The custom of ancient republics to plant colonies, and the advantage of it — Increased population tends to make countries more healthy — Origin of Florence — Aggrandizement1 of Florence — Origin of the name of Florence — Destruction of Florence by Totila — The Florentines take Fiesole — The first division in Florence, and the cause of it — Buondelmonti — Buondelmonti slain2 — Guelphs and Ghibellines in Florence — Guelphic families — Ghibelline families — The two factions3 come to terms.
Among the great and wonderful institutions of the republics and principalities of antiquity5 that have now gone into disuse, was that by means of which towns and cities were from time to time established; and there is nothing more worthy6 the attention of a great prince, or of a well-regulated republic, or that confers so many advantages upon a province, as the settlement of new places, where men are drawn7 together for mutual8 accommodation and defense9. This may easily be done, by sending people to reside in recently acquired or uninhabited countries. Besides causing the establishment of new cities, these removals render a conquered country more secure, and keep the inhabitants of a province properly distributed. Thus, deriving10 the greatest attainable11 comfort, the inhabitants increase rapidly, are more prompt to attack others, and defend themselves with greater assurance. This custom, by the unwise practice of princes and republics, having gone into desuetude12, the ruin and weakness of territories has followed; for this ordination13 is that by which alone empires are made secure, and countries become populated. Safety is the result of it; because the colony which a prince establishes in a newly acquired country, is like a fortress14 and a guard, to keep the inhabitants in fidelity15 and obedience16. Neither can a province be wholly occupied and preserve a proper distribution of its inhabitants without this regulation; for all districts are not equally healthy, and hence some will abound17 to overflowing19, while others are void; and if there be no method of withdrawing them from places in which they increase too rapidly, and planting them where they are too few the country would soon be wasted; for one part would become a desert, and the other a dense20 and wretched population. And, as nature cannot repair this disorder21, it is necessary that industry should effect it, for unhealthy localities become wholesome22 when a numerous population is brought into them. With cultivation23 the earth becomes fruitful, and the air is purified with fires — remedies which nature cannot provide. The city of Venice proves the correctness of these remarks. Being placed in a marshy24 and unwholesome situation, it became healthy only by the number of industrious25 individuals who were drawn together. Pisa, too, on account of its unwholesome air, was never filled with inhabitants, till the Saracens, having destroyed Genoa and rendered her rivers unnavigable, caused the Genoese to migrate thither26 in vast numbers, and thus render her populous27 and powerful. Where the use of colonies is not adopted, conquered countries are held with great difficulty; districts once uninhabited still remain so, and those which populate quickly are not relieved. Hence it is that many places of the world, and particularly in Italy, in comparison of ancient times, have become deserts. This has wholly arisen and proceeded from the negligence28 of princes, who have lost all appetite for true glory, and of republics which no longer possess institutions that deserve praise. In ancient times, by means of colonies, new cities frequently arose, and those already begun were enlarged, as was the case with Florence, which had its beginning from Fiesole, and its increase from colonies.
It is exceedingly probable, as Dante and Giovanni Villani show, that the city of Fiesole, being situate upon the summit of the mountain, in order that her markets might be more frequented, and afford greater accommodation for those who brought merchandise, would appoint the place in which to told them, not upon the hill, but in the plain, between the foot of the mountain and the river Arno. I imagine these markets to have occasioned the first erections that were made in those places, and to have induced merchants to wish for commodious30 warehouses31 for the reception of their goods, and which, in time, became substantial buildings. And afterward32, when the Romans, having conquered the Carthaginians, rendered Italy secure from foreign invasion, these buildings would greatly increase; for men never endure inconveniences unless some powerful necessity compels them. Thus, although the fear of war induces a willingness to occupy places strong and difficult of access, as soon as the cause of alarm is removed, men gladly resort to more convenient and easily attainable localities. Hence, the security to which the reputation of the Roman republic gave birth, caused the inhabitants, having begun in the manner described, to increase so much as to form a town, this was at first called the Villa29 Arnina. After this occurred the civil wars between Marius and Sylla; then those of C?sar, and Pompey; and next those of the murderers of C?sar, and the parties who undertook to avenge33 his death. Therefore, first by Sylla, and afterward by the three Roman citizens, who, having avenged34 the death of C?sar, divided the empire among themselves, colonies were sent to Fiesole, which, either in part or in whole, fixed35 their habitations in the plain, near to the then rising town. By this increase, the place became so filled with dwellings36, that it might with propriety37 be enumerated38 among the cities of Italy.
There are various opinions concerning the derivation of the word Florentia. Some suppose it to come from Florinus, one of the principal persons of the colony; others think it was originally not Florentia, but Fluentia, and suppose the word derived39 from fluente, or flowing of the Arno; and in support of their opinion, adduce a passage from Pliny, who says, “the Fluentini are near the flowing of the Arno.” This, however, may be incorrect, for Pliny speaks of the locality of the Florentini, not of the name by which they were known. And it seems as if the word Fluentini were a corruption40, because Frontinus and Cornelius Tacitus, who wrote at nearly the same period as Pliny, call them Florentia and Florentini; for, in the time of Tiberius, they were governed like the other cities of Italy. Besides, Cornelius refers to the coming of ambassadors from the Florentines, to beg of the emperor that the waters of the Chiane might not be allowed to overflow18 their country; and it is not at all reasonable that the city should have two names at the same time. Therefore I think that, however derived, the name was always Florentia, and that whatever the origin might be, it occurred under the Roman empire, and began to be noticed by writers in the times of the first emperors.
When the Roman empire was afflicted41 by the barbarians42, Florence was destroyed by Totila, king of the Ostrogoths; and after a period of two hundred and fifty years, rebuilt by Charlemagne; from whose time, till the year 1215, she participated in the fortune of the rest of Italy; and, during this period, first the descendants of Charles, then the Berengarii, and lastly the German emperors, governed her, as in our general treatise43 we have shown. Nor could the Florentines, during those ages, increase in numbers, or effect anything worthy of memory, on account of the influence of those to whom they were subject. Nevertheless, in the year 1010, upon the feast of St. Romolo, a solemn day with the Fiesolani, they took and destroyed Fiesole, which must have been performed either with the consent of the emperors, or during the interim44 from the death of one to the creation of his successor, when all assumed a larger share of liberty. But then the pontiffs acquired greater influence, and the authority of the German emperors was in its wane45, all the places of Italy governed themselves with less respect for the prince; so that, in the time of Henry III. the mind of the country was divided between the emperor and the church. However, the Florentines kept themselves united until the year 1215, rendering46 obedience to the ruling power, and anxious only to preserve their own safety. But, as the diseases which attack our bodies are more dangerous and mortal in proportion as they are delayed, so Florence, though late to take part in the sects47 of Italy, was afterward the more afflicted by them. The cause of her first division is well known, having been recorded by Dante and many other writers; I shall, however, briefly48 notice it.
Among the most powerful families of Florence were the Buondelmonti and the Uberti; next to these were the Amidei and the Donati. Of the Donati family there was a rich widow who had a daughter of exquisite49 beauty, for whom, in her own mind, she had fixed upon Buondelmonti, a young gentleman, the head of the Buondelmonti family, as her husband; but either from negligence, or, because she thought it might be accomplished50 at any time, she had not made known her intention, when it happened that the cavalier betrothed51 himself to a maiden52 of the Amidei family. This grieved the Donati widow exceedingly; but she hoped, with her daughter’s beauty, to disturb the arrangement before the celebration of the marriage; and from an upper apartment, seeing Buondelmonti approach her house alone, she descended53, and as he was passing she said to him, “I am glad to learn you have chosen a wife, although I had reserved my daughter for you”; and, pushing the door open, presented her to his view. The cavalier, seeing the beauty of the girl, which was very uncommon54, and considering the nobility of her blood, and her portion not being inferior to that of the lady whom he had chosen, became inflamed55 with such an ardent56 desire to possess her, that, not thinking of the promise given, or the injury he committed in breaking it, or of the evils which his breach57 of faith might bring upon himself, said, “Since you have reserved her for me, I should be very ungrateful indeed to refuse her, being yet at liberty to choose”; and without any delay married her. As soon as the fact became known, the Amidei and the Uberti, whose families were allied58, were filled with rage, and having assembled with many others, connections of the parties, they concluded that the injury could not be tolerated without disgrace, and that the only vengeance59 proportionate to the enormity of the offence would be to put Buondelmonti to death. And although some took into consideration the evils that might ensue upon it, Mosca Lamberti said, that those who talk of many things effect nothing, using that trite60 and common adage61, Cosa fatta capo ha. Thereupon, they appointed to the execution of the murder Mosca himself, Stiatti Uberti, Lambertuccio Amidei, and Oderigo Fifanti, who, on the morning of Easter day, concealed62 themselves in a house of the Amidei, situate between the old bridge and St. Stephen’s, and as Buondelmonti was passing upon a white horse, thinking it as easy a matter to forget an injury as reject an alliance, he was attacked by them at the foot of the bridge, and slain close by a statue of Mars. This murder divided the whole city; one party espousing63 the cause of the Buondelmonti, the other that of the Uberti; and as these families possessed64 men and means of defense, they contended with each other for many years, without one being able to destroy the other.
Florence continued in these troubles till the time of Frederick II., who, being king of Naples, endeavored to strengthen himself against the church; and, to give greater stability to his power in Tuscany, favored the Uberti and their followers65, who, with his assistance, expelled the Buondelmonti; thus our city, as all the rest of Italy had long time been, became divided into Guelphs and Ghibellines; and as it will not be superfluous66, I shall record the names of the families which took part with each faction4. Those who adopted the cause of the Guelphs were the Buondelmonti, Nerli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Bardi, Pulci, Gherardini, Foraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri, Lucardesi, Chiaramontesi, Compiobbesi, Cavalcanti, Giandonati, Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualterotti, Importuni, Bostichi, Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Sizi, Adimari, Visdomini, Donati, Passi, della Bella, Ardinghi, Tedaldi, Cerchi. Of the Ghibelline faction were the Uberti, Manelli, Ubriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infangati, Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Cappiardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri, Cipriani, Toschi, Amieri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci, Cattani, Agolanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsacchi, Elisei, Abati, Tidaldini, Giuochi, and Galigai. Besides the noble families on each side above enumerated, each party was joined by many of the higher ranks of the people, so that the whole city was corrupted67 with this division. The Guelphs being expelled, took refuge in the Upper Val d’Arno, where part of their castles and strongholds were situated68, and where they strengthened and fortified69 themselves against the attacks of their enemies. But, upon the death of Frederick, the most unbiased men, and those who had the greatest authority with the people, considered that it would be better to effect the reunion of the city, than, by keeping her divided, cause her ruin. They therefore induced the Guelphs to forget their injuries and return, and the Ghibellines to lay aside their jealousies70 and receive them with cordiality.
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aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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deriving
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| v.得到( derive的现在分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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attainable
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| a.可达到的，可获得的 | |
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desuetude
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| n.废止，不用 | |
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ordination
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| n.授任圣职 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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overflow
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| v.(使)外溢，(使)溢出；溢出，流出，漫出 | |
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overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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commodious
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| adj.宽敞的；使用方便的 | |
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warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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interim
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| adj.暂时的，临时的；n.间歇，过渡期间 | |
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wane
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| n.衰微，亏缺，变弱；v.变小，亏缺，呈下弦 | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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betrothed
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| n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
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maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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trite
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| adj.陈腐的 | |
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adage
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| n.格言，古训 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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espousing
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的现在分词 ) | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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