, licentious192 soldiery, who hardly recognized the existence of government, unless they felt its rigor190
20 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 91. — Carta de Valdivia, Ms. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib 7, cap 8. — Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms]
A new duty now devolved on the president, — that of rewarding his faithful followers, — not less difficult, as it proved, than that of punishing the guilty. The applicants193 were numerous; since every one who had raised a finger in behalf of the government claimed his reward. They urged their demands with a clamorous194 importunity which perplexed195 the good president, and consumed every moment of his time.
Disgusted with this unprofitable state of things, Gasca resolved to rid himself of the annoyance196 at once, by retiring to the valley of Guaynarima, about twelve leagues distant from the city, and there digesting, in quiet, a scheme of compensation, adjusted to the merits of the parties. He was accompanied only by his secretary, and by Loaysa, now archbishop of Lima, a man of sense, and well acquainted with the affairs of the country. In this seclusion198 the president remained three months, making a careful examination into the conflicting claims, and apportioning199 the forfeitures200 among the parties according to their respective services. The repa??timientos, it should be remarked, were usually granted only for life, and, on the death of the incumbent201, reverted202 to the Crown, to be reassigned or retained at its pleasure.
When his arduous203 task was completed, Gasca determined to withdraw to Lima, leaving the instrument of partition with the archbishop, to be communicated to the army. Notwithstanding all the care that had been taken for an equitable204 adjustment, Gasca was aware that it was impossible to satisfy the demands of a jealous and irritable205 soldiery, where each man would be likely to exaggerate his own deserts, while he underrated those of his comrades; and he did not care to expose himself to importunities and complaints that could serve no other purpose than to annoy him. On his departure, the troops were called together by the archbishop in the cathedral, to learn the contents of the schedule intrusted to him. A discourse206 was first preached by a worthy207 Dominican, the prior of Arequipa, in which the reverend father expatiated208 on the virtue of contentment, the duty of obedience209, and the folly210, as well as wickedness, of an attempt to resist the constituted authorities, topics, in short, which he conceived might best conciliate the good-will and conformity211 of his audience.
A letter from the president was then read from the pulpit. It was addressed to the officers and soldiers of the army. The writer began with briefly212 exposing the difficulties of his task, owing to the limited amount of the gratuities213, and the great number and services of the claimants. He had given the matter the most careful consideration, he said, and endeavoured to assign to each his share, according to his deserts, without prejudice or partiality. He had, no doubt, fallen into errors, but he trusted his followers would excuse them, when they reflected that he had done according to the best of his poor abilities; and all, he believed, would do him the justice to acknowledge he had not been influenced by motives214 of personal interest. He bore emphatic215 testimony to the services they had rendered to the good cause, and concluded with the most affectionate wishes for their future prosperity and happiness. The letter was dated at Guaynarima, August 17, 1548, and bore the simple signature of the Licentiate Gasca. 21
21 Ms. de Caravantes — Pedro Pizzarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Peru, Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 9. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap 92.]
The archbishop next read the paper containing the president’s award. The annual rent of the estates to be distributed amounted to a hundred and thirty thousand pesos ensayados; 22 a large amount, considering the worth of money in that day, — in any other country than Peru, where money was a drug. 23
22 The peso ensayado, according to Garcilasso, was one fifth more in value than the Castilian ducat. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 6, cap. 3.]
23 “Entre los cavalleros capitanes y soldados que le ayudaron en esta ocasion repartio el Presidente Pedro de la Gasca 135,000 pesos ensayados de renta que estaban vacos, y no un millon y tantos mil pesos, como dize Diego Fernandez, que escrivio en Palencia estas alteraciones, y de quien lo tomo Antonio de Herrera: y porque esta ocasion fue la segunda en que los benemeritos del Piru fundan con razon los servicios de sus pasados, porque mediante esta batalla aseguro la corona216 de Castilla las provincias mas ricas que tiene en America, pondre sus nombres para que se conserbe con certeza su memoria como pareze en el auto217 original que proveyo en el asiento de Guainarima cerca de la ciudad del Cuzco en diez y siete de Agosto de 1548, que esta en los archivos del govierno.” Ms. de Caravantes.
The sum mentioned in the text, as thus divided among the army, falls very far short of the amount stated by Garcilasso, Fernandez, Zarate, and, indeed, every other writer on the subject, none of whom estimate it at less than a million of pesos. But Caravantes, from whom I have taken it, copies the original act of partition preserved in the royal archives. Yet Garcilasso de la Vega ought to have been well informed of the value of these estates, which, according to him, far exceeded the estimate given in the schedule. Thus, for instance, Hinojosa, he says, obtained from the share of lands and rich mines assigned to him from the property of Gonzalo Pizarro no less than 200,000 pesos annually218, while Aldana, the Licentiate Carbajal, and others, had estates which yielded them from 10,000 to 50,000 pesos. (Ibid., ubi supra.) It is impossible to reconcile these monstrous219 discrepancies220. No sum seems to have been too large for the credulity of the ancient chronicler; and the imagination of the reader is so completely bewildered by the actual riches of this El Dorado, that it is difficult to adjust his faith by any standard of probability.]
The repartimientos thus distributed varied221 in value from one hundred to thirty-five hundred pesos of yearly rent; all, apparently222, graduated with the nicest precision to the merits of the parties. The number of pensioners224 was about two hundred and fifty; for the fund would not have sufficed for general distribution, nor were the services of the greater part deemed worthy of such a mark of consideration. 24
24 Caravantes has transcribed225 from the original act a full catalogue of the pensioners, with the amount of the sums set against each of their names.]
The effect produced by the document, on men whose minds were filled with the most indefinite expectations, was just such as had been anticipated by the president. It was received with a general murmur226 of disapprobation. Even those who had got more than they expected were discontented, on comparing their condition with that of their comrades, whom they thought still better remunerated in proportion to their deserts. They especially inveighed228 against the preference shown to the old partisans229 of Gonzalo Pizarro — as Hinojosa, Centeno, and Aldana — over those who had always remained loyal to the Crown. There was some ground for such a preference; for none had rendered so essential services in crushing the rebellion; and it was these services that Gasca proposed to recompense. To reward every man who had proved himself loyal, simply for his loyalty, would have frittered away the donative into fractions that would be of little value to any. 25
25 The president found an ingenious way of remunerating several of his followers, by bestowing230 on them the hands of the rich widows of the cavaliers who had perished in the war. The inclinations231 of the ladies do not seem to have been always consulted in this politic arrangement. See Garci lasen, Com. Real., Parte 2 lib. 6 cap. 3.]
It was in vain, however, that the archbishop, seconded by some of the principal cavaliers, endeavoured to infuse a more contented227 spirit into the multitude. They insisted that the award should be rescinded232, and a new one made on more equitable principles; threatening, moreover, that, if this were not done by the president, they would take the redress of the matter into their own hands. Their discontent, fomented233 by some mischievous234 persons who thought to find their account in it, at length proceeded so far as to menace a mutiny; and it was not suppressed till the commander of Cuzco sentenced one of the ringleaders to death, and several others to banishment235. The iron soldiery of the Conquest required an iron hand to rule them.
Meanwhile, the president had continued his journey towards Lima; and on the way was everywhere received by the people with an enthusiasm, the more grateful to his heart that he felt he had deserved it. As he drew near the capital, the loyal inhabitants prepared to give him a magnificent reception. The whole population came forth from the gates, led by the authorities of the city, with Aldana as corregidor at their head. Gasca rode on a mule, dressed in his ecclesiastical robes. On his right, borne on a horse richly caparisoned, was the royal seal, in a box curiously236 chased and ornamented237. A gorgeous canopy238 of brocade was supported above his head by the officers of the municipality, who, in their robes of crimson239 velvet, walked bareheaded by his side. Gay troops of dancers, clothed in fantastic dresses of gaudy-colored silk, followed the procession, strewing240 flowers and chanting verses as they went, in honor of the president. They were designed as emblematical241 of the different cities of the colony; and they bore legends or mottoes in rhyme on their caps, intimating their loyal devotion to the Crown, and evincing much more loyalty in their composition, it may be added, than poetical242 merit. 26 In this way, without beat of drum, or noise of artillery243, or any of the rude accompaniments of war, the good president made his peaceful entry into the City of the Kings, while the air was rent with the acclamations of the people, who hailed him as their “Father and Deliverer, the Saviour244 of their country.!” 27
26 Fernandez has collected these flowers of colonial poesy, which prove that the old Conquerors were much more expert with the sword than with the pen. Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 93.]
27 “Fue recibimiento mui solemne, con universal alegria del Pueblo245, por verse libre de Tiranos; i toda la Gente, a voces, bendecia al Presidente, i le llamaban: Padre, Restaurador, i Pacificador, dando gracias a Dios, por haver vengado las injurias hechas a su Divina Magestad.” Herrera, Hist General, dec. 8, lib. 4, cap. 17.
But, however grateful was this homage246 to Gasca’s heart, he was not a man to waste his time in idle vanities. He now thought only by what means he could eradicate247 the seeds of disorder248 which shot up so readily in this fruitful soil, and how he could place the authority of the government on a permanent basis. By virtue of his office, he presided over the Royal Audience, the great judicial249, and, indeed, executive tribunal of the colony; and he gave great despatch250 to the business, which had much accumulated during the late disturbances. In the unsettled state of property, there was abundant subject for litigation; but, fortunately, the new Audience was composed of able, upright judges, who labored251 diligently253 with their chief to correct the mischief254 caused by the misrule of their predecessors255.
Neither was Gasca unmindful of the unfortunate natives; and he occupied himself earnestly with that difficult problem, — the best means practicable of ameliorating their condition. He sent a number of commissioners256, as visitors, into different parts of the country, whose business it was to inspect the encomiendas, and ascertain84 the manner in which the Indians were treated, by conversing257 not only with the proprietors258, but with the natives themselves. They were also to learn the nature and extent of the tributes paid in former times by the vassals260 of the Incas. 28
28 “El Presidente Gasca mando visitar todas las provincias y repartimientos deste reyno, nombrando para ello personas de autoridad y de quien se tenia entendido que tenian conoscimiento de la tierra que se les encargavan, que ha de ser la principal calidad, que se ha buscar en la persona, a quien se comete semejante negocio despues que sea Cristiana: lo segundo se les dio instruccion de lo que hauian de averiguar, que fueron muchas cosas: el numero, las haciendas, los tratos y grangerias, la calidad de la gente y de sus tierras y comarca y lo que davan de tributo.” Ondegardo, Rel. Prim261., Ms.]
In this way, a large amount of valuable information was obtained, which enabled Gasca, with the aid of a council of ecclesiastics and jurists, to digest a uniform system of taxation262 for the natives, lighter263 even than that imposed on them by the Peruvian princes. The president would gladly have relieved the conquered races from the obligations of personal service; but, on mature consideration, this was judged impracticable in the present state of the country, since the colonists264, more especially in the tropical regions, looked to the natives for the performance of labor252, and the latter, it was found from experience, would not work at all, unless compelled to do so. The president, however, limited the amount of service to be exacted with great precision, so that it was in the nature of a moderate personal tax. No Peruvian was to be required to change his place of residence, from the climate to which he had been accustomed, to another; a fruitful source of discomfort265, as well as of disease, in past times. By these various regulations, the condition of the natives, though not such as had been contemplated266 by the sanguine267 philanthropy of Las Casas, was improved far more than was compatible with the craving268 demands of the colonists; and all the firmness of the Audience was required to enforce provisions so unpalatable to the latter. Still they were enforced. Slavery, in its most odious269 sense, was no longer tolerated in Peru. The term “slave” was not recognized as having relation to her institutions; and the historian of the Indies makes the proud boast, — it should have been qualified270 by the limitations I have noticed, — that every Indian vassal259 might aspire271 to the rank of a freeman. 29
29 “El Presidente, i el Audiencia dieron tales oraenes, que este negocio se asento, de manera, que para adelante no se platico mas este nombre de Esclavos, sino que la libertad fue general por todo el Reino.” Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. 8, lib. 5, cap. 7.]
Besides these reforms, Gasca introduced several in the municipal government of the cities, and others yet more important in the management of the finances, and in the mode of keeping the accounts. By these and other changes in the internal economy of the colony, he placed the administration on a new basis, and greatly facilitated the way for a more sure and orderly government by his successors. As a final step, to secure the repose272 of the country after he was gone, he detached some of the more aspiring273 cavaliers on distant expeditions, trusting that they would draw off the light and restless spirits, who might otherwise gather together and disturb the public tranquillity274; as we sometimes see the mists which have been scattered275 by the genial276 influence of the sun become condensed, and settle into a storm, on his departure. 30
30 Ms. de Caravantes. — Gomara, Hist. de las Indians, cap. 187. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 93–95. — Zarate. Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 10.]
Gasca had been now more than fifteen months in Lima and nearly three years had elapsed since his first entrance into Peru. In that time, he had accomplished278 the great objects of his mission. When he landed, he found the colony in a state of anarchy279, or rather organized rebellion under a powerful and popular chief. He came without funds or forces to support him. The former he procured280 through the credit which he established in his good faith; the latter he won over by argument and persuasion281 from the very persons to whom they had been confided282 by his rival. Thus he turned the arms of that rival against himself. By a calm appeal to reason he wrought a change in the hearts of the people; and, without costing a drop of blood to a single loyal subject, he suppressed a rebellion which had menaced Spain with the loss of the wealthiest of her provinces. He had punished the guilty, and in their spoils found the means to recompense the faithful. He had, moreover, so well husbanded the resources of the country, that he was enabled to pay off the large loan he had negotiated with the merchants of the colony, for the expenses of the war, exceeding nine hundred thousand pesos de oro. 31 Nay283, more, by his economy he had saved a million and a half of ducats for the government, which for some years had received nothing from Peru; and he now proposed to carry back this acceptable treasure to swell54 the royal coffers. 32 All this had been accomplished without the cost of outfit284 or salary, or any charge to the Crown except that of his own frugal285 expenditure286. 33 The country was now in a state of tranquillity Gasca felt that his work was done; and that he was free to gratify his natural longing287 to return to his native land.
31 “Recogio tanta sema de dinero, que pago novecientos mil pesos de Oro, que se hallo haver gastado, desde el Dia que entro en Panama, hasta que se acabo la Guerra, los quales tomo prestados.” Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 5, cap. 7. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 10.]
32 “Aviendo pagado el Presidente las costas de la guerra que fueron muchas, remitio a S. M y lo llevo consigo 264,422 marcos de plata, que a seis ducados valieron 1 millon 588,332 ducados” Ms. de Caravantes.]
33 “No tubo ni quiso salario el Presidente Gasca sino cedula para que a un mayordomo suyo diosen los Oficiales reales lo necesario de la real Hacienda, que como pareze de los quadernos de su gasto fue muy moderado.” (Ms. de Caravantes.) Gasca, it appears, was most exact in keeping the accounts of his disbursements for the expenses of himself and household, from the time he embarked288 for the colonies.]
Before his departure, he arranged a distribution of those repartimientos which had lapsed277 to the Crown during the past year by the death of the incumbents289. Life was short in Peru; since those who lived by the sword, if they did not die by the sword, too often fell early victims to the hardships incident to their adventurous290 career. Many were the applicants for the new bounty of government; and, as among them were some of those who had been discontented with the former partition, Gasca was assailed291 by remonstrances292, and sometimes by reproaches couched in no very decorous or respectful language. But they had no power to disturb his equanimity293; he patiently listened, and replied to all in the mild tone of expostulation best calculated to turn away wrath294; “by this victory over himself,” says an old writer, “acquiring more real glory, than by all his victories over his enemies.” 34
34 “En lo qual hizo mas que en vencer y ganar todo aquel Ympe rio: porque fue vencerse assi proprio.” Garcilasso, Com. Real Parte 2, lib. 6, cap. 7.]
An incident occurred on the eve of his departure, touching295 in itself, and honorable to the parties concerned. The Indian caciques of the neighbouring country, mindful of the great benefits he had rendered their people, presented him with a considerable quantity of plate in token of their gratitude296. But Gasca refused to receive it, though in doing so he gave much concern to the Peruvians who feared they had unwittingly fallen under his displeasure.
Many of the principal colonists, also, from the same wish to show their sense of his important services, sent to him, after he had embarked, a magnificent donative of fifty thousand gold castellanos. “As he had taken leave of Peru,” they said, “there could be no longer any ground for declining it.” But Gasca was as decided297 in his rejection298 of this present, as he had been of the other. “He had come to the country,” he remarked, “to serve the king, and to secure the blessings299 of peace to the inhabitants; and now that, by the favor of Heaven, he had been permitted to accomplish this, he would not dishonor the cause by any act that might throw suspicion on the purity of his motives.” Notwithstanding his refusal, the colonists contrived300 to secrete301 the sum of twenty thousand castellanos on board of his vessel302, with the idea, that, once in his own country, with his mission concluded, the president’s scruples303 would be removed. Gasca did, indeed, accept the donative; for he felt that it would be ungracious to send it back; but it was only till he could ascertain the relatives of the donors304, when he distributed it among the most needy305. 35
35 Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 95.]
Having now settled all his affairs, the president committed the government, until the arrival of a viceroy, to his faithful partners of the Royal Audience, and in January, 1150, he embarked with the royal treasure on board of a squadron for Panama. He was accompanied to the shore by a numerous crowd of the inhabitants, cavaliers and common people, persons of all ages and conditions, who followed to take their last look of their benefactor306, and watch with straining eyes the vessel that bore him away from their land.
His voyage was prosperous, and early in March the president reached his destined307 port. He stayed there only till he could muster308 horses and mules sufficient to carry the treasure across the mountains; for he knew that this part of the country abounded309 in wild, predatory spirits, who would be sorely tempted310 to some act of violence by a knowledge of the wealth which he had with him. Pushing forward, therefore, he crossed the rugged311 Isthmus312, and, after a painful march, arrived in safety at Nombre de Dios.
The event justified313 his apprehensions314. He had been gone but three days, when a ruffian horde316, after murdering the bishop197 of Guatemala, broke into Panama with the design of inflicting317 the same fate on the president, and of seizing the booty. No sooner were the tidings communicated to Gasca, than, with his usual energy, he levied318 a force and prepared to march to the relief of the invaded capital. But Fortune — or, to speak more correctly Providence319 — favored him here, as usual; and, on the eve of his departure, he learned that the marauders had been met by the citizens, and discomfited320 with great slaughter321. Disbanding his forces, therefore, he equipped a fleet of nineteen vessels322 to transport himself and the royal treasure to Spain, where he arrived in safety, entering the harbour of Seville after a little more than four years from the period when he had sailed from the same port. 36
36 Ms. de Caravantes. — Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 183. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru Parte 2, lib 1, cap. 10. — Zarate Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 13. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 6. cap. 17. 2, lib 1, cap. 10. — Zarate Conq.]
Great was the sensation throughout the country caused by his arrival. Men could hardly believe that results so momentous323 had been accomplished in so short a time by a single individual, — a poor ecclesiastic25, who, unaided by government, had, by his own strength, as it were, put down a rebellion which had so long set the arms of Spain at defiance324! The emperor was absent in Flanders. He was overjoyed on learning the complete success of Gasca’s mission; and not less satisfied with the tidings of the treasure he had brought with him; for the exchequer325, rarely filled to overflowing326, had been exhausted327 by the recent troubles in Germany. Charles instantly wrote to the president, requiring his presence at court, that he might learn from his own lips the particulars of his expedition. Gasca, accordingly, attended by a numerous retinue328 of nobles and cavaliers, — for who does not pay homage to him whom the king delighteth to honor? — embarked at Barcelona, and, after a favorable voyage, joined the Court in Flanders.
He was received by his royal master, who fully appreciated his services, in a manner most grateful to his feelings; and not long afterward44 he was raised to the bishopric of Palencia, — a mode of acknowledgment best suited to his character and deserts. Here he remained till 1561, when he was promoted to the vacant see of Siguenza. The rest of his days he passed peacefully in the discharge of his episcopal functions; honored by his sovereign, and enjoying the admiration329 and respect of his countrymen. 37
37 Ibid., ubi supra. — Ms. de Caravantes. — Gomara, Hist. de as Indias, cap. 182. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 2, lib. 1 cap. 10. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru lib. 7, cap. 13.]
In his retirement330, he was still consulted by the government in matters of importance relating to the Indies. The disturbances of that unhappy land were renewed, though on a much smaller scale than before, soon after the president’s departure. They were chiefly caused by discontent with the repartimientos, and with the constancy of the Audience in enforcing the benevolent331 restrictions332 as to the personal services of the natives. But these troubles subsided333, after a very few years, under the wise rule of the Mendozas, — two successive viceroys of that illustrious house which has given so many of its sons to the service of Spain. Under their rule, the mild yet determined policy was pursued, of which Gasca had set the example. The ancient distractions334 of the country were permanently335 healed. With peace, prosperity returned within the borders of Peru; and the consciousness of the beneficent results of his labors336 may have shed a ray of satisfaction, as it did of glory, over the evening of the president’s life.
That life was brought to a close in November 1567, at an age, probably, not far from the one fixed by the sacred writer as the term of human existence. 38 He died at Valladolid, and was buried in the church of Santa Maria Magdalena, in that city, which he had built and liberally endowed. His monument, surmounted338 by the sculptured effigy339 of a priest in his sacerdotal robes, is still to be seen there, attracting the admiration of the traveller by the beauty of its execution. The banners taken from Gonzalo Pizarro on the field of Xaquixaguana were suspended over his tomb, as the trophies340 of his memorable mission to Peru. 39 The banners have long since mouldered341 into dust, with the remains of him who slept beneath them; but the memory of his good deeds will endure for ever. 40
38 I have met with no account of the year in which Gasca was born; but an inscription on his portrait in the sacristy of St. Mary Magdalene at Valladolid, from which the engraving342 prefixed to this volume is taken, states that he died in 1567, at the age of seventy-one. This is perfectly343 consistent with the time of life at which he had probably arrived when we find him a collegiate at Salamanca, in the year 1522.]
39 “Murio en Valladolid, donde mando enterrar su cuerpo en la Iglesia de la advocacion de la Magdalena, que hizo edificar en aquella ciudad, donde se pusieron las vanderas que gano a Gonzalo Pizarro.” Ms. de Caravantes.]
40 The memory of his achievements has not been left entirely345 to the care of the historian. It is but a few years since the character and administration of Gasca formed the subject of an elaborate panegyric346 from one of the most distinguished347 statesmen in the British parliament. (See Lord Brougham’s speech on the maltreatment of the North American colonies, February, 1838.) The enlightened Spaniard of our day, who contemplates348 with sorrow the excesses committed by his countrymen of the sixteenth century in the New World, may feel an honest pride, that in this company of dark spirits should be found one to whom the present generation may turn as to the brightest model of integrity and wisdom.]
Gasca was plain in person, and his countenance349 was far from comely350. He was awkward and ill-proportioned; for his limbs were too long for his body, — so that when he rode, he appeared to be much shorter than he really was. 41 His dress was humble351, his manners simple, and there was nothing imposing352 in his presence. But, on a nearer intercourse353, there was a charm in his discourse that effaced354 every unfavorable impression produced by his exterior, and won the hearts of his hearers.
41 “Era muy pequeno de cuerpo con estrana hechura, que de la cintura abaxo tenia tanto cuerpo, como qualquiera hombre alto, y de la cintura al hombro no tenia vna tercia. Andando a cauallo parescia a vn mas pequeno de lo que era, porque todo era piernas: de rostro era muy feo: pero lo que la naturaleza le nego de las dotes del cuerpo, se los doblo en los del animo.” Garcilasso, Com. Real, Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 2.
The president’s character may be thought to have been sufficiently355 portrayed356 in the history already given of his life. It presented a combination of qualities which generally serve to neutralize357 each other, but which were mixed in such proportions in him as to give it additional strength. He was gentle, yet resolute358; by nature intrepid359, yet preferring to rely on the softer arts of policy. He was frugal in his personal expenditure, and economical in the public; yet caring nothing for riches on his own account, and never stinting360 his bounty when the public good required it. He was benevolent and placable, yet could deal sternly with the impenitent361 offender362; lowly in his deportment, yet with a full measure of that self-respect which springs from conscious rectitude of purpose; modest and unpretending, yet not shrinking from the most difficult enterprises; deferring greatly to others, yet, in the last resort, relying mainly on himself; moving with deliberation, — patiently waiting his time; but, when that came, bold, prompt, and decisive.
Gasca was not a man of genius, in the vulgar sense of that term. At least, no one of his intellectual powers seems to have received an extraordinary development, beyond what is found in others. He was not a great writer, nor a great orator363, nor a great general. He did not affect to be either. He committed the care of his military matters to military men; of ecclesiastical, to the clergy364; and his civi and judicial concerns he reposed365 on the members of the Audience. He was not one of those little great men who aspire to do every thing themselves, under the conviction that nothing can be done so well by others. But the president was a keen judge of character. Whatever might be the office, he selected the best man for it. He did more. He assured himself of the fidelity of his agents, presided at their deliberations; dictated366 a general line of policy, and thus infused a spirit of unity30 into their plans, which made all move in concert to the accomplishment of one grand result. A distinguishing feature of his mind was his common sense, — the best substitute for genius in a ruler who has the destinies of his fellow-men at his disposal, and more indispensable than genius itself. In Gasca, the different qualities were blended in such harmony, that there was no room for excess. They seemed to regulate each other. While his sympathy with mankind taught him the nature of their wants, his reason suggested to what extent these were capable of relief, as well as the best mode of effecting it. He did not waste his strength on illusory schemes of benevolence367, like Las Casas, on the one hand; nor did he countenance the selfish policy of the colonists, on the other. He aimed at the practicable, — the greatest good practicable.
In accomplishing his objects, he disclaimed368 force equally with fraud. He trusted for success to his power over the convictions of his hearers; and the source of this power was the confidence he inspired in his own integrity. Amidst all the calumnies369 of faction337, no imputation370 was ever cast on the integrity of Gasca. 42 No wonder that a virtue so rare should be of high price in Peru.
42 “Fue tan recatado y estremado en esta virtud, que puesto que de muchos quedo mal quisto, quando del Peru se partio para Espana, por el repartimiento que hizo: con todo esso, jamas nadie dixo del, ni sospecho; que en esto ni otra cosa, se vuiesse mouido por codicia.” Fernandez, Hist. de Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2 cap. 95]
There are some men whose characters have been so wonderfully adapted to the peculiar crisis in which they appeared, that they seem to have been specially136 designed for it by Providence. Such was Washington in our own country, and Gasca in Peru We can conceive of individuals with higher qualities, at least with higher intellectual qualities, than belonged to either of these great men. But it was the wonderful conformity of their characters to the exigencies371 of their situation, the perfect adaptation of the means to the end, that constituted the secret of their success; that enabled Gasca so gloriously to crush revolution, and Washington still more gloriously to achieve it.
Gasca’s conduct on his first coming to the colonies affords the best illustration of his character. Had he come backed by a military array, or even clothed in the paraphernalia372 of authority, every heart and hand would have been closed against him. But the humble ecclesiastic excited no apprehension315; and his enemies were already disarmed373, before he had begun his approaches. Had Gasca, impatient of Hinojosa’s tardiness374, listened to the suggestions of those who advised his seizure, he would have brought his cause into jeopardy375 by this early display of violence. But he wisely chose to win over his enemy by operating on his conviction.
In like manner, he waited his time for making his entry into Peru. He suffered his communications to do their work in the minds of the people, and was careful not to thrust in the sickle376 before the harvest was ripe. In this way, wherever he went, every thing was prepared for his coming; and when he set foot in Peru, the country was already his own.
After the dark and turbulent spirits with which we have been hitherto occupied, it is refreshing377 to dwell on a character like that of Gasca. In the long procession which has passed in review before us, we have seen only the mail-clad cavalier, brandishing378 his bloody lance, and mounted on his warhorse, riding over the helpless natives, or battling with his own friends and brothers; fierce, arrogant379, and cruel, urged on by the lust36 of gold, or the scarce more honorable love of a bastard380 glory. Mingled381 with these qualities, indeed, we have seen sparkles of the chivalrous and romantic temper which belongs to the heroic age of Spain. But, with some honorable exceptions, it was the scum of her chivalry that resorted to Peru, and took service under the banner of the Pizarros. At the close of this long array of iron warriors, we behold382 the poor and humble missionary383 coming into the land on an errand of mercy, and everywhere proclaiming the glad tidings of peace. No warlike trumpet384 heralds385 his approach, nor is his course to be tracked by the groans of the wounded and the dying. The means he employs are in perfect harmony with his end. His weapons are argument and mild persuasion. It is the reason ne would conquer, not the body. He wins his way by conviction, not by violence. It is a moral victory to which he aspires386, more potent387, and happily more permanent, than that of the blood-stained conqueror130. As he thus calmly, and imperceptibly, as it were, comes to his great results, he may remind us of the slow, insensible manner in which Nature works out her great changes in the material world, that are to endure when the ravages388 of the hurricane are passed away and forgotten.
With the mission of Gasca terminates the history of the Conquest of Peru. The Conquest, indeed, strictly389 terminates with the suppression of the Peruvian revolt, when the strength, if not the spirit, of the Inca race was crushed for ever. The reader, however, might feel a natural curiosity to follow to its close the fate of the remarkable family who achieved the Conquest. Nor would the story of the invasion itself be complete without some account of the civil wars which grew out of it; which serve, moreover, as a moral commentary on preceding events, by showing that the indulgence of fierce, unbridled passions is sure to recoil390, sooner or later, even in this life, on the heads of the guilty.
It is true, indeed, that the troubles of the country were renewed on the departure of Gasca. The waters had been too fearfully agitated391 to be stilled, at once, into a calm; but they gradually subsided, under the temperate392 rule of his successors, who wisely profited by his policy and example. Thus the influence of the good president remained after he was withdrawn393 from the scene of his labors, and Peru, hitherto so distracted, continued to enjoy as large a share of repose as any portion of the colonial empire of Spain. With the benevolent mission of Gasca, then, the historian of the Conquest may be permitted to terminate his labors, — with feelings not unlike those of the traveller, who having long journeyed among the dreary394 forests and dangerous defiles395 of the mountains, a length emerges on some pleasant landscape smiling in tranquillity and peace.
Augustin de Zarate — a highly respectable authority, frequently cited in the later portion of this work — was Contador de Mercedes, Comptroller of Accounts, for Castile. This office he filled for fifteen years; after which he was sent by the government to Peru to examine into the state of the colonial finances, which had been greatly deranged396 by the recent troubles, and to bring them, if possible, into order.
Zarate went out accordingly in the train of the viceroy Blasco Nunez, and found himself, through the passions of his imprudent leader, entangled397, soon after his arrival, in the inextricable meshes398 of civil discord399. In the struggle which ensued, he remained with the Royal Audience; and we find him in Lima, on the approach of Gonzalo Pizarro to that capital, when Zarate was deputed by the judges to wait on the insurgent400 chief, and require him to disband his troops and withdraw to his own estates. The historian executed the mission, for which he seems to have had little relish401, and which certainly was not without danger. From this period, we rarely hear of him in the troubled scenes that ensued. He probably took no further part in affairs than was absolutely forced on him by circumstances; but the unfavorable bearing of his remarks on Gonzalo Pizarro intimates, that, however he may have been discontented with the conduct of the viceroy, he did not countenance, for a moment, the criminal ambition of his rival. The times were certainly unpropitious to the execution of the financial reforms for which Zarate had come to Peru. But he showed so much real devotion to the interests of the Crown, that the emperor, on his return, signified his satisfaction by making him Superintendent402 of the Finances in Flanders.
Soon after his arrival in Peru, he seems to have conceived the idea of making his countrymen at home acquainted with the stirring events passing in the colony, which, moreover, afforded some striking passages for the study of the historian. Although he collected notes and diaries, as he tells us, for this purpose, he did not dare to avail himself of them till his return to Castile. “For to have begun the history in Peru,” he says, “would have alone been enough to put my life in jeopardy; since a certain commander, named Francisco de Carbajal, threatened to take vengeance403 on any one who should be so rash as to attempt the relation of his exploits, — far less deserving, as they were, to be placed on record, than to be consigned404 to eternal oblivion.” In this same commander, the reader will readily recognize the veteran lieutenant405 of Gonzalo Pizarro.
On his return home, Zarate set about the compilation406 of his work. His first purpose was to confine it to the events that followed the arrival of Blasco Nunez; but he soon found, that, to make these intelligible407, he must trace the stream of history higher up towards its sources. He accordingly enlarged his plan, and, beginning with the discovery of Peru, gave an entire view of the conquest and subsequent occupation of the country, bringing the narrative408 down to the close of Gasca’s mission. For the earlier portion of the story, he relied on the accounts of persons who took a leading part in the events. He disposes more summarily of this portion than of that in which he himself was both a spectator and an actor; where his testimony, considering the advantages his position gave him for information, is of the highest value.
Alcedo in his Biblioteca Americana, Ms., speaks of Zarate’s work as “containing much that is good, but as not entitled to the praise of exactness.” He wrote under the influence of party heat, which necessarily operates to warp409 the fairest mind somewhat from its natural bent. For this we must make allowance, in perusing410 accounts of conflicting parties. But there is no intention, apparently, to turn the truth aside in support of his own cause; and his access to the best sources of knowledge often supplies us with particulars not within the reach of other chroniclers. His narrative is seasoned, moreover, with sensible reflections and passing comments, that open gleams of light into the dark passages of that eventful period. Yet the style of the author can make but moderate pretensions411 to the praise of elegance412 or exactness; while the sentences run into that tedious, interminable length which belongs to the garrulous compositions of the regular thoroughbred chronicler of the olden time. The personalities413, necessarily incident, more or less, to such a work, led its author to shrink from publication, at least during his life. By the jealous spirit of the Castilian cavalier, “censure414,” he says, “however light, is regarded with indignation, and even praise is rarely dealt out in a measure satisfactory to the subject of it.” And he expresses his conviction that those do wisely, who allow their accounts of their own times to repose in the quiet security of manuscript, till the generation that is to be affected by them has passed away. His own manuscript, however, was submitted to the emperor; and it received such commendation from this royal authority, that Zarate, plucking up a more courageous415 spirit, consented to give it to the press. It accordingly appeared at Antwerp, in 1555, in octavo; and a second edition was printed in folio, at Seville, in 1577. It has since been incorporated in Barcia’s valuable collection; and, whatever indignation or displeasure it may have excited among contemporaries, who smarted under the author’s censure, or felt themselves defrauded416 of their legitimate417 guerdon, Zarate’s work has taken a permanent rank among the most respectable authorities for a history of the time.
The name of Zarate naturally suggests that of Fernandez, for both were laborers418 in the same field of history. Diego Fernandez de Palencia, or Palentino, as he is usually called, from the place of his birth came over to Peru, and served as a private in the royal army raised to quell344 the insurrections that broke out after Gasca’s return to Castile Amidst his military occupations, he found leisure to collect materials for a history of the period, to which he was further urged by the viceroy, Mendoza, Marques de Canete, who bestowed419 on him, as he tells us, the post of Chronicler of Peru. This mark of confidence in his literary capacity intimates higher attainments420 in Fernandez than might be inferred from the humble station that he occupied. With the fruits of his researches the soldier-chronicler returned to Spain, and, after a time, completed his narrative of the insurrection of Giron.
The manuscript was seen by the President of the Council of the Indies, and he was so much pleased with its execution, that he urged the author to write the account, in like manner, of Gonzalo Pizarro’s rebellion, and of the administration of Gasca. The historian was further stimulated421, as he mentions in his dedication422 to Philip the Second, by the promise of a guerdon from that monarch423, on the completion of his labors; a very proper, as well as politic, promise, but which inevitably424 suggests the idea of an influence not altogether favorable to severe historic impartiality425. Nor will such an inference be found altogether at variance426 with truth; for while the narrative of Fernandez studiously exhibits the royal cause in the most favorable aspect to the reader, it does scanty427 justice to the claims of the opposite party. It would not be meet, indeed, that an apology for rebellion should be found in the pages of a royal pensioner223; but there are always mitigating428 circumstances, which, however we may condemn429 the guilt, may serve to lessen430 our indignation towards the guilty. These circumstances are not to be found in the pages of Fernandez. It is unfortunate for the historian of such events, that it is so difficult to find one disposed to do even justice to the claims of the unsuccessful rebel. Yet the Inca Garcilasso has not shrunk from this, in the case of Gonzalo Pizarro; and even Gomara, though living under the shadow, or rather in the sunshine, of the Court, has occasionally ventured a generous protest in his behalf.
The countenance thus afforded to Fernandez from the highest quarter opened to him the best fountains of intelligence, — at least, on the government side of the quarrel. Besides personal communication with the royalist leaders, he had access to their correspondence, diaries, and official documents. He industriously431 profited by his opportunities; and his narrative, taking up the story of the rebellion from its birth, continues it to its final extinction432, and the end of Gasca’s administration. Thus the First Part of his work, as it was now called, was brought down to the commencement of the Second, and the whole presented a complete picture of the distractions of the nation, till a new order of things was introduced, and tranquillity was permanently established throughout the country.
The diction is sufficiently plain, not aspiring to rhetorical beauties beyond the reach of its author, and out of keeping with the simple character of a chronicle. The sentences are arranged with more art than in most of the unwieldy compositions of the time; and, while there is no attempt at erudition or philosophic433 speculation434, the current of events flows on in an orderly manner, tolerably prolix435, it is true, but leaving a clear and intelligible impression on the mind of the reader. No history of that period compares with it in the copiousness436 of its details; and it has accordingly been resorted to by later compilers, as an inexhaustible reservoir for the supply of their own pages; a circumstance that may be thought of itself to bear no slight testimony to the general fidelity, as well as fulness, of the narrative. — The Chronicle of Fernandez, thus arranged in two parts, under the general title of Historia del Peru, was given to the world in the author’s lifetime, at Seville, in 1571, in one volume, folio, being the edition used in the preparation of this work.
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1
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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deferring
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| v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的现在分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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upbraid
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| v.斥责，责骂，责备 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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piously
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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hurdle
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| n.跳栏，栏架；障碍，困难；vi.进行跨栏赛 | |
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mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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pinioned
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| v.抓住[捆住]（双臂）( pinion的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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penitence
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| n.忏悔，赎罪；悔过 | |
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importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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scoff
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| n.嘲笑，笑柄，愚弄；v.嘲笑，嘲弄，愚弄，狼吞虎咽 | |
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witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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lucre
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| n.金钱，财富 | |
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presentiment
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| n.预感，预觉 | |
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embargo
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| n.禁运（令）；vt.对...实行禁运，禁止（通商） | |
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42
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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43
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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44
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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45
exempting
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的现在分词 ) | |
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slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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47
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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49
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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50
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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51
consign
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| vt.寄售（货品），托运，交托，委托 | |
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52
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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53
swells
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| 增强( swell的第三人称单数 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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54
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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55
discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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56
confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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57
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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58
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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59
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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60
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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depicting
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| 描绘，描画( depict的现在分词 )； 描述 | |
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epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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garrulous
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| adj.唠叨的，多话的 | |
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73
atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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74
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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84
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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refreshment
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| n.恢复，精神爽快，提神之事物；（复数）refreshments:点心，茶点 | |
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rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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embroidery
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| n.绣花，刺绣；绣制品 | |
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92
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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93
gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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102
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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103
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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104
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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105
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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106
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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107
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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108
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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109
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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110
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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111
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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112
mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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113
razed
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| v.彻底摧毁，将…夷为平地( raze的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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115
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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116
interdicting
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| v.禁止（行动）( interdict的现在分词 )；禁用；限制 | |
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117
profaned
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| v.不敬( profane的过去式和过去分词 )；亵渎，玷污 | |
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118
simile
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| n.直喻，明喻 | |
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119
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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120
lettuce
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| n.莴苣；生菜 | |
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121
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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122
indignities
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| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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123
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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125
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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126
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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127
shroud
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| n.裹尸布，寿衣；罩，幕；vt.覆盖，隐藏 | |
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128
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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129
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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130
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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131
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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132
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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133
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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135
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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136
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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137
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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138
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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139
abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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140
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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141
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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142
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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143
temerity
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| n.鲁莽，冒失 | |
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144
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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145
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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146
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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147
conspirator
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| n.阴谋者，谋叛者 | |
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148
prodigal
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| adj.浪费的，挥霍的，放荡的 | |
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149
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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150
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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151
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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152
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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153
dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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154
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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155
imputes
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的第三人称单数 ) | |
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156
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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157
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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158
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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159
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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160
afflict
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| vt.使身体或精神受痛苦，折磨 | |
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161
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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162
tithe
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| n.十分之一税；v.课什一税，缴什一税 | |
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163
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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164
redressed
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| v.改正( redress的过去式和过去分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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165
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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166
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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167
apostasy
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| n.背教，脱党 | |
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168
arraigned
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| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
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169
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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170
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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171
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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172
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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173
attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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174
perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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175
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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176
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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177
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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178
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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179
assassinated
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|
| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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180
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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181
muse
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| n.缪斯（希腊神话中的女神），创作灵感 | |
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182
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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183
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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184
avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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185
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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186
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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187
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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188
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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189
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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190
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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191
proffers
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的第三人称单数 ) | |
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192
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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193
applicants
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| 申请人，求职人( applicant的名词复数 ) | |
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194
clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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195
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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196
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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197
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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198
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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199
apportioning
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| vt.分摊，分配（apportion的现在分词形式） | |
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200
forfeitures
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| n.（财产等的）没收，（权利、名誉等的）丧失( forfeiture的名词复数 ) | |
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201
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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202
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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203
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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204
equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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205
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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206
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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207
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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208
expatiated
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| v.详述，细说( expatiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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209
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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210
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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211
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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212
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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213
gratuities
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| n.报酬( gratuity的名词复数 )；小账；小费；养老金 | |
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214
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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215
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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216
corona
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| n.日冕 | |
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217
auto
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| n.(=automobile)(口语)汽车 | |
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218
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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219
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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220
discrepancies
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| n.差异，不符合（之处），不一致（之处）( discrepancy的名词复数 ) | |
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221
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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222
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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223
pensioner
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| n.领养老金的人 | |
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224
pensioners
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| n.领取退休、养老金或抚恤金的人( pensioner的名词复数 ) | |
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225
transcribed
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的过去式和过去分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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226
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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227
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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228
inveighed
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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229
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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230
bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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231
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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232
rescinded
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| v.废除，取消( rescind的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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233
fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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234
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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235
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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236
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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237
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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238
canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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239
crimson
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| n./adj.深(绯)红色(的)；vi.脸变绯红色 | |
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240
strewing
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| v.撒在…上( strew的现在分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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241
emblematical
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| adj.标志的，象征的，典型的 | |
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242
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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243
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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244
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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245
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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246
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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247
eradicate
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| v.根除，消灭，杜绝 | |
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248
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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249
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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250
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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251
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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252
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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253
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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254
mischief
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|
| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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255
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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256
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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257
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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258
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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259
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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260
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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261
prim
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| adj.拘泥形式的，一本正经的；n.循规蹈矩，整洁；adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
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262
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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263
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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264
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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265
discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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266
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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267
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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268
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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269
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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270
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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271
aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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272
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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273
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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274
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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275
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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276
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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277
lapsed
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|
| adj.流失的，堕落的v.退步( lapse的过去式和过去分词 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
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278
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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279
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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280
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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281
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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282
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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283
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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284
outfit
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| n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装 | |
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285
frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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286
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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287
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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288
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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289
incumbents
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| 教区牧师( incumbent的名词复数 )； 教会中的任职者 | |
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290
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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291
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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292
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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293
equanimity
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| n.沉着，镇定 | |
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294
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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295
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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296
gratitude
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|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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297
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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298
rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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299
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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300
contrived
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|
| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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301
secrete
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| vt.分泌；隐匿，使隐秘 | |
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302
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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303
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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304
donors
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| n.捐赠者( donor的名词复数 )；献血者；捐血者；器官捐献者 | |
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305
needy
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|
| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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306
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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307
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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308
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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309
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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310
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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311
rugged
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|
| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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312
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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313
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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314
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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315
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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316
horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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317
inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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318
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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319
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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320
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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321
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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322
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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323
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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324
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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325
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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326
overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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327
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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328
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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329
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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330
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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331
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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332
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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333
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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334
distractions
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| n.使人分心的事[人]( distraction的名词复数 )；娱乐，消遣；心烦意乱；精神错乱 | |
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335
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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336
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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337
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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338
surmounted
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|
| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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339
effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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340
trophies
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|
| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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341
mouldered
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| v.腐朽( moulder的过去式和过去分词 )；腐烂，崩塌 | |
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342
engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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343
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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344
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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345
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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346
panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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347
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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348
contemplates
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的第三人称单数 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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349
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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350
comely
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| adj.漂亮的，合宜的 | |
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351
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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352
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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353
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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354
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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355
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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356
portrayed
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| v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 )；描述；描绘；描画 | |
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357
neutralize
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| v.使失效、抵消，使中和 | |
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358
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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359
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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360
stinting
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| v.限制，节省（stint的现在分词形式） | |
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361
impenitent
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| adj.不悔悟的，顽固的 | |
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362
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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363
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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364
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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365
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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366
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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367
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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368
disclaimed
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| v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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369
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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370
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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371
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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372
paraphernalia
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| n.装备；随身用品 | |
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373
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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374
tardiness
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| n.缓慢；迟延；拖拉 | |
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375
jeopardy
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| n.危险；危难 | |
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376
sickle
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| n.镰刀 | |
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377
refreshing
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| adj.使精神振作的，使人清爽的，使人喜欢的 | |
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378
brandishing
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| v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 )；炫耀 | |
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379
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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380
bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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381
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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382
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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383
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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384
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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385
heralds
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| n.使者( herald的名词复数 )；预报者；预兆；传令官v.预示( herald的第三人称单数 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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386
aspires
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的第三人称单数 ) | |
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387
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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388
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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389
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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390
recoil
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| vi.退却，退缩，畏缩 | |
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391
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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392
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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393
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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394
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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395
defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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396
deranged
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| adj.疯狂的 | |
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397
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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398
meshes
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| 网孔( mesh的名词复数 )； 网状物； 陷阱； 困境 | |
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399
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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400
insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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401
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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402
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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403
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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404
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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405
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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406
compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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407
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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408
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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409
warp
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| vt.弄歪，使翘曲，使不正常，歪曲，使有偏见 | |
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410
perusing
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| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的现在分词 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
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411
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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412
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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413
personalities
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| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
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414
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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415
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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416
defrauded
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| v.诈取，骗取( defraud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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417
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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418
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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419
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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420
attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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421
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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422
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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423
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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424
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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425
impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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426
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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427
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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428
mitigating
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的现在分词 ) | |
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429
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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430
lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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431
industriously
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432
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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433
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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434
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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435
prolix
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| adj.罗嗦的；冗长的 | |
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436
copiousness
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| n.丰裕，旺盛 | |
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