The Emperor at Rome — The Florentines refuse to purchase Lucca, and repent1 of it — Enterprises of the Florentines — Conspiracy2 of the Bardi and the Frescobaldi — The conspiracy discovered and checked — Maffeo da Marradi appeases3 the tumult4 — Lucca is purchased by the Florentines and taken by the Pisans — The duke of Athens at Florence — The nobility determine to make him prince of the city.
The emperor, being arrived at Rome, created an anti-pope, did many things in opposition5 to the church, and attempted many others, but without effect, so that at last he retired6 with disgrace, and went to Pisa, where, either because they were not paid, or from disaffection, about 800 German horse mutinied, and fortified7 themselves at Montechiaro upon the Ceruglio; and when the emperor had left Pisa to go into Lombardy, they took possession of Lucca and drove out Francesco Castracani, whom he had left there. Designing to turn their conquest to account, they offered it to the Florentines for 80,000 florins, which, by the advice of Simone della Tosa, was refused. This resolution, if they had remained in it, would have been of the greatest utility to the Florentines; but as they shortly afterward8 changed their minds, it became most pernicious; for although at the time they might have obtained peaceful possession of her for a small sum and would not, they afterward wished to have her and could not, even for a much larger amount; which caused many and most hurtful changes to take place in Florence. Lucca, being refused by the Florentines, was purchased by Gherardino Spinoli, a Genoese, for 30,000 florins. And as men are often less anxious to take what is in their power than desirous of that which they cannot attain9, as soon as the purchase of Gherardino became known, and for how small a sum it had been bought, the people of Florence were seized with an extreme desire to have it, blaming themselves and those by whose advice they had been induced to reject the offer made to them. And in order to obtain by force what they had refused to purchase, they sent troops to plunder10 and overrun the country of the Lucchese.
About this time the emperor left Italy. The anti-pope, by means of the Pisans, became a prisoner in France; and the Florentines from the death of Castruccio, which occurred in 1328, remained in domestic peace till 1340, and gave their undivided attention to external affairs, while many wars were carried on in Lombardy, occasioned by the coming of John king of Bohemia, and in Tuscany, on account of Lucca. During this period Florence was ornamented11 with many new buildings, and by the advice of Giotto, the most distinguished12 painter of his time, they built the tower of Santa Reparata. Besides this, the waters of the Arno having, in 1333, risen twelve feet above their ordinary level, destroyed some of the bridges and many buildings, all which were restored with great care and expense.
In the year 1340, new sources of disagreement arose. The great had two ways of increasing or preserving their power; the one, so to restrain the emborsation of magistrates13, that the lot always fell upon themselves or their friends; the other, that having the election of the rectors, they were always favorable to their party. This second mode they considered of so great importance, that the ordinary rectors not being sufficient for them, they on some occasions elected a third, and at this time they had made an extraordinary appointment, under the title of captain of the guard, of Jacopo Gabrielli of Agobbio, and endowed him with unlimited14 authority over the citizens. This man, under the sanction of those who governed, committed constant outrages15; and among those whom he injured were Piero de’ Bardi and Bardo Frescobaldi. These being of the nobility, and naturally proud, could not endure that a stranger, supported by a few powerful men, should without cause injure them with impunity16, and consequently entered into a conspiracy against him and those by whom he was supported. They were joined by many noble families, and some of the people, who were offended with the tyranny of those in power. Their plan was, that each should bring into his house a number of armed men, and on the morning after the day of All Saints, when almost all would be in the temples praying for their dead, they should take arms, kill the Capitano and those who were at the head of affairs, and then, with a new Signory and new ordinances17, reform the government.
But, as the more a dangerous business is considered, the less willingly it is undertaken, it commonly happens, when there is any time allowed between the determining upon a perilous18 enterprise and its execution, that the conspiracy by one means or another becomes known. Andrea de’ Bardi was one of the conspirators20, and upon reconsideration of the matter, the fear of the punishment operated more powerfully upon him than the desire of revenge, and he disclosed the affair to Jacopo Alberti, his brother-in-law. Jacopo acquainted the Priors, and they informed the government. And as the danger was near, All Saints’ day being just at hand, many citizens met together in the palace; and thinking their peril19 increased by delay, they insisted that the Signory should order the alarm to be rung, and called the people together in arms. Taldo Valori was at this time Gonfalonier, and Francesco Salviati one of the Signory, who, being relatives of the Bardi, were unwilling21 to summon the people with the bell, alleging22 as a reason that it is by no means well to assemble them in arms upon every slight occasion, for power put into the hands of an unrestrained multitude was never beneficial; that it is an easy matter to excite them to violence, but a difficult thing to restrain them; and that, therefore, it would be taking a more prudent23 course if they were to inquire into the truth of the affair, and punish the delinquents24 by the civil authority, than to attempt, upon a simple information, to correct it by such a tumultuous means, and thus hazard the safety of the city. None would listen to these remarks; the Signory were assailed25 with insolent26 behavior and indecent expressions, and compelled to sound the alarm, upon which the people presently assembled in arms. On the other hand, the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, finding themselves discovered, that they might conquer with glory or die without shame, armed themselves, in the hope that they would be able to defend that part of the city beyond the river, where their houses were situated27; and they fortified the bridge in expectation of assistance, which they expected from the nobles and their friends in the country. Their design was frustrated28 by the people who, in common with themselves, occupied this part of the city; for these took arms in favor of the Signory, so that, seeing themselves thus circumstanced, they abandoned the bridges, and betook themselves to the street in which the Bardi resided, as being a stronger situation than any other; and this they defended with great bravery.
Jacopo d’Agobbio, knowing the whole conspiracy was directed against himself, in fear of death, terrified and vanquished29, kept himself surrounded with forces near the palace of the Signory; but the other rectors, who were much less blamable, discovered greater courage, and especially the podesta or provost, whose name was Maffeo da Marradi. He presented himself among the combatants without any fear, and passing the bridge of the Rubaconte amid the swords of the Bardi, made a sign that he wished to speak to them. Upon this, their reverence30 for the man, his noble demeanor31, and the excellent qualities he was known to possess, caused an immediate32 cessation of the combat, and induced them to listen to him patiently. He very gravely, but without the use of any bitter or aggravating33 expressions, blamed their conspiracy, showed the danger they would incur34 if they still contended against the popular feeling, gave them reason to hope their complaints would be heard and mercifully considered, and promised that he himself would use his endeavors in their behalf. He then returned to the Signory, and implored35 them to spare the blood of the citizens, showing the impropriety of judging them unheard, and at length induced them to consent that the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, with their friends, should leave the city, and without impediment be allowed to retire to their castles. Upon their departure the people being again disarmed36, the Signory proceeded against those only of the Bardi and Frescobaldi families who had taken arms. To lessen37 their power, they bought of the Bardi the castle of Mangona and that of Vernia; and enacted38 a law which provided that no citizen should be allowed to possess a castle or fortified place within twenty miles of Florence.
After a few months, Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded, and many of his family banished39. Those who governed, not satisfied with having subdued40 the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, as is most commonly the case, the more authority they possessed41 the worse use they made of it and the more insolent they became. As they had hitherto had one captain of the guard who afflicted42 the city, they now appointed another for the country, with unlimited authority, to the end that those whom they suspected might abide43 neither within nor without. And they excited them to such excesses against the whole of the nobility, that these were driven to desperation, and ready to sell both themselves and the city to obtain revenge. The occasion at length came, and they did not fail to use it.
The troubles of Tuscany and Lombardy had brought the city of Lucca under the rule of Mastino della Scala, lord of Verona, who, though bound by contract to assign her to the Florentines, had refused to do so; for, being lord of Parma, he thought he should be able to retain her, and did not trouble himself about his breach44 of faith. Upon this the Florentines joined the Venetians, and with their assistance brought Mastino to the brink45 of ruin. They did not, however, derive46 any benefit from this beyond the slight satisfaction of having conquered him; for the Venetians, like all who enter into league with less powerful states than themselves, having acquired Trevigi and Vicenza, made peace with Mastino without the least regard for the Florentines. Shortly after this, the Visconti, lords of Milan, having taken Parma from Mastino, he found himself unable to retain Lucca, and therefore determined47 to sell it. The competitors for the purchase were the Florentines and the Pisans; and in the course of the treaty the Pisans, finding that the Florentines, being the richer people, were about to obtain it, had recourse to arms, and, with the assistance of the Visconti, marched against Lucca. The Florentines did not, on that account, withdraw from the purchase, but having agreed upon the terms with Mastino, paid part of the money, gave security for the remainder, and sent Naddo Rucellai, Giovanni di Bernadino de’ Medici, and Rosso di Ricciardo de’ Ricci, to take possession, who entered Lucca by force, and Mastino’s people delivered the city to them. Nevertheless, the Pisans continued the siege, and the Florentines used their utmost endeavors to relieve her; but after a long war, loss of money, and accumulation of disgrace, they were compelled to retire, and the Pisans became lords of Lucca.
The loss of this city, as in like cases commonly happens, exasperated48 the people of Florence against the members of the government; at every street corner and public place they were openly censured49, and the entire misfortune was laid to the charge of their greediness and mismanagement. At the beginning of the war, twenty citizens had been appointed to undertake the direction of it, who appointed Malatesta da Rimini to the command of the forces. He having exhibited little zeal50 and less prudence51, they requested assistance from Robert king of Naples, and he sent them Walter duke of Athens, who, as Providence52 would have it, to bring about the approaching evils, arrived at Florence just at the moment when the undertaking53 against Lucca had entirely54 failed. Upon this the Twenty, seeing the anger of the people, thought to inspire them with fresh hopes by the appointment of a new leader, and thus remove, or at least abate55, the causes of calumny56 against themselves. As there was much to be feared, and that the duke of Athens might have greater authority to defend them, they first chose him for their coadjutor, and then appointed him to the command of the army. The nobility, who were discontented from the causes above mentioned, having many of them been acquainted with Walter, when upon a former occasion he had governed Florence for the duke of Calabria, thought they had now an opportunity, though with the ruin of the city, of subduing57 their enemies; for there was no means of prevailing58 against those who had oppressed them but of submitting to the authority of a prince who, being acquainted with the worth of one party and the insolence59 of the other, would restrain the latter and reward the former. To this they added a hope of the benefits they might derive from him when he had acquired the principality by their means. They, therefore, took several occasions of being with him secretly, and entreated60 he would take the command wholly upon himself, offering him the utmost assistance in their power. To their influence and entreaty61 were also added those of some families of the people; these were the Peruzzi, Acciajuoli, Antellesi, and Buonaccorsi, who, being overwhelmed with debts, and without means of their own, wished for those of others to liquidate62 them, and, by the slavery of their country, to deliver themselves from their servitude to their creditors63. These demonstrations64 excited the ambitious mind of the duke to greater desire of dominion65, and in order to gain himself the reputation of strict equity66 and justice, and thus increase his favor with the plebeians67, he prosecuted68 those who had conducted the war against Lucca, condemned69 many to pay fines, others to exile, and put to death Giovanni de’ Medici, Naddo Rucellai, and Guglielmo Altoviti.
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1
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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2
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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appeases
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的第三人称单数 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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7
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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13
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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14
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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15
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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16
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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18
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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delinquents
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| n.（尤指青少年）有过失的人，违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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28
frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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30
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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demeanor
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| n.行为；风度 | |
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32
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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aggravating
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| adj.恼人的，讨厌的 | |
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34
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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35
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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36
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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41
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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42
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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44
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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46
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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47
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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49
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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50
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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51
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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52
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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53
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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54
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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55
abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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56
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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57
subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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59
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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62
liquidate
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| v.偿付，清算，扫除；整理，破产 | |
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creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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plebeians
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| n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 )；庶民；平民百姓；平庸粗俗的人 | |
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prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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