State of the Roman empire under Zeno — Theodoric king of the Ostrogoths — Character of Theodoric — Changes in the Roman empire — New languages — New names — Theodoric dies — Belisarius in Italy — Totila takes Rome — Narses destroys the Goths — New form of Government in Italy — Narses invites the Lombards into Italy — The Lombards change the form of government.
At this time the ancient Roman empire was governed by the following princes: Zeno, reigning1 in Constantinople, commanded the whole of the eastern empire; the Ostrogoths ruled Mesia and Pannonia; the Visigoths, Suavi, and Alans, held Gascony and Spain; the Vandals, Africa; the Franks and Burgundians, France; and the Eruli and Turingi, Italy. The kingdom of the Ostrogoths had descended2 to Theodoric, nephew of Velamir, who, being on terms of friendship with Zeno the eastern emperor, wrote to him that his Ostrogoths thought it an injustice3 that they, being superior in valor4 to the people thereabout, should be inferior to them in dominion5, and that it was impossible for him to restrain them within the limits of Pannonia. So, seeing himself under the necessity of allowing them to take arms and go in search of new abodes7, he wished first to acquaint Zeno with it, in order that he might provide for them, by granting some country in which they might establish themselves, by his good favor with greater propriety8 and convenience. Zeno, partly from fear and partly from a desire to drive Odoacer out of Italy, gave Theodoric permission to lead his people against him, and take possession of the country. Leaving his friends the Zepidi in Pannonia, Theodoric marched into Italy, slew9 Odoacer and his son, and, moved by the same reasons which had induced Valentinian to do so, established his court at Ravenna, and like Odoacer took the title of king of Italy.
Theodoric possessed10 great talents both for war and peace; in the former he was always conqueror11, and in the latter he conferred very great benefits upon the cities and people under him. He distributed the Ostrogoths over the country, each district under its leader, that he might more conveniently command them in war, and govern them in peace. He enlarged Ravenna, restored Rome, and, with the exception of military discipline, conferred upon the Romans every honor. He kept within their proper bounds, wholly by the influence of his character, all the barbarian12 kings who occupied the empire; he built towns and fortresses13 between the point of the Adriatic and the Alps, in order, with the greater facility, to impede14 the passage of any new hordes15 of barbarians16 who might design to assail17 Italy; and if, toward the latter end of his life, so many virtues18 had not been sullied by acts of cruelty, caused by various jealousies20 of his people, such as the death of Symmachus and Boethius, men of great holiness, every point of his character would have deserved the highest praise. By his virtue19 and goodness, not only Rome and Italy, but every part of the western empire, freed from the continual troubles which they had suffered from the frequent influx21 of barbarians, acquired new vigor22, and began to live in an orderly and civilized23 manner. For surely if any times were truly miserable24 for Italy and the provinces overrun by the barbarians, they were those which occurred from Arcadius and Honorius to Theodoric. If we only consider the evils which arise to a republic or a kingdom by a change of prince or of government; not by foreign interference, but by civil discord25 (in which we may see how even slight variations suffice to ruin the most powerful kingdoms or states), we may then easily imagine how much Italy and the other Roman provinces suffered, when they not only changed their forms of government and their princes, but also their laws, customs, modes of living, religion, language, and name. Any one of such changes, by itself, without being united with others, might, with thinking of it, to say nothing of the seeing and suffering, infuse terror into the strongest minds.
From these causes proceeded the ruin as well as the origin and extension of many cities. Among those which were ruined were Aquileia, Luni, Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and many others. The new cities were Venice, Sienna, Ferrara, Aquila, with many towns and castles which for brevity we omit. Those which became extended were Florence, Genoa, Pisa, Milan, Naples, and Bologna; to all of which may be added, the ruin and restoration of Rome, and of many other cities not previously26 mentioned.
From this devastation27 and new population arose new languages, as we see in the different dialects of France, Spain and Italy; which, partaking of the native idiom of the new people and of the old Roman, formed a new manner of discourse28. Besides, not only were the names of provinces changed, but also of lakes, rivers, seas, and men; for France, Spain, and Italy are full of fresh names, wholly different from the ancient; as, omitting many others, we see that the Po, the Garda, the Archipelago, are names quite different from those which the ancients used; while instead of C?sar and Pompey we have Peter, Matthew, John, etc.
Among so many variations, that of religion was not of little importance; for, while combating the customs of the ancient faith with the miracles of the new, very serious troubles and discords29 were created among men. And if the Christians30 had been united in one faith, fewer disorders31 would have followed; but the contentions32 among themselves, of the churches of Rome, Greece, and Ravenna, joined to those of the heretic sects34 with the Catholics, served in many ways to render the world miserable. Africa is a proof of this; having suffered more horrors from the Arian sect33, whose doctrines35 were believed by the Vandals, than from any avarice36 or natural cruelty of the people themselves. Living amid so many persecutions, the countenances37 of men bore witness of the terrible impressions upon their minds; for besides the evils they suffered from the disordered state of the world, they scarcely could have recourse to the help of God, in whom the unhappy hope for relief; for the greater part of them, being uncertain what divinity they ought to address, died miserably38, without help and without hope.
Having been the first who put a stop to so many evils, Theodoric deserves the highest praise: for during the thirty-eight years he reigned39 in Italy, he brought the country to such a state of greatness that her previous sufferings were no longer recognizable. But at his death, the kingdom descending40 to Atalaric, son of Amalasontha, his daughter, and the malice41 of fortune not being yet exhausted42, the old evils soon returned; for Atalaric died soon after his grandfather, and the kingdom coming into the possession of his mother, she was betrayed by Theodatus, whom she had called to assist her in the government. He put her to death and made himself king; and having thus become odious43 to the Ostrogoths, the emperor Justinian entertained the hope of driving him out of Italy. Justinian appointed Belisarius to the command of this expedition, as he had already conquered Africa, expelled the Vandals, and reduced the country to the imperial rule.
Belisarius took possession of Sicily, and from thence passing into Italy, occupied Naples and Rome. The Goths, seeing this, slew Theodatus their king, whom they considered the cause of their misfortune, and elected Vitiges in his stead, who, after some skirmishes, was besieged44 and taken by Belisarius at Ravenna; but before he had time to secure the advantages of his victory, Belisarius was recalled by Justinian, and Joannes and Vitalis were appointed in his place. Their principles and practices were so different from those of Belisarius, that the Goths took courage and created Ildovadus, governor of Verona, their king. After Ildovadus, who was slain45, came Totila, who routed the imperial forces, took Tuscany and Naples, and recovered nearly the whole of what Belisarius had taken from them. On this account Justinian determined46 to send him into Italy again; but, coming with only a small force, he lost the reputation which his former victories had won for him, in less time than he had taken to acquire it. Totila being at Ostia with his forces, took Rome before his eyes; but being unable to hold or to leave the city, he destroyed the greater part of it, drove out the citizens, and took the senators away from him. Thinking little of Belisarius, he led his people into Calabria, to attack the forces which had been sent from Greece.
Belisarius, seeing the city abandoned, turned his mind to the performance of an honourable47 work. Viewing the ruins of Rome, he determined to rebuild her walls and recall her inhabitants with as little delay as possible. But fortune was opposed to this laudable enterprise; for Justinian, being at this time assailed48 by the Parthians, recalled him; and his duty to his sovereign compelled him to abandon Italy to Totila, who again took Rome, but did not treat her with such severity as upon the former occasion; for at the entreaty49 of St. Benedict, who in those days had great reputation for sanctity, he endeavored to restore her. In the meantime, Justinian having arranged matters with the Parthians, again thought of sending a force to the relief of Italy; but the Sclavi, another northern people, having crossed the Danube and attacked Illyria and Thrace, prevented him, so that Totila held almost the whole country. Having conquered the Slavonians, Justinian sent Narses, a eunuch, a man of great military talent, who, having arrived in Italy, routed and slew Totila. The Goths who escaped sought refuge in Pavia, where they created Teias their king. On the other hand, Narses after the victory took Rome, and coming to an engagement with Teias near Nocera, slew him and routed his army. By this victory, the power of the Goths in Italy was quite annihilated50, after having existed for seventy years, from the coming of Theodoric to the death of Teias.
No sooner was Italy delivered from the Goths than Justinian died, and was succeeded by Justin, his son, who, at the instigation of Sophia, his wife, recalled Narses, and sent Longinus in his stead. Like those who preceded him, he made his abode6 at Ravenna, and besides this, gave a new form to the government of Italy; for he did not appoint governors of provinces, as the Goths had done, but in every city and town of importance placed a ruler whom he called a duke. Neither in this arrangement did he respect Rome more than the other cities; for having set aside the consuls51 and senate, names which up to this time had been preserved, he placed her under a duke, who was sent every year from Ravenna, and called her the duchy of Rome; while to him who remained in Ravenna, and governed the whole of Italy for the emperor, was given the name of Exarch. This division of the country greatly facilitated the ruin of Italy, and gave the Lombards an early occasion of occupying it. Narses was greatly enraged52 with the emperor, for having recalled him from the government of the province, which he had won with his own valor and blood; while Sophia, not content with the injury done by withdrawing him, treated him in the most offensive manner, saying she wished him to come back that he might spin with the other eunuchs. Full of indignation, Narses persuaded Alboin, king of the Lombards, who then reigned in Pannonia, to invade and take possession of Italy.
The Lombards, as was said before, occupied those places upon the Danube which had been vacated by the Eruli and Turingi, when Odoacer their king led them into Italy; where, having been established for some time, their dominions53 were held by Alboin, a man ferocious54 and bold, under whom they crossed the Danube, and coming to an engagement with Cunimund, king of the Zepidi, who held Pannonia, conquered and slew him. Alboin finding Rosamond, daughter of Cunimund, among the captives, took her to wife, and made himself sovereign of Pannonia; and, moved by his savage55 nature, caused the skull56 of Cunimund to be formed into a cup, from which, in memory of the victory, he drank. Being invited into Italy by Narses, with whom he had been in friendship during the war with the Goths, he left Pannonia to the Huns, who after the death of Attila had returned to their country. Finding, on his arrival, the province divided into so many parts, he presently occupied Pavia, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, the whole of Tuscany, and the greater part of Flamminia, which is now called Romagna. These great and rapid acquisitions made him think the conquest of Italy already secured; he therefore gave a great feast at Verona, and having become elevated with wine, ordered the skull of Cunimund to be filled, and caused it to be presented to the queen Rosamond, who sat opposite, saying loud enough for her to hear, that upon occasion of such great joy she should drink with her father. These words were like a dagger57 to the lady’s bosom58 and she resolved to have revenge. Knowing that Helmichis, a noble Lombard, was in love with one of her maids, she arranged with the young woman, that Helmichis, without being acquainted with the fact, should sleep with her instead of his mistress. Having effected her design, Rosamond discovered herself to Helmichis, and gave him the choice either of killing59 Alboin, and taking herself and the kingdom as his reward, or of being put to death as the ravisher of the queen. Helmichis consented to destroy Alboin; but after the murder, finding they could not occupy the kingdom, and fearful that the Lombards would put them to death for the love they bore to Alboin, they seized the royal treasure, and fled with it to Longinus, at Ravenna, who received them favorably.
During these troubles the emperor Justinus died, and was succeeded by Tiberius, who, occupied in the wars with the Parthians, could not attend to the affairs of Italy; and this seeming to Longinus to present an opportunity, by means of Rosamond and her wealth, of becoming king of the Lombards and of the whole of Italy, he communicated his design to her, persuaded her to destroy Helmichis, and so take him for her husband. To this end, having prepared poisoned wine, she with her own hand presented it to Helmichis, who complained of thirst as he came from the bath. Having drunk half of it, he suspected the truth, from the unusual sensation it occasioned and compelled her to drink the remainder; so that in a few hours both came to their end, and Longinus was deprived of the hope of becoming king.
In the meantime the Lombards, having drawn60 themselves together in Pavia, which was become the principal seat of their empire, made Clefis their king. He rebuilt Imola, destroyed by Narses, and occupied Remini and almost every place up to Rome; but he died in the course of his victories. Clefis was cruel to such a degree, not only toward strangers, but to his own Lombards, that these people, sickened of royal power, did not create another king, but appointed among themselves thirty dukes to govern the rest. This prevented the Lombards from occupying the whole of Italy, or of extending their dominion further than Benevento; for, of the cities of Rome, Ravenna, Cremona, Mantua, Padua, Monselice, Parma, Bologna, Faenza, Forli, and Cesena, some defended themselves for a time, and others never fell under their dominion; since, not having a king, they became less prompt for war, and when they afterward61 appointed one, they were, by living in freedom, become less obedient, and more apt to quarrel among themselves; which from the first prevented a fortunate issue of their military expeditions, and was the ultimate cause of their being driven out of Italy. The affairs of the Lombards being in the state just described, the Romans and Longinus came to an agreement with them, that each should lay down their arms and enjoy what they already possessed.
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1
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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discords
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| 不和（discord的复数形式） | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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