War with Castruccio — Castruccio marches against Prato and retires without making any attempt — The emigrants1 not being allowed to return, endeavor to enter the city by force, and are repulsed2 — Change in the mode of electing the great officers of state — The Squittini established — The Florentines under Raymond of Cardona are routed by Castruccio at Altopascio — Treacherous3 designs of Raymond — The Florentines give the sovereignty of the city to Charles duke of Cambria, who appoints the duke of Athens for his vicar — The duke of Calabria comes to Florence — The Emperor Louis of Bavaria visits Italy — The excitement he produces — Death of Castruccio and of Charles duke of Calabria — Reform of government.
About the same time, Uguccione lost the sovereignty of Lucca and of Pisa, and Castruccio Castracani, a citizen of Lucca, became lord of them, who, being a young man, bold and fierce, and fortunate in his enterprises, in a short time became the head of the Ghibellines in Tuscany. On this account the discords4 among the Florentines were laid aside for some years, at first to abate5 the increasing power of Castruccio, and afterward6 to unite their means for mutual7 defense8 against him. And in order to give increased strength and efficacy to their counsels, the Signory appointed twelve citizens whom they called Buonomini, or good men, without whose advice and consent nothing of any importance could be carried into effect. The conclusion of the sovereignty of King Robert being come, the citizens took the government into their own hands, reappointed the usual rectors and magistracies, and were kept united by the dread9 of Castruccio, who, after many efforts against the lords of Lunigiano, attacked Prato, to the relief of which the Florentines having resolved to go, shut up their shops and houses, and proceeded thither10 in a body, amounting to twenty thousand foot and one thousand five hundred horse. And in order to reduce the number of Castruccio’s friends and augment11 their own, the Signory declared that every rebel of the Guelphic party who should come to the relief of Prato would be restored to his country; they thus increased their army with an addition of four thousand men. This great force being quickly brought to Prato, alarmed Castruccio so much, that without trying the fortune of battle, he retired12 toward Lucca. Upon this, disturbances13 arose in the Florentine camp between the nobility and the people, the latter of whom wished to pursue the foe15 and destroy him; the former were for returning home, saying they had done enough for Prato in hazarding the safety of Florence on its account, which they did not regret under the circumstances, but now, that necessity no longer existing, the propriety16 of further risk ceased also, as there was little to be gained and much to lose. Not being able to agree, the question was referred to the Signory, among whom the difference of opinion was equally great; and as the matter spread throughout the city, the people drew together, and used such threatening language against the nobility that they, being apprehensive17 for their safety, yielded; but the resolution being adopted too late, and by many unwillingly18, gave the enemy time to withdraw in safety to Lucca.
This unfortunate circumstance made the people so indignant against the great that the Signory refused to perform the promise made to the exiles, and the latter, anticipating the fact, determined19 to be beforehand, and were at the gates of Florence to gain admittance into the city before the rest of the forces; but their design did not take effect, for their purpose being foreseen, they were repulsed by those who had remained at home. They then endeavored to acquire by entreaty20 what they had failed to obtain by force; and sent eight men as ambassadors to the Signory, to remind them of the promise given, and of the dangers they had undergone, in hope of the reward which had been held out to them. And although the nobility, who felt the obligation on account of their having particularly undertaken to fulfill21 the promise for which the Signory had bound themselves, used their utmost exertion22 in favor of the exiles, so great was the anger of the multitude on account of their only partial success against Castruccio, that they could not obtain their admission. This occasioned cost and dishonor to the city; for many of the nobility, taking offense23 at this proceeding24, endeavored to obtain by arms that which had been refused to their prayers, and agreed with the exiles that they should come armed to the city, and that those within would arm themselves in their defense. But the affair was discovered before the appointed day arrived, so that those without found the city in arms, and prepared to resist them. So completely subdued26 were those within, that none dared to take arms; and thus the undertaking27 was abandoned, without any advantage having been obtained by the party. After the departure of the exiles it was determined to punish those who had been instrumental in bringing them to the city; but, although everyone knew who were the delinquents28, none ventured to name and still less to accuse them. It was, therefore, resolved that in order to come at the truth, everyone should write the names of those he believed to be guilty, and present the writing secretly to the Capitano. By this means, Amerigo Donati, Teghiajo, Frescobaldi, and Lotteringo Gherardini were accused; but, the judges being more favorably disposed to them than, perhaps, their misdeeds deserved, each escaped by paying a fine.
The tumults29 which arose in Florence from the coming of the rebels to the gates, showed that one leader was insufficient30 for the companies of the people; they, therefore, determined that in future each should have three or four; and to every Gonfalonier two or three Pennonieri (pennon bearers) were added, so that if the whole body were not drawn31 out, a part might operate under one of them. And as happens in republics, after any disturbance14, some old laws are annulled32 and others renewed, so on this occasion, as it had been previously33 customary to appoint the Signory for a time only, the then existing Signors and the Colleagues, feeling themselves possessed34 of sufficient power, assumed the authority to fix upon the Signors that would have to sit during the next forty months, by putting their names into a bag or purse, and drawing them every two months. But, before the expiration35 of the forty months, many citizens were jealous that their names had not been deposited among the rest, and a new emborsation was made. From this beginning arose the custom of emborsing or enclosing the names of all who should take office in any of the magistracies for a long time to come, as well those whose offices employed them within the city as those abroad, though previously the councils of the retiring magistrates36 had elected those who were to succeed them. These emborsations were afterward called Squittini, or pollings,— and it was thought they would prevent much trouble to the city, and remove the cause of those tumults which every three, or at most five, years, took place upon the creation of magistrates, from the number of candidates for office. And not being able to adopt a better expedient37, they made use of this, but did not observe the defects which lay concealed38 under such a trivial accommodation.
In 1325, Castruccio, having taken possession of Pistoia, became so powerful that the Florentines, fearing his greatness, resolved, before he should get himself firmly seated in his new conquest, to attack him and withdraw it from his authority. Of their citizens and friends they mustered39 an army amounting to 20,000 foot and 3,000 horse, and with this body encamped before Altopascio, with the intention of taking the place and thus preventing it from relieving Pistoia. Being successful in the first part of their design, they marched toward Lucca, and laid the country waste in their progress; but from the little prudence40 and less integrity of their leader, Ramondo di Cardona, they made but small progress; for he, having observed them upon former occasions very prodigal41 of their liberty, placing it sometimes in the hands of a king, at others in those of a legate, or persons of even inferior quality, thought, if he could bring them into some difficulty, it might easily happen that they would make him their prince. Nor did he fail frequently to mention these matters, and required to have that authority in the city which had been given him over the army, endeavoring to show that otherwise he could not enforce the obedience42 requisite43 to a leader. As the Florentines did not consent to this, he wasted time, and allowed Castruccio to obtain the assistance which the Visconti and other tyrants44 of Lombardy had promised him, and thus become very strong. Ramondo, having willfully let the opportunity of victory pass away, now found himself unable to escape; for Castruccio coming up with him at Altopascio, a great battle ensued in which many citizens were slain45 and taken prisoners, and among the former fell Ramondo, who received from fortune that reward of bad faith and mischievous46 counsels which he had richly deserved from the Florentines. The injury they suffered from Castruccio, after the battle, in plunder47, prisoners, destruction, and burning of property, is quite indescribable; for, without any opposition48, during many months, he led his predatory forces wherever he thought proper, and it seemed sufficient to the Florentines if, after such a terrible event, they could save their city.
Still they were not so absolutely cast down as to prevent them from raising great sums of money, hiring troops, and sending to their friends for assistance; but all they could do was insufficient to restrain such a powerful enemy; so that they were obliged to offer the sovereignty to Charles duke of Calabria, son of King Robert, if they could induce him to come to their defense; for these princes, being accustomed to rule Florence, preferred her obedience to her friendship. But Charles, being engaged in the wars of Sicily, and therefore unable to undertake the sovereignty of the city, sent in his stead Walter, by birth a Frenchman, and duke of Athens. He, as viceroy, took possession of the city, and appointed the magistracies according to his own pleasure; but his mode of proceeding was quite correct, and so completely contrary to his real nature, that everyone respected him.
The affairs of Sicily being composed, Charles came to Florence with a thousand horse. He made his entry into the city in July, 1326, and his coming prevented further pillage49 of the Florentine territory by Castruccio. However, the influence which they acquired without the city was lost within her walls, and the evils which they did not suffer from their enemies were brought upon them by their friends; for the Signory could not do anything without the consent of the duke of Calabria, who, in the course of one year, drew from the people 400,000 florins, although by the agreement entered into with him, the sum was not to exceed 200,000; so great were the burdens with which either himself or his father constantly oppressed them.
To these troubles were added new jealousies50 and new enemies; for the Ghibellines of Lombardy became so alarmed upon the arrival of Charles in Tuscany, that Galeazzo Visconti and the other Lombard tyrants, by money and promises, induced Louis of Bavaria, who had lately been elected emperor contrary to the wish of the pope, to come into Italy. After passing through Lombardy he entered Tuscany, and with the assistance of Castruccio, made himself master of Pisa, from whence, having been pacified51 with sums of money, he directed his course towards Rome. This caused the duke of Calabria to be apprehensive for the safety of Naples; he therefore left Florence, and appointed as his viceroy Filippo da Saggineto.
After the departure of the emperor, Castruccio made himself master of Pisa, but the Florentines, by a treaty with Pistoia, withdrew her from obedience to him. Castruccio then besieged52 Pistoia, and persevered53 with so much vigor54 and resolution, that although the Florentines often attempted to relieve her, by attacking first his army and then his country, they were unable either by force or policy to remove him; so anxious was he to punish the Pistolesi and subdue25 the Florentines. At length the people of Pistoia were compelled to receive him for their sovereign; but this event, although greatly to his glory, proved but little to his advantage, for upon his return to Lucca he died. And as one event either of good or evil seldom comes alone, at Naples also died Charles duke of Calabria and lord of Florence, so that in a short time, beyond the expectation of their most sanguine55 hopes, the Florentines found themselves delivered from the domination of the one and the fear of the other. Being again free, they set about the reformation of the city, annulled all the old councils, and created two new ones, the one composed of 300 citizens from the class of the people, the other of 250 from the nobility and the people.
The first was called the Council of the People, the other the Council of the Commune.
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1
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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discords
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| 不和（discord的复数形式） | |
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abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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10
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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unwillingly
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| adv.不情愿地 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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20
entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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21
fulfill
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| vt.履行，实现，完成；满足，使满意 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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24
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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delinquents
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| n.（尤指青少年）有过失的人，违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
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29
tumults
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| 吵闹( tumult的名词复数 )； 喧哗； 激动的吵闹声； 心烦意乱 | |
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30
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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31
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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32
annulled
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| v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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33
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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34
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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35
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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36
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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37
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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38
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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39
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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40
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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41
prodigal
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| adj.浪费的，挥霍的，放荡的 | |
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42
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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43
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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44
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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45
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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46
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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47
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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49
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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50
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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51
pacified
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的过去式和过去分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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52
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
persevered
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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54
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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