Maso degli Albizzi — His violence excites the anger of the people — They have recourse to Veri de’ Medici — The modesty1 of Veri — He refuses to assume the dignity of prince, and appeases3 the people — Discourse4 of Veri to the Signory — The banished5 Florentines endeavor to return — They secretly enter the city and raise a tumult6 — Some of them slain7, others taken to the church of St. Reparata — A conspiracy8 of exiles supported by the duke of Milan — The conspiracy discovered and the parties punished — Various enterprises of the Florentines — Taking of Pisa — War with the king of Naples — Acquisition of Cortona.
During the war with the duke of Milan the office of Gonfalonier of Justice fell to Maso degli Albizzi, who by the death of Piero in 1379, had become the inveterate9 enemy of the Alberti: and as party feeling is incapable10 either of repose11 or abatement12, he determined13, notwithstanding Benedetto had died in exile, that before the expiration14 of his magistracy, he would revenge himself on the remainder of that family. He seized the opportunity afforded by a person, who on being examined respecting correspondence maintained with the rebels, accused Andrea and Alberto degli Alberti of such practices. They were immediately arrested, which so greatly excited the people, that the Signory, having provided themselves with an armed force, called the citizens to a general assembly or parliament, and appointed a Balia, by whose authority many were banished, and a new ballot17 for the offices of government was made. Among the banished were nearly all the Alberti; many members of the trades were admonished18, and some put to death. Stung by these numerous injuries, the trades and the lowest of the people rose in arms, considering themselves despoiled19 both of honor and life. One body of them assembled in the piazza20; another ran to the house of Veri de’ Medici, who, after the death of Salvestro, was head of the family. The Signory, in order to appease2 those who came to the piazza or court of the palace, gave them for leaders, with the ensigns of the Guelphs and of the people in their hands, Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi, and Donato Acciajuoli, both men of the popular class, and more attached to the interests of the plebeians21 than any other. Those who went to the house of Veri de’ Medici, begged that he would be pleased to undertake the government, and free them from the tyranny of those citizens who were destroying the peace and safety of the commonwealth22.
It is agreed by all who have written concerning the events of this period, that if Veri had had more ambition than integrity he might without any impediment have become prince of the city; for the unfeeling treatment which, whether right or wrong, had been inflicted23 upon the trades and their friends, had so excited the minds of men to vengeance24, that all they required was some one to be their leader. Nor were there wanting those who could inform him of the state of public feeling; for Antonio de’ Medici with whom he had for some time been upon terms of most intimate friendship, endeavored to persuade him to undertake the government of the republic. To this Veri replied: “Thy menaces when thou wert my enemy, never alarmed me; nor shall thy counsel, now when thou art my friend, do me any harm.” Then, turning toward the multitude, he bade them be of good cheer; for he would be their defender25, if they would allow themselves to be advised by him. He then went, accompanied by a great number of citizens, to the piazza, and proceeded directly to the audience chamber26 of the Signory, whom he addressed to this effect: That he could not regret having lived so as to gain the love of the Florentines; but he was sorry they had formed an opinion of him which his past life had not warranted; for never having done anything that could be construed27 as either factious28 or ambitious, he could not imagine how it had happened, that they should think him willing to stir up strife29 as a discontented person, or usurp30 the government of his country like an ambitious one. He therefore begged that the infatuation of the multitude might not injure him in their estimation; for, to the utmost of his power, their authority should be restored. He then recommended them to use good fortune with moderation; for it would be much better to enjoy an imperfect victory with safety to the city, than a complete one at her ruin. The Signory applauded Veri’s conduct; begged he would endeavor to prevent recourse to arms, and promised that what he and the other citizens might deem most advisable should be done. Veri then returned to the piazza, where the people who had followed him were joined by those led by Donato and Rinaldo, and informed the united companies that he had found the Signory most kindly31 disposed toward them; that many things had been taken into consideration, which the shortness of time, and the absence of the magistrates32, rendered incapable of being finished. He therefore begged they would lay down their arms and obey the Signory; assuring them that humility33 would prevail rather than pride, entreaties34 rather than threats; and if they would take his advice, their privileges and security would remain unimpaired. He thus induced them to return peaceably to their homes.
The disturbance35 having subsided36, the Signory armed the piazza, enrolled38 2,000 of the most trusty citizens, who were divided equally by Gonfalons, and ordered to be in readiness to give their assistance whenever required; and they forbade the use of arms to all who were not thus enrolled. Having adopted these precautionary measures, they banished and put to death many of those members of the trades who had shown the greatest audacity39 in the late riots; and to invest the office of Gonfalonier of Justice with more authoritative40 majesty41, they ordered that no one should be eligible42 to it, under forty-five years of age. Many other provisions for the defense43 of the state were made, which appeared intolerable to those against whom they were directed, and were odious44 even to the friends of the Signory themselves, for they could not believe a government to be either good or secure, which needed so much violence for its defense, a violence excessively offensive, not only to those of the Alberti who remained in the city, and to the Medici, who felt themselves injured by these proceedings45, but also to many others. The first who attempted resistance was Donato, the son of Jacopo Acciajuoli, who thought of great authority, and the superior rather than the equal of Maso degli Albizzi (who on account of the events which took place while he was Gonfalonier of Justice, was almost at the head of the republic), could not enjoy repose amid such general discontent, or, like many others, convert social evils to his own private advantage, and therefore resolved to attempt the restoration of the exiles to their country, or at least their offices to the admonished. He went from one to another, disseminating46 his views, showing that the people would not be satisfied, or the ferment47 of parties subside37, without the changes he proposed; and declared that if he were in the Signory, he would soon carry them into effect. In human affairs, delay causes tedium48, and haste danger. To avoid what was tedious, Donato Acciajuoli resolved to attempt what involved danger. Michele Acciajuoli his relative, and Niccolo Ricoveri his friend, were of the Signory. This seemed to Donato a conjuncture of circumstances too favorable to be lost, and he requested they would propose a law to the councils, which would include the restoration of the citizens. They, at his entreaty49, spoke50 about the matter to their associates, who replied, that it was improper51 to attempt any innovation in which the advantage was doubtful and the danger certain. Upon this, Donato, having in vain tried all other means he could think of, excited with anger, gave them to understand that since they would not allow the city to be governed with peaceful measures, he would try what could be done with arms. These words gave so great offense52, that being communicated to the heads of the government, Donato was summoned, and having appeared, the truth was proven by those to whom he had intrusted the message, and he was banished to Barletta. Alamanno and Antonio de’ Medici were also banished, and all those of that family, who were descended53 from Alamanno, with many who, although of the inferior artificers, possessed54 influence with the plebeians. These events took place two years after the reform of government effected by Maso degli Albizzi.
At this time many discontented citizens were at home, and others banished in the adjoining states. Of the latter there lived at Bologna Picchio Cavicciulli, Tommaso de’ Ricci, Antonio de’ Medici, Benedetto degli Spini, Antonio Girolami, Cristofano di Carlone, and two others of the lowest order, all bold young men, and resolved upon returning to their country at any hazard. These were secretly told by Piggiello and Baroccio Cavicciulli, who, being admonished, lived in Florence, that if they came to the city they should be concealed55 in their house; from which they might afterward56 issue, slay57 Maso degli Albizzi, and call the people to arms, who, full of discontent, would willingly arise, particularly as they would be supported by the Ricci, Adimari, Medici, Manelli, and many other families. Excited with these hopes, on the fourth of August, 1397, they came to Florence, and having entered unobserved according to their arrangement, they sent one of their party to watch Maso, designing with his death to raise the people. Maso was observed to leave his house and proceed to that of an apothecary58, near the church of San Pietro Maggiore, which he entered. The man who went to watch him ran to give information to the other conspirators59, who took their arms and hastened to the house of the apothecary, but found that Maso had gone. However, undaunted with the failure of their first attempt, they proceeded to the Old Market, where they slew60 one of the adverse61 party, and with loud cries of “people, arms, liberty, and death to the tyrants,” directed their course toward the New Market, and at the end of the Calimala slew another. Pursuing their course with the same cries, and finding no one join them in arms, they stopped at the Loggia Nighittosa, where, from an elevated situation, being surrounded with a great multitude, assembled to look on rather than assist them, they exhorted62 the men to take arms and deliver themselves from the slavery which weighed so heavily upon them; declaring that the complaints of the discontented in the city, rather than their own grievances63, had induced them to attempt their deliverance. They had heard that many prayed to God for an opportunity of avenging64 themselves, and vowed65 they would use it whenever they found anyone to conduct them; but now, when the favorable circumstances occurred, and they found those who were ready to lead them, they stared at each other like men stupefied, and would wait till those who were endeavoring to recover for them their liberty were slain, and their own chains more strongly riveted66 upon them; they wondered that those who were wont67 to take arms upon slight occasions, remained unmoved under the pressure of so many and so great evils; and that they could willingly suffer such numbers of their fellow-citizens to be banished, so many admonished, when it was in their power to restore the banished to their country, and the admonished to the honors of the state. These words, although full of truth, produced no effect upon those to whom they were addressed; for they were either restrained by their fears, or, on account of the two murders which had been committed, disgusted with the parties. Thus the movers of the tumult, finding that neither words or deeds had force sufficient to stir anyone, saw, when too late, how dangerous a thing it is to attempt to set a people free who are resolved to be slaves; and, despairing of success, they withdrew to the temple of Santa Reparata, where, not to save their lives, but to defer68 the moment of their deaths, they shut themselves up. Upon the first rumor69 of the affair, the Signory being in fear, armed and secured the palace; but when the facts of the case were understood, the parties known, and whither they had betaken themselves, their fears subsided, and they sent the Capitano with a sufficient body of armed men to secure them. The gates of the temple were forced without much trouble; part of the conspirators were slain defending themselves; the remainder were made prisoners and examined, but none were found implicated70 in the affair except Baroccio and Piggiello Cavicciulli, who were put to death with them.
Shortly after this event, another occurred of greater importance. The Florentines were, as we have before remarked, at war with the duke of Milan, who, finding that with merely open force he could not overcome them, had recourse to secret practices, and with the assistance of the exiles of whom Lombardy was full, he formed a plot to which many in the city were accessory. It was resolved by the conspirators that most of the emigrants71, capable of bearing arms, should set out from the places nearest Florence, enter the city by the river Arno, and with their friends hasten to the residences of the chiefs of the government; and having slain them, reform the republic according to their own will. Of the conspirators within the city, was one of the Ricci named Samminiato; and as it often happens in treacherous72 practices, few are insufficient73 to effect the purpose of the plot, and among many secrecy74 cannot be preserved, so while Samminiato was in quest of associates, he found an accuser. He confided75 the affair to Salvestro Cavicciulli, whose wrongs and those of his friends were thought sufficient to make him faithful; but he, more influenced by immediate16 fear than the hope of future vengeance, discovered the whole affair to the Signory, who, having caused Samminiato to be taken, compelled him to tell all the particulars of the matter. However, none of the conspirators were taken, except Tommaso Davizi, who, coming from Bologna, and unaware76 of what had occurred at Florence, was seized immediately upon his arrival. All the others had fled immediately upon the apprehension77 of Samminiato.
Samminiato and Tommaso having been punished according to their deserts, a Balia was formed of many citizens, which sought the delinquents78, and took measures for the security of the state. They declared six of the family of the Ricci rebels; also, six of the Alberti; two of the Medici; three of the Scali; two of the Strozzi; Bindo Altoviti, Bernado Adimari, and many others of inferior quality. They admonished all the family of the Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici for ten years, except a few individuals. Among the Alberti, not admonished, was Antonio, who was thought to be quiet and peaceable. It happened, however, before all suspicion of the conspiracy had ceased, a monk79 was taken who had been observed during its progress to pass frequently between Bologna and Florence. He confessed that he had often carried letters to Antonio, who was immediately seized, and, though he denied all knowledge of the matter from the first, the monk’s accusation80 prevailed, and he was fined in a considerable sum of money, and banished a distance of three hundred miles from Florence. That the Alberti might not constantly place the city in jeopardy81, every member of the family was banished whose age exceeded fifteen years.
These events took place in the year 1400, and two years afterward, died Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, whose death as we have said above, put an end to the war, which had then continued twelve years. At this time, the government having gained greater strength, and being without enemies external or internal, undertook the conquest of Pisa, and having gloriously completed it, the peace of the city remained undisturbed from 1400 to 1433, except that in 1412, the Alberti, having crossed the boundary they were forbidden to pass, a Balia was formed which with new provisions fortified82 the state and punished the offenders83 with heavy fines. During this period also, the Florentines made war with Ladislaus, king of Naples, who finding himself in great danger ceded84 to them the city of Cortona of which he was master; but soon afterward, recovering his power, he renewed the war, which became far more disastrous85 to the Florentines than before; and had it not, in 1414, been terminated by his death, as that of Lombardy had been by the death of the duke of Milan, he, like the duke, would have brought Florence into great danger of losing her liberty. Nor was the war with the king concluded with less good fortune than the former; for when he had taken Rome, Sienna, the whole of La Marca and Romagna, and had only Florence itself to vanquish86, he died. Thus death has always been more favorable to the Florentines than any other friend, and more potent87 to save them than their own valor88. From the time of the king’s decease, peace was preserved both at home and abroad for eight years, at the end of which, with the wars of Filippo, duke of Milan, the spirit of faction89 again broke out, and was only appeased90 by the ruin of that government which continued from 1381 to 1434, had conducted with great glory so many enterprises; acquired Arezzo, Pisa, Cortona, Leghorn, and Monte Pulciano; and would have accomplished91 more if the citizens had lived in unity15, and had not revived former factions92; as in the following book will be particularly shown.
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1
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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appeases
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的第三人称单数 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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5
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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abatement
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| n.减(免)税，打折扣，冲销 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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admonished
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| v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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piazza
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| n.广场；走廊 | |
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plebeians
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| n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 )；庶民；平民百姓；平庸粗俗的人 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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usurp
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| vt.篡夺，霸占；vi.篡位 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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subside
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| vi.平静，平息；下沉，塌陷，沉降 | |
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enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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46
disseminating
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的现在分词 ) | |
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47
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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tedium
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| n.单调；烦闷 | |
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entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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50
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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51
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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52
offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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53
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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54
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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55
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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56
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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57
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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58
apothecary
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| n.药剂师 | |
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59
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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60
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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64
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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vowed
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| 起誓，发誓（vow的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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riveted
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| 铆接( rivet的过去式和过去分词 )； 把…固定住； 吸引； 引起某人的注意 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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71
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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72
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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73
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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delinquents
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| n.（尤指青少年）有过失的人，违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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81
jeopardy
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| n.危险；危难 | |
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82
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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84
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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85
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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vanquish
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| v.征服，战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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89
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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91
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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