Dismay In Gasca’s Camp. — His Winter Quarters. — Resumes His March. — Crosses The Apurimac. — Pizarro’s Conduct In Cuzco. — He Encamps Near The City. — Rout2 Of Xaquixa Guana.
1547–1548.
While the events recorded in the preceding chapter were passing, President Gasca had remained at Xauxa, awaiting further tidings from Centeno, little doubting that they would inform him of the total discomfiture3 of the rebels. Great was his dismay, therefore, on learning the issue of the fatal conflict at Huarina, — that the royalists had been scattered4 far and wide before the sword of Pizarro, while their commander had vanished like an apparition5, 1 leaving the greatest uncertainty6 as to his fate.
1 “Y salio a la Ciudad de los Reyes, sin que Carbajal, ni alguno de los suyos supiesse por donde fue, sino que parecio encantamiento.” Garcilasso, Com. Real. Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 22.
The intelligence spread general consternation7 among the soldiers, proportioned to their former confidence; and they felt it was almost hopeless to contend with a man who seemed protected by a charm that made him invincible8 against the greatest odds9. The president, however sore his disappointment, was careful to conceal10 it, while he endeavoured to restore the spirits of his followers11. “They had been too sanguine,” he said, “and it was in this way that Heaven rebuked13 their presumption14. Yet it was but in the usual course of events, that Providence15, when it designed to humble16 the guilty, should allow him to reach as high an elevation17 as possible, that his fall might be the greater!”
But while Gasca thus strove to reassure18 the superstitious19 and the timid, he bent20 his mind, with his usual energy, to repair the injury which the cause had sustained by the defeat at Huarina. He sent a detachment under Alvarado to Lima, to collect such of the royalists as had fled thither21 from the field of battle, and to dismantle22 the ships of their cannon23, and bring them to the camp. Another body was sent to Guamanga, about sixty leagues from Cuzco, for the similar purpose of protecting the fugitives25, and also of preventing the Indian caciques from forwarding supplies to the insurgent27 army in Cuzco. As his own forces now amounted to considerably28 more than any his opponent could bring against him, Gasca determined29 to break up his camp without further delay, and march on the Inca capital 2
2 Gasca, according to Ondegardo, supported his army, during his stay at Xauxa, from the Peruvian granaries in the valley, as he found a quantity of maize30 still remaining in them sufficient for several years’ consumption. It is passing strange that these depositaries should have been so long respected by the hungry Conquerors32. — “Cuando el Senor Presidente Gasca passo con1 la gente de castigo de Gonzalo Pizarro por el Valle de Jauja, estuvo alli siete semanas a lo que me acuerdo, se hallaron en deposito maiz de cuatro y de tres y de dos anos mas de 15,000 hanegas junto33 al camino, e alli comio la gente.” Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms.
Quitting Xauxa, December 29, 1547, he passed through Guamanga, and after a severe march, rendered particularly fatiguing34 by the inclement35 state of the weather and the badness of the roads, he entered the province of Andaguaylas. It was a fair and fruitful country, and since the road beyond would take him into the depths of a gloomy sierra, scarcely passable in the winter snows, Gasca resolved to remain in his present quarters until the severity of the season was mitigated36. As many of the troops had already contracted diseases from exposure to the incessant37 rains, he established a camp hospital; and the good president personally visited the quarters of the sick, ministering to their wants, and winning their hearts by his sympathy. 3
3 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 4. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 82–85. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Cieza de Leon, cap. 90]
Meanwhile, the royal camp was strengthened by the continual arrival of reinforcements; for notwithstanding the shock that was caused throughout the country by the first tidings of Pizarro’s victory, a little reflection convinced the people that the right was the strongest, and must eventually prevail. There came, also, with these levies38, several of the most distinguished39 captains in the country. Centeno, burning to retrieve40 his late disgrace, after recovering from his illness, joined the camp with his followers from Lima. Benalcazar, the conqueror31 of Quito, who, as the reader will remember, had shared in the defeat of Blasco Nunez in the north, came with another detachment; and was soon after followed by Valdivia, the famous conqueror of Chili41, who, having returned to Peru to gather recruits for his expedition, had learned the state of the country, and had thrown himself, without hesitation42, into the same scale with the president, though it brought him into collision with his old friend and comrade, Gonzalo Pizarro. The arrival of this last ally was greeted with general rejoicing by the camp; for Valdivia, schooled in the Italian wars, was esteemed43 the most accomplished44 soldier in Peru; and Gasca complimented him by declaring “he would rather see him than a reinforcement of eight hundred men!” 4
4 At least, so says Valdivia in his letter to the emperor. “I dixo publico que estimara mas mi persona que a los mejores ochocientos hombres de guerra que l pudieran venir aquella hora.” Carta de Valdivia, Ms.]
Besides these warlike auxiliaries45, the president was attended by a train of ecclesiastics46 and civilians47, such as was rarely found in the martial48 fields of Peru. Among them were the bishops50 of Quito, Cuzco, and Lima, the four judges of the new Audience, and a considerable number of churchmen and monkish51 missionaries52. 5 However little they might serve to strengthen his arm in battle, their presence gave authority and something of a sacred character to the cause, which had their effect on the minds of the soldiers.
5 Zarate, Ms.]
The wintry season now began to give way before the mild influence of spring, which makes itself early felt in these tropical, but from their elevation temperate53, regions; and Gasca, after nearly three months’ detention54 in Andaguaylas, mustered55 his levies for the final march upon Cuzco. 6 Their whole number fell little short of two thousand, — the largest European force yet assembled in Peru. Nearly half were provided with fire-arms; and infantry56 was more available than horse in the mountain countries which they were to traverse. But his cavalry57 was also numerous, and he carried with him a train of eleven heavy guns. The equipment and discipline of the troops were good; they were well provided with ammunition58 and military stores; and were led by officers whose names were associated with the most memorable59 achievements in the New World. All who had any real interest in the weal of the country were to be found, in short, under the president’s banner, making a striking contrast to the wild and reckless adventurers who now swelled62 the ranks of Pizarro.
6 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 90.
The old chronicler, or rather geographer63, Cieza de Leon, was present in the campaign, he tells us; so that his testimony64, always good, becomes for the remaining events of more than usual value]
Gasca, who did not affect a greater knowledge of military affairs than he really possessed65, had given the charge of his forces to Hinojosa, naming the Marshal Alvarado as second in command. Valdivia, who came after these dispositions66 had been made, accepted a colonel’s commission, with the understanding that he was to be consulted and employed in all matters of moment. 7 — Having completed his arrangements, the president broke up his camp in March, 1548, and moved upon Cuzco.
7 Valdivia, indeed, claims to have had the whole command intrusted to him by Gasca “Luego me dio el autoridad toda que traia de parte de V. M. para en los casos ocantes a la guerra, i me encargo todo el exercito, i le puso baxo de mi mano rogando i pidiendo por merced de su parte a todos aquellos caballeros capitanes e gente de guerra, i de la de V. M. mandandoles me obedesciesen en todo lo que les mandase acerca de la guerra, i cumpliesen mis mandamientos como los suyos.” (Carta de Valdivia, Ms.) But other authorities state it, with more probability, as given in the text. Valdivia, it must be confessed, loses nothing from modesty68. The whole of his letter to the emperor is written in a strain of self-glorification, rarely matched even by a Castilian hidalgo.
The first obstacle to his progress was the river Abancay, the bridge over which had been broken down by the enemy. But as there was no force to annoy them on the opposite bank, the army was not long in preparing a new bridge, and throwing it across the stream, which in this place had nothing formidable in its character. The road now struck into the heart of a mountain region, where woods, precipices69, and ravines were mingled71 together in a sort of chaotic72 confusion, with here and there a green and sheltered valley, glittering like an island of verdure amidst the wild breakers of a troubled ocean! The bold peaks of the Andes, rising far above the clouds, were enveloped73 in snow, which descending74 far down their sides, gave a piercing coldness to the winds that swept over their surface, until men and horses were benumbed and stiffened75 under their influence. The roads, in these regions, were in some places so narrow and broken, as to be nearly impracticable for cavalry. The cavaliers were compelled to dismount; and the president, with the rest, performed the journey on foot, so hazardous76, that, even in later times, it has been no uncommon77 thing for the sure-footed mule78 to be precipitated79, with its cargo67 of silver, thousands of feet down the sheer sides of a precipice70. 8
8 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 91.]
By these impediments of the ground, the march was so retarded80, that the troops seldom accomplished more than two leagues a day. 9 Fortunately, the distance was not great; and the president looked with more apprehension81 to the passage of the Apurimac, which he was now approaching. This river, one of the most formidable tributaries82 of the Amazon, rolls its broad waters through the gorges83 of the Cordilleras, that rise up like an immense rampart of rock on either side, presenting a natural barrier which it would be easy for an enemy to make good against a force much superior to his own. The bridges over this river, as Gasca learned before his departure from Andaguaylas, had been all destroyed by Pizarro. The president, accordingly, had sent to explore the banks of the stream, and determine the most eligible84 spot for reestablishing communications with the opposite side.
9 Ms. de Caravantes 2 L 2]
The place selected was near the Indian village of Cotapampa, about nine leagues from Cuzco; for the river, though rapid and turbulent from being compressed within more narrow limits, was here less than two hundred paces in width; a distance, however, not inconsiderable. Directions had been given to collect materials in large quantities in the neighbourhood of this spot as soon as possible; and at the same time, in order to perplex the enemy and compel him to divide his forces, should he be disposed to resist, materials in smaller quantities were assembled on three other points of the river. The officer stationed in the neighbourhood of Cotapampa was instructed not to begin to lay the bridge, till the arrival of a sufficient force should accelerate the work, and insure its success.
The structure in question, it should be remembered, was one of those suspension bridges formerly85 employed by the Incas, and still used in crossing the deep and turbulent rivers of South America. They are made of osier withes, twisted into enormous cables, which, when stretched across the water, are attached to heavy blocks of masonry86, or, where it will serve, to the natural rock. Planks87 are laid transversely across these cables, and a passage is thus secured, which, notwithstanding the light and fragile appearance of the bridge, as it swings at an elevation sometimes of several hundred feet above the abyss, affords a tolerably safe means of conveyance88 for men, and even for such heavy burdens as artillery89. 10
10 Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 86, 87. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Ms. de Caravantes. — Carta de Valdivia, Ms. — Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]
Notwithstanding the peremptory90 commands of Gasca, the officer intrusted with collecting the materials for the bridge was so anxious to have the honor of completing the work himself, that he commenced it at once. The president, greatly displeased91 at learning this, quickened his march, in order to cover the work with his whole force. But, while toiling92 through the mountain labyrinth93, tidings were brought him that a party of the enemy had demolished94 the small portion of the bridge already made, by cutting the cables on the opposite bank. Valdivia, accordingly, hastened forward at the head of two hundred arquebusiers, while the main body of the army followed with as much speed as practicable.
That officer, on reaching the spot, found that the interruption had been caused by a small party of Pizarro’s followers, not exceeding twenty in number assisted by a stronger body of Indians. He at once caused balsas, broad and clumsy barks, or rather rafts, of the country, to be provided, and by this means passed his men over, without opposition95 to the other side of the river. The enemy, disconcerted by the arrival of such a force, retreated and made the best of their way to report the affair to their commander at Cuzco. Meanwhile, Valdivia, who saw the importance of every moment in the present crisis, pushed forward the work with the greatest vigor96. Through all that night his weary troops continued the labor97, which was already well advanced, when the president and his battalions98, emerging from the passes of the Cordilleras, presented themselves at sunrise on the opposite bank.
Little time was given for repose99, as all felt assured that the success of their enterprise hung on the short respite100 now given them by the improvident101 enemy. The president, with his principal officers, took part in the labor with the common soldiers; 11 and before ten o’clock in the evening, Gasca had the satisfaction to see the bridge so well secured, that the leading files of the army, unencumbered by their baggage, might venture to cross it. A short time sufficed to place several hundred men on the other bank. But here a new difficulty, not less formidable than that of the river, presented itself to the troops. The ground rose up with an abrupt103, almost precipitous, swell61 from the river-side, till, in the highest peaks, it reached an elevation of several thousand feet. This steep ascent104, though not to its full height, indeed, was now to be surmounted105. The difficulties of the ground, broken up into fearful chasms106 and water-courses, and tangled107 with thickets108, were greatly increased by the darkness of the night; and the soldiers, as they toiled109 slowly upward, were filled with apprehension, akin60 to fear, from the uncertainty whether each successive step might not bring them into an ambuscade, for which the ground was so favorable. More than once, the Spaniards were thrown into a panic by false reports that the enemy were upon them. But Hinojosa and Valdivia were at hand to rally their men, and cheer them on, until, at length, before dawn broke, the bold cavaliers and their followers placed themselves on the highest point traversed by the road, where they waited the arrival of the president. This was not long delayed; and in the course of the following morning, the royalists were already in sufficient strength to bid defiance110 to their enemy.
11 “La gente que estaua, de la vna parte y de la otra, todos tirauan y trabajauan al poner, y apretar de las Criznejas: sin que el Presidente ni Obispos, ni otra persona quisiesse tener preuilegio para dexar de trabajar.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 87.
The passage of the river had been effected with less loss than might have been expected, considering the darkness of the night, and the numbers that crowded over the aerial causeway. Some few, indeed, fell into the water, and were drowned; and more than sixty horses, in the attempt to swim them across the river, were hurried down the current, and dashed against the rocks below. 12 It still required time to bring up the heavy train of ordnance111 and the military wagons112; and the president encamped on the strong ground which he now occupied, to await their arrival, and to breathe his troops after their extraordinary efforts. In these quarters we must leave him, to acquaint the reader with the state of things in the insurgent army, and with the cause of its strange remissness113 in guarding the passes of the Apurimac. 13
12 “Aquel dia pasaron mas de quatrocientos Hombres, Ilevando los Caballos a nado, encima de illos atadas sus armas, i arcabuces, caso que se perdieron mas de sesenta Caballos, que con la corriente grande se desataron, i luego daban en vnas penas, donde se hacian pedacos, sin darles lugar el impetu del rio, a que pudiesen nadar.” Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. — Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 184.]
13 Ibid., ubi supra. — Fernandez Hist del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 87. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Ms. de Caravantes. — Carta de Valdivia, Ms. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 91. — Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.
From the time of Pizarro’s occupation of Cuzco, he had lived in careless luxury in the midst of his followers, like a soldier of fortune in the hour of prosperity; enjoying the present, with as little concern for the future as if the crown of Peru were already fixed114 irrevocably upon his head. It was otherwise with Carbajal. He looked on the victory at Huarina as the commencement, not the close, of the struggle for empire; and he was indefatigable115 in placing his troops in the best condition for maintaining their present advantage. At the first streak116 of dawn, the veteran might be seen mounted on his mule, with the garb117 and air of a common soldier, riding about in the different quarters of the capital, sometimes superintending the manufacture of arms, or providing military stores, and sometimes drilling his men, for he was most careful always to maintain the strictest discipline. 14 His restless spirit seemed to find no pleasure but in incessant action; living, as he had always done, in the turmoil118 of military adventure, he had no relish119 for any thing unconnected with war, and in the city saw only the materials for a well-organized camp.
14 “Andaua siempre en vna mula crescida de color entre pardo y bermejo, yo no le vi en otra caualgadura en todo el tiempo que estuuo en el Cozco antes de la batalla de Sacsahuana. Era tan contino y diligete en solicitar lo que a su exercito conuenia, que a todas horas del dia y de la roche le topauan sus soldados haziendo su oficio, y los agenos.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 5 cap. 27.]
With these feelings, he was much dissatisfied at the course taken by his younger leader, who now professed120 his intention to abide121 where he was, and, when the enemy advanced, to give him battle. Carbajal advised a very different policy. He had not that full confidence, it would seem, in the loyalty122 of Pizarro’s partisans123, at least, not of those who had once followed the banner of Centeno. These men some three hundred in number, had been in a manner compelled to take service under Pizarro. They showed no heartiness124 in the cause, and the veteran strongly urged his commander to disband them at once; since it was far better to go to battle with a few faithful followers than with a host of the false and faint-hearted.
But Carbajal thought, also, that his leader was not sufficiently125 strong in numbers to encounter his opponent, supported as he was by the best captains of Peru. He advised, accordingly, that he should abandon Cuzco, carrying off all the treasure, provisions, and stores of every kind from the city, which might, in any way, serve the necessities of the royalists. The latter, on their arrival, disappointed by the poverty of a place where they had expected to find so much booty, would become disgusted with the service. Pizzaro, meanwhile, might take refuge with his men in the neighbouring fastnesses, where, familiar with the ground, it would be easy to elude126 the enemy; and if the latter persevered127 in the pursuit, with numbers diminished by desertion, it would not be difficult in the mountain passes to find an opportunity for assailing129 him at advantage. — Such was the wary130 counsel of the old warrior131. But it was not to the taste of his fiery132 commander, who preferred to risk the chances of a battle, rather than turn his back on a foe133.
Neither did Pizarro show more favor to a proposition, said to have been made by the Licentiate Cepeda, — that he should avail himself of his late success to enter into negotiations134 with Gasca. Such advice, from the man who had so recently resisted all overtures135 of the president, could only have proceeded from a conviction, that the late victory placed Pizarro on a vantage-ground for demanding terms far better than would have been before conceded to him. It may be that subsequent experience had also led him to distrust the fidelity136 of Gonzalo’s followers, or, possibly, the capacity of their chief to conduct them through the present crisis. Whatever may have been the motives137 of the slippery counsellor, Pizarro gave little heed138 to the suggestion, and even showed some resentment139, as the matter was pressed on him. In every contest, with Indian or European, whatever had been the odds, he had come off victorious140. He was not now for the first time to despond; and he resolved to remain in Cuzco, and hazard all on the chances of a battle. There was something in the hazard itself captivating to his bold and chivalrous141 temper. In this, too, he was confirmed by some of the cavaliers who had followed him through all his fortunes; reckless young adventurers, who, like himself, would rather risk all on a single throw of the dice142, than adopt the cautious, and, as it seemed to them, timid, policy of graver counsellors. It was by such advisers143, then, that Pizarro’s future course was to be shaped. 15
15 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 27. — Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 182. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 88.
“Finalmente, Goncalo Pizarro dixo que queria prouar su ventura: pues siempre auia sido vencedor, y lamas vencido.” Ibid., ubi supra.
Such was the state of affairs in Cuzco, when Pizarro’s soldiers returned with the tidings, that a detachment of the enemy had crossed the Apurimac, and were busy in reestablishing the bridge. Carbajal saw at once the absolute necessity of maintaining this pass. “It is my affair,” he said; “I claim to be employed on this service. Give me but a hundred picked men, and I will engage to defend the pass against an army, and bring back the chaplain — the name by which the president was known in the rebel camp — a prisoner to Cuzco.” 16 “I cannot spare you, father,” said Gonzalo, addressing him by this affectionate epithet144, which he usually applied145 to his aged146 follower12, 17 “I cannot spare you so far from my own person”; and he gave the commission to Juan de Acosta, a young cavalier warmly attached to his commander, and who had given undoubted evidence of his valor147 on more than one occasion, but who, as the event proved, was signally deficient148 in the qualities demanded for so critical an undertaking149 as the present. Acosta, accordingly, was placed at the head of two hundred mounted musketeers, and, after much wholesome150 counsel from Carbajal, set out on his expedition.
16 “Paresceme vuestra Senoria se vaya a la vuelta del Collao y me deje cien hombres, los que yo escojiere, que yo me ire a vista151 deste capellan, que ansi llamaba el al presidente.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
17 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 31
But he soon forgot the veteran’s advice, and moved at so dull a pace over the difficult roads, that, although the distance was not more than nine leagues, he found, on his arrival, the bridge completed, and so large a body of the enemy already crossed, that he was in no strength to attack them. Acosta did, indeed, meditate152 an ambuscade by night; but the design was betrayed by a deserter, and he contented153 himself with retreating to a safe distance, and sending for a further reinforcement from Cuzco. Three hundred men were promptly154 detached to his support; but when they arrived, the enemy was already planted in full force on the crest155 of the eminence156. The golden opportunity was irrecoverably lost; and the disconsolate157 cavalier rode back in all haste to report the failure of his enterprise to his commander in Cuzco. 18
18 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 88.
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. — Carta de Valdivia, Ms. Valdivia’s letter to the emperor, dated at Concepcion, was written about two years after the events above recorded. It is chiefly taken up with his Chilian conquests, to which his campaign under Gasca, on his visit to Peru, forms a kind of brilliant episode. This letter, the original of which is preserved in Simancas, covers about seventy folio pages in the copy belonging to me. It is one of that class of historical documents, consisting of the despatches and correspondence of the colonial governors, which, from the minuteness of the details and the means of information possessed by the writers, are of the highest worth. The despatches addressed to the Court, particularly, may compare with the celebrated158 Relazioni made by the Venetian ambassadors to their republic, and now happily in the course of publication, at Florence, under the editorial auspices159 of the learned Alberi.]
The only question now to be decided160 was as to the spot where Gonzalo Pizarro should give battle to his enemies. He determined at once to abandon the capital, and wait for his opponents in the neighbouring valley of Xaquixaguana. It was about five leagues distant, and the reader may remember it as the place where Francis Pizarro burned the Peruvian general Challcuchima, on his first occupation of Cuzco. The valley, fenced round by the lofty rampart of the Andes, was, for the most part, green and luxuriant, affording many picturesque161 points of view; and, from the genial162 temperature of the climate, had been a favorite summer residence of the Indian nobles, many of whose pleasure-houses still dotted the sides of the mountains. A river, or rather stream, of no great volume, flowed through one end of this inclosure, and the neighbouring soil was so wet and miry as to have the character of a morass163.
Here the rebel commander arrived, after a tedious march over roads not easily traversed by his train of heavy wagons and artillery. His forces amounted in all to about nine hundred men, with some half-dozen pieces of ordnance. It was a well-appointed body, and under excellent discipline, for it had been schooled by the strictest martinet164 in the Peruvian service. But it was the misfortune of Pizarro that his army was composed, in part, at least, of men on whose attachment165 to his cause he could not confidently rely. This was a deficiency which no courage nor skill in the leader could supply.
On entering the valley, Pizarro selected the eastern quarter of it, towards Cuzco, as the most favorable spot for his encampment. It was crossed by the stream above mentioned, and he stationed his army in such a manner, that, while one extremity166 of the camp rested on a natural barrier formed by the mountain cliffs that here rose up almost perpendicularly167, the other was protected by the river. While it was scarcely possible, therefore, to assail128 his flanks, the approaches in front were so extremely narrowed by these obstacles, that it would not be easy to overpower him by numbers in that direction. In the rear, his communications remained open with Cuzco, furnishing a ready means for obtaining supplies. Having secured this strong position, he resolved patiently to wait the assault of the enemy. 19
19 Carta de Valdivia, Ms. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 33, 34. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 88.]
Meanwhile, the royal army had been toiling up the steep sides of the Cordilleras, until, at the close of the third day, the president had the satisfaction to find himself surrounded by his whole force, with their guns and military stores. Having now sufficiently refreshed his men, he resumed his march, and all went forward with the buoyant confidence of bringing their quarrel with the tyrant168, as Pizarro was called, to a speedy issue.
Their advance was slow, as in the previous part of the march, for the ground was equally embarrassing. It was not long, however, before the president learned that his antagonist169 had pitched his camp in the neighbouring valley of Xaquixaguana. Soon afterward170, two friars, sent by Gonzalo himself, appeared in the army, for the ostensible171 purpose of demanding a sight of the powers with which Gasca was intrusted. But as their conduct gave reason to suspect they were spies, the president caused the holy men to be seized, and refused to allow them to return to Pizarro. By an emissary of his own, whom he despatched to the rebel chief, he renewed the assurance of pardon already given him, in case he would lay down his arms and submit. Such an act of generosity172, at this late hour, must be allowed to be highly creditable to Gasca, believing, as he probably did, that the game was in his own hands. — It is a pity that the anecdote173 does not rest on the best authority. 20
20 The fact is not mentioned by any of the parties present at these transactions. It is to be found, with some little discrepancy174 of circumstances, in Gomara (Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185) and Zarate (Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6); and their positive testimony maybe thought by most readers to outweigh175 the negative afforded by the silence of other contemporaries.]
After a march of a couple of days, the advanced guard of the royalists came suddenly on the outposts of the insurgents176, from whom they had been concealed177 by a thick mist, and a slight skirmish took place between them. At length, on the morning of the eighth of April, the royal army, turning the crest of the lofty range that belts round the lovely valley of Xaquixaguana, beheld178 far below on the opposite side the glittering lines of the enemy, with their white pavilions, looking like clusters of wild fowl179 nestling among the cliffs of the mountains. And still further off might be descried180 a host of Indian warriors181, showing gaudily182 in their variegated183 costumes; for the natives, in this part of the country, with little perception of their true interests, manifested great zeal184 in the cause of Pizarro.
Quickening their step, the royal army now hastily descended185 the steep sides of the sierra; and notwithstanding every effort of their officers, they moved in so little order, each man picking his way as he could, that the straggling column presented many a vulnerable point to the enemy; and the descent would not have been accomplished without considerable loss, had Pizarro’s cannon been planted on any of the favorable positions which the ground afforded. But that commander, far from attempting to check the president’s approach, remained doggedly186 in the strong position he had occupied, with the full confidence that his adversaries187 would not hesitate to assail it, strong as it was, in the same manner as they had done at Huarina. 21
21 “Salio a Xaquixaguana con toda su gente y alli nos aguardo en un llano junto a un cerro alto por donde bajabamos; y cierto nuestro Senor le cego el entendimiento, porque si nos aguardaran al pie de la bajada, hicieran mucho dano a nosotros. Retiraronse a un llano junto a una cienaga, creyendo que nuestro campo alli les acometiera y con la ventaja que nos tenian del puesto nos vencieran.” Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Carta de Valdivia, Ms. — Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.
Yet he did not omit to detach a corps188 of arquebusiers to secure a neighbouring eminence or spur of the Cordilleras, which in the hands of the enemy might cause some annoyance189 to his own camp, while it commanded still more effectually the ground soon to be occupied by the assailants. But his manoeuvre190 was noticed by Hinojosa; and he defeated it by sending a stronger detachment of the royal musketeers, who repulsed191 the rebels, and, after a short skirmish, got possession of the heights. Gasca’s general profited by this success to plant a small battery of cannon on the eminence, from which, although the distance was too great for him to do much execution, he threw some shot into the hostile camp. One ball, indeed, struck down two men, one of them Pizarro’s page, killing193 a horse, at the same time, which he held by the bridle194; and the chief instantly ordered the tents to be struck, considering that they afforded too obvious a mark for the artillery. 22
22 “Porq. muchas pelotas dieron en medio de la gente, y una dellas mato juto a Goncalo Pizarro vn criado suyo que se estaua armando; y mato otro hombre y vn cauallo; que puso grande alteracion en el campo, y abatieron todas las tiedas y toldos.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 89. — Carta de Valdivia, Ms. — Relacion del Lic. Gasca. Ms
Meanwhile, the president’s forces had descended into the valley, and as they came on the plain were formed into line by their officers. The ground occupied by the army was somewhat lower than that of their enemy, whose shot, as discharged, from time to time, from his batteries, passed over their heads. Information was now brought by a deserter, one of Centeno’s old followers, that Pizarro was getting ready for a night attack. The president, in consequence, commanded his whole force to be drawn195 up in battle array, prepared, at any instant, to repulse192 the assault. But if such were meditated196 by the insurgent chief, he abandoned it, — and, as it is said, from a distrust of the fidelity of some of the troops, who, under cover of the darkness, he feared, would go over to the opposite side. If this be true, he must have felt the full force of Carbajal’s admonition, when too late to profit by it. The unfortunate commander was in the situation of some bold, high-mettled cavalier, rushing to battle on a war-horse whose tottering197 joints198 threaten to give way under him at every step, and leave his rider to the mercy of his enemies!
The president’s troops stood to their arms the greater part of the night, although the air from the mountains was so keen, that it was with difficulty they could hold their lances in their hands. 23 But before the rising sun had kindled199 into a glow the highest peaks of the sierra, both camps were in motion, and busily engaged in preparations for the combat. The royal army was formed into two battalions of infantry, one to attack the enemy in front, and the other, if possible, to operate on his flank. These battalions were protected by squadrons of horse on the wings and in the rear, while reserves both of horse and arquebusiers were stationed to act as occasion might require. The dispositions were made in so masterly a manner, as to draw forth200 a hearty201 eulogium from old Carbajal, who exclaimed, “Surely the Devil or Valdivia must be among them!” and undeniable compliment to the latter, since the speaker was ignorant of that commander’s presence in the camp. 24
23 “I asi estuvo el Campo toda la Noche en Arma, desarmadas las Tiendas, padesciendo mui gran frio que no podian tener las Lancas en las manos.” Zarate, Conq. de Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6.]
24 “Y assi quando vio Francisco de Caruajal el campo Real; pareciendole que los esquadrones venian bie ordenados dixo, Valdiuia esta en la tierra, y rige el campo, o el diablo.” Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 89. — Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms — Carta de Valdivia, Ms. — Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 34. — Pedro Pizarro Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
Gasca, leaving the conduct of the battle to his officers, withdrew to the rear with his train of clergy202 and licentiates, the last of whom did not share in the ambition of their rebel brother, Cepeda, to break a lance in the field.
Gonzalo Pizarro formed his squadron in the same manner as he had done on the plains of Huarina; except that the increased number of his horse now enabled him to cover both flanks of his infantry. It was still on his fire-arms, however, that he chiefly relied. As the ranks were formed, he rode among them, encouraging his men to do their duty like brave cavaliers, and true soldiers of the Conquest. Pizarro was superbly armed, as usual, and wore a complete suit of mail, of the finest manufacture, which, as well as his helmet, was richly inlaid with gold. 25 He rode a chestnut203 horse of great strength and spirit, and as he galloped204 along the line, brandishing205 his lance, and displaying his easy horsemanship, he might be thought to form no bad personification of the Genius of Chivalry206. To complete his dispositions, he ordered Cepeda to lead up the infantry; for the licentiate seems to have had a larger share in the conduct of his affairs of late, or at least in the present military arrangements, than Carbajal. The latter, indeed, whether from disgust at the course taken by his leader, or from a distrust, which, it is said, he did not affect to conceal, of the success of the present operations, disclaimed207 all responsibility for them, and chose to serve rather as a private cavalier than as a commander. 26 Yet Cepeda, as the event showed, was no less shrewd in detecting the coming ruin.
25 “Iba mui galan, i gentil hombre sobre vn poderoso caballo castano, armado de Cota, i Coracinas ricas, con vna sobre ropa de Raso bien golpeada, i vn Capacete de Oro en la cabeca, con su barbote de lo mismo.” Gomara, Hist. de as Indias, cap. 185.]
26 “Porque el Maesse de campo Francisco de Caruajal, como hombre desdenado de que Goncalo Picarro no huuiesse querido seguir su parecer y consejo (dandose ya por vencido), no quiso hazer oficio de Maesse de campo, como solia, y assi fue a ponerse en el esquadron con su compania, como vno de los capitanes de ynfanteria.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5 cap. 35.]
When he had received his orders from Pizarro, he rode forward as if to select the ground for his troops to occupy; and in doing so disappeared for a few moments behind a projecting cliff. He soon reappeared, however, and was seen galloping209 at full speed across the plain. His men looked with astonishment210, yet not distrusting his motives, till, as he continued his course direct towards the enemy’s lines, his treachery became apparent. Several pushed for ward26 to overtake him, and among them a cavalier, better mounted than Cepeda. The latter rode a horse of no great strength or speed, quite unfit for this critical manoeuvre of his master. The animal, was, moreover, encumbered102 by the weight of the caparisons with which his ambitious rider had loaded him, so that, on reaching a piece of miry ground that lay between the armies, his pace was greatly retarded. 27 Cepeda’s pursuers rapidly gained on him, and the cavalier above noticed came, at length, so near as to throw a lance at the fugitive24, which, wounding him in the thigh211, pierced his horse’s flank, and they both came headlong to the ground. It would have fared ill with the licentiate, in this emergency, but fortunately a small party of troopers on the other side, who had watched the chase, now galloped briskly forward to the rescue, and, beating off his pursuers, they recovered Cepeda from the mire212, and bore him to the president’s quarters.
27 Ibid., ubi supra.]
He was received by Gasca with the greatest satisfaction, — so great, that, according to one chronicler, he did not disdain213 to show it by saluting214 the licentiate on the cheek. 28 The anecdote is scarcely reconcilable with the characters and relations of the parties, or with the president’s subsequent conduct. Gasca, however, recognized the full value of his prize, and the effect which his desertion at such a time must have on the spirits of the rebels. Cepeda’s movement, so unexpected by his own party, was the result of previous deliberation, as he had secretly given assurance, it is said, to the prior of Arequipa, then in the royal camp, that, if Gonzalo Pizarro could not be induced to accept the pardon offered him, he would renounce215 his cause. 29 The time selected by the crafty216 counsellor for doing so was that most fatal to the interests of his commander.
28 “Gasca abraco, i beso en el carrillo a Cepeda, aunque lo llevaba encenagado, teniendo por vencido a Picarro, con su falta.” Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185.]
29 “Ca, segun parecio, Cepeda le huvo avisado con Fr. Antonio de Castro, Prior de Santo Domingo en Arequipa, que si Picarro no quisiesse concierto ninguno, el se pasaria al servicio del Emperador a tiempo que le deshiciese.” Ibid ubi supra.]
The example of Cepeda was contagious217. Garcilasso de la Vega, father of the historian, a cavalier of old family, and probably of higher consideration than any other in Pizarro’s party, put spurs to his horse, at the same time with the licentiate, and rode over the enemy. Ten or a dozen of the arquebusiers followed in the same direction, and succeeded in placing themselves under the protection of the advanced guard of the royalists.
Pizarro stood aghast at this desertion, in so critical a juncture218, of those in whom he had most trusted. He was, for a moment, bewildered. The very ground on which he stood seemed to be crumbling219 beneath him. With this state of feeling among his soldiers, he saw that every minute of delay was fatal. He dared not wait for the assault, as he had intended, in his strong position, but instantly gave the word to advance. Gasca’s general, Hinojosa, seeing the enemy in motion, gave similar orders to his own troops. Instantly the skirmishers and arquebusiers on the flanks moved rapidly forward, the artillery prepared to open their fire, and “the whole army,” says the president in his own account of the affair, “advanced with steady step and perfect determination.” 30
30 “Visto por Gonzalo Pizarro Caravajal su Maestre de Campo que se les iva gente procuraron de caminar en su orden hacia el campo de S. M. i que viendo esto los lados i sobre salientes del exercito real se empezaron a llegar a ellos i a disparar en ellos i que lo mesmo hizo la artilleria, i todo el campo con paso bien concertado i entera determinacion se llego a ellos’ Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.
But before a shot was fired, a column of arquebusiers, composed chiefly of Centeno’s followers, abandoned their post, and marched directly over to the enemy. A squadron of horse, sent in pursuit of them, followed their example. The president instantly commanded his men to halt, unwilling220 to spill blood unnecessarily, as the rebel host was like to fall to pieces of itself.
Pizarro’s faithful adherents221 were seized with a panic, as they saw themselves and their leader thus betrayed into the enemy’s hands. Further resistance was useless. Some threw down their arms, and fled in the direction of Cuzco. Others sought to escape to the mountains; and some crossed to the opposite side, and surrendered themselves prisoners, hoping it was not too late to profit by the promises of grace. The Indian allies, on seeing the Spaniards falter222, had been the first to go off the ground. 31
31 “Los Indios que tenian los enemigos que diz que eran mucha cantidad huyeron mui a furia.” (Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.) For the particulars of the battle, more or less minute, see Carta de Valdivia, Ms. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 35. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185. — Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 7. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 4, cap. 16.
Pizarro, amidst the general wreck223, found himself left with only a few cavaliers who disdained224 to fly. Stunned225 by the unexpected reverse of fortune, the unhappy chief could hardly comprehend his situation. “What remains226 for us?” said he to Acosta, one of those who still adhered to him. “Fall on the enemy, since nothing else is left,” answered the lion-hearted soldier, “and die like Romans!’ “Better to die like Christians,” replied his commander; and, slowly turning his horse, he rode off in the direction of the royal army. 32
32 “Goncalo Picarro boluiendo el rostro, a Juan de Acosta, que estaua cerca del, le dixo, que hare mos hermano Juan? Acosta presumiendo mas de valiente que de discreto respondio, Senor arremetamos, y muramos como los antiguos Romanos. Goncalo Picarro dixo mejor es morir como Cristianos.” Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 36. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 7.]
He had not proceeded far, when he was met by an officer, to whom, after ascertaining227 his name and rank, Pizarro delivered up his sword, and yielded himself prisoner. The officer, overjoyed at his prize, conducted him, at once, to the president’s quarters. Gasca was on horseback, surrounded by his captains, some of whom, when they recognized the person of the captive, had the grace to withdraw, that they might not witness his humiliation228. 33 Even the best of them, with a sense of right on their side, may have felt some touch of compunction at the thought that their desertion had brought their benefactor229 to this condition.
33 Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.]
Pizarro kept his seat in his saddle, but, as he approached, made a respectful obeisance230 to the president, which the latter acknowledged by a cold salute231. Then, addressing his prisoner in a tone of severity, Gasca abruptly232 inquired, — “Why he had thrown the country into such confusion; — raising the banner of revolt; killing the viceroy; usurping233 the government; and obstinately234 refusing the offers of grace that had been repeatedly made him?”
Gonzalo attempted to justify235 himself by referring the fate of the viceroy to his misconduct, and his own usurpation236, as it was styled, to the free election of the people, as well as that of the Royal Audience. “It was my family,” he said, “who conquered the country; and, as their representative here, I felt I had a right to the government.” To this Gasca replied, in a still severer tone, “Your brother did, indeed, conquer the land; and for this the emperor was pleased to raise both him and you from the dust. He lived and died a true and loyal subject; and it only makes your ingratitude237 to your sovereign the more heinous238.” Then, seeing his prisoner about to reply, the president cut short the conference, ordering him into close confinement239. He was committed to the charge of Centeno, who had sought the office, not from any unworthy desire to gratify his revenge, — for he seems to have had a generous nature, — but for the honorable purpose of ministering to the comfort of the captive. Though held in strict custody240 by this officer, therefore, Pizarro was treated with the deference241 due to his rank, and allowed every indulgence by his keeper, except his freedom. 34
34 Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90.
Historians, of course, report the dialogue between Gasca and his prisoner with some variety. See Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185. — Garcilasso, Com. Real Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 36. Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]
In this general wreck of their fortunes, Francisco de Carbajal fared no better than his chief. As he saw the soldiers deserting their posts and going over to the enemy, one after another, he coolly hummed the words of his favorite old ballad242, —
“The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother!”
But when he found the field nearly empty, and his stout-hearted followers vanished like a wreath of smoke, he felt it was time to provide for his own safety. He knew there could be no favor for him and, putting spurs to his horse, he betook himself to flight with all the speed he could make. He crossed the stream that flowed, as already mentioned, by the camp, but, in scaling the opposite bank, which was steep and stony243, his horse, somewhat old, and oppressed by the weight of his rider, who was large and corpulent, lost his footing and fell with him into the water. Before he could extricate244 himself, Carbajal was seized by some of his own followers, who hoped, by such a prize, to make their peace with the victor, and hurried off towards the president’s quarters.
The convoy245 was soon swelled by a number of the common file from the royal army, some of whom had long arrears246 to settle with the prisoner; and, not content with heaping reproaches and imprecations on his head, they now threatened to proceed to acts of personal violence, which Carbajal, far from deprecating, seemed rather to court, as the speediest way of ridding himself of life. 35 When he approached the president’s quarters, Centeno, who was near, rebuked the disorderly rabble247, and compelled them to give way. Carbajal, on seeing this, with a respectful air demanded to whom he was indebted for this courteous248 protection. To which his ancient comrade replied, “Do you not know me? — Diego Centeno!” “I crave249 your pardon,” said the veteran, sarcastically250 alluding251 to his long flight in the Charcas, and his recent defeat at Huarina; “it is so long since I have seen any thing but your back, that I had forgotten your face!” 36
35 “Luego llevaron antel dicho Licenciado Caravajal Maestre de campo del dicho Pizarro i tan cercado de gentes que del havian sido ofendidas que le querian matar, el qual diz que mostrava que olgara que le mataran alli.” Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]
36 “Diego Centeno reprehendia mucho a los que le offendian. Por lo qual Caruajal le miro, y le dixo, Senor quien es vuestra merced que tanta merced me haze208? a lo qual Centeno respondio, Que no conoce vuestra merced a Diego Centeno? Dixo entonces Caruajal, Por Dios senor que como siempre vi a vuestra merced de espaldas, que agora teniendo le de cara, no le conocia’ Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90.
Among the president’s suite252 was the martia bishop49 of Cuzco, who, it will be remembered, had shared with Centeno in the disgrace of his defeat. His brother had been taken by Carbajal, in his flight from the field, and instantly hung up by that fierce chief, who, as we have had more than one occasion to see, was no respecter of persons. The bishop now reproached him with his brother’s murder, and, incensed253 by his cool replies, was ungenerous enough to strike the prisoner on the face. Carbajal made no attempt at resistance. Nor would he return a word to the queries254 put to him by Gasca; but, looking haughtily255 round on the circle, maintained a contemptuous silence. The president, seeing that nothing further was to be gained from his captive, ordered him, together with Acosta, and the other cavaliers who had surrendered, into strict custody, until their fate should be decided. 37
37 Ibid., ubi supra.
It is but fair to state that Garcilasso, who was personally acquainted with the bishop of Cuzco, doubts the fact of the indecorous conduct imputed256 to him by Fernandez, as inconsistent with the prelate’s character. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 39.]
Gasca’s next concern was to send an officer to Cuzco, to restrain his partisans from committing excesses in consequence of the late victory, — if victory that could be called, where not a blow had been struck. Every thing belonging to the vanquished257, their tents, arms, ammunition, and military stores, became the property of the victors. Their camp was well victualled, furnishing a seasonable supply to the royalists, who had nearly expended258 their own stock of provisions. There was, moreover, considerable booty in the way of plate and money; for Pizarro’s men, as was not uncommon in those turbulent times, went, many of them, to the war with the whole of their worldly wealth, not knowing of any safe place in which to bestow259 it. An anecdote is told of one of Gasca’s soldiers, who, seeing a mule running over the field, with a large pack on his back, seized the animal, and mounted him, having first thrown away the burden, supposing it to contain armour260, or something of little worth. Another soldier, more shrewd, picked up the parcel, as his share of the spoil, and found it contained several thousand gold ducats! It was the fortune of war. 38
38 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 8.]
Thus terminated the battle, or rather rout, of Xaquixaguana. The number of killed and wounded — for some few perished in the pursuit — was not great; according to most accounts, not exceeding fifteen killed on the rebel side, and one only on that of the royalists! and that one, by the carelessness of a comrade. 39 Never was there a cheaper victory; so bloodless a termination of a fierce an bloody261 rebellion! It was gained not so much by the strength of the victors as by the weakness of the vanquished. They fell to pieces of their own accord, because they had no sure ground to stand on. The arm, not nerved by the sense of right, became powerless in the hour of battle. It was better that they should thus be overcome by moral force than by a brutal262 appeal to arms. Such a victory was more in harmony with the beneficent character of the conqueror and of his cause. It was the triumph of order; the best homage263 to law and justice.
39 “Temiose que en esta batalla muriria mucha gente de ambas partes por haver en ellas mill i quatrocientos arcabuceros i seiscientos de caballo i mucho numero de piqueros i diez i ocho piezas de artilleria, pero plugo a Dios que solo murio un hombre del campo de S. M. i quince de los contrarios como esta dicho.” Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.
The Ms. above referred to is supposed by Munoz to have been written by Gasca, or rather dictated264 by him to his secretary. The original is preserved at Simancas, without date, and in the character of the sixteenth century. It is principally taken up with the battle, and the events immediately connected with it; and although very brief, every sentence is of value as coming from so high a source. Alcedo, in his Biblioteca Americana, Ms., gives the title of a work from Gasca’s pen, which would seem to be an account of his own administration, Historia de Peru, y de su Pacificacion, 1576, fol. — I have never met with the work, or with any other allusion265 to it.]
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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rout
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discomfiture
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scattered
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apparition
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uncertainty
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consternation
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invincible
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odds
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conceal
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followers
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follower
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rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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humble
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elevation
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reassure
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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bent
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thither
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dismantle
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cannon
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fugitive
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fugitives
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ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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insurgent
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considerably
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determined
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maize
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conqueror
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32
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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33
junto
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| n.秘密结社；私党 | |
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34
fatiguing
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| a.使人劳累的 | |
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35
inclement
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| adj.严酷的，严厉的，恶劣的 | |
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36
mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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37
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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38
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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39
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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40
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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41
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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42
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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43
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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44
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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45
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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46
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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47
civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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48
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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49
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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50
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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51
monkish
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| adj.僧侣的，修道士的，禁欲的 | |
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52
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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53
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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54
detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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55
mustered
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|
| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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56
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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57
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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58
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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59
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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60
akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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61
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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62
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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63
geographer
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| n.地理学者 | |
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64
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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65
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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66
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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67
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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68
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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69
precipices
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| n.悬崖，峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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70
precipice
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| n.悬崖，危急的处境 | |
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71
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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72
chaotic
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| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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73
enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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75
stiffened
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| 加强的 | |
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76
hazardous
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|
| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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77
uncommon
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|
| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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78
mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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79
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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80
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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81
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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82
tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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83
gorges
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| n.山峡，峡谷( gorge的名词复数 )；咽喉v.（用食物把自己）塞饱，填饱( gorge的第三人称单数 )；作呕 | |
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84
eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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85
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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86
masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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87
planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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88
conveyance
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|
| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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89
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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90
peremptory
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|
| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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91
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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92
toiling
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|
| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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93
labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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94
demolished
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|
| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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95
opposition
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|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
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96
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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97
labor
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|
| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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98
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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99
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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100
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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101
improvident
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|
| adj.不顾将来的，不节俭的，无远见的 | |
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102
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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104
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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105
surmounted
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|
| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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106
chasms
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| 裂缝( chasm的名词复数 )； 裂口； 分歧； 差别 | |
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107
tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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108
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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109
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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110
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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111
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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112
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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113
remissness
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| n.玩忽职守；马虎；怠慢；不小心 | |
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114
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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115
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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116
streak
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| n.条理，斑纹，倾向，少许，痕迹；v.加条纹，变成条纹，奔驰，快速移动 | |
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117
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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118
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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119
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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120
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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121
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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122
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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123
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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124
heartiness
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| 诚实，热心 | |
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125
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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126
elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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127
persevered
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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129
assailing
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| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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130
wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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131
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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132
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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133
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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134
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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135
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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136
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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137
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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138
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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139
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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140
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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141
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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142
dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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143
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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144
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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145
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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146
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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147
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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148
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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149
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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150
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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151
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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152
meditate
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| v.想，考虑，（尤指宗教上的）沉思，冥想 | |
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153
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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154
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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155
crest
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| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
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156
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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157
disconsolate
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| adj.忧郁的，不快的 | |
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158
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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159
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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160
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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161
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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162
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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163
morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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164
martinet
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| n.要求严格服从纪律的人 | |
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165
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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166
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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167
perpendicularly
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| adv. 垂直地, 笔直地, 纵向地 | |
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168
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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169
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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170
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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171
ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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172
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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173
anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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174
discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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175
outweigh
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| vt.比...更重，...更重要 | |
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176
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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177
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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178
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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179
fowl
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| n.家禽，鸡，禽肉 | |
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180
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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181
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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182
gaudily
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| adv.俗丽地 | |
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183
variegated
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| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
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184
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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185
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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186
doggedly
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| adv.顽强地，固执地 | |
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187
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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188
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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189
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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190
manoeuvre
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| n.策略，调动；v.用策略，调动 | |
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191
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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192
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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193
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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194
bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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195
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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196
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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197
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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198
joints
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| 接头( joint的名词复数 )； 关节； 公共场所（尤指价格低廉的饮食和娱乐场所） （非正式）； 一块烤肉 （英式英语） | |
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199
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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200
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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201
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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202
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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203
chestnut
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| n.栗树，栗子 | |
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204
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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205
brandishing
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| v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 )；炫耀 | |
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206
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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207
disclaimed
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| v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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208
haze
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| n.霾，烟雾；懵懂，迷糊；vi.(over)变模糊 | |
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209
galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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210
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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211
thigh
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| n.大腿；股骨 | |
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212
mire
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| n.泥沼，泥泞；v.使...陷于泥泞，使...陷入困境 | |
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213
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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214
saluting
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的现在分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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215
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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216
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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217
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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218
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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219
crumbling
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| adj.摇摇欲坠的 | |
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220
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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221
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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222
falter
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| vi.(嗓音)颤抖，结巴地说；犹豫；蹒跚 | |
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223
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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224
disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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225
stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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226
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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227
ascertaining
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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228
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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229
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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230
obeisance
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| n.鞠躬，敬礼 | |
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231
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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232
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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233
usurping
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的现在分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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234
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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235
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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236
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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237
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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238
heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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239
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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240
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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241
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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242
ballad
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| n.歌谣，民谣，流行爱情歌曲 | |
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243
stony
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| adj.石头的，多石头的，冷酷的，无情的 | |
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244
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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245
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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246
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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247
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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248
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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249
crave
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| vt.渴望得到，迫切需要，恳求，请求 | |
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250
sarcastically
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| adv.挖苦地，讽刺地 | |
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251
alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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252
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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253
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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254
queries
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| n.问题( query的名词复数 )；疑问；询问；问号v.质疑，对…表示疑问( query的第三人称单数 )；询问 | |
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255
haughtily
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| adv. 傲慢地, 高傲地 | |
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256
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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257
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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258
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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259
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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260
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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261
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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262
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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263
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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264
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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265
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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