The Florentines murmur1 against those who had been advocates of the war — Rinaldo degli Albizzi encourages the citizens — Measures for the prosecution2 of the war — Attempt of the higher classes to deprive the plebeians3 of their share in the government — Rinaldo degli Albizzi addresses an assembly of citizens and advises the restoration of the Grandi — Niccolo da Uzzano wishes to have Giovanni de’ Medici on their side — Giovanni disapproves4 of the advice of Rinaldo degli Albizzi.
The defeat at Zagonara spread consternation5 throughout Florence; but none felt it so severely6 as the nobility, who had been in favor of the war; for they perceived their enemies to be inspirited and themselves disarmed7, without friends, and opposed by the people, who at the corners of streets insulted them with sarcastic8 expressions, complaining of the heavy taxes, and the unnecessary war, and saying, “Oh! they appointed the ten to frighten the enemy. Have they relieved Furli, and rescued her from the hands of the duke? No! but their designs have been discovered; and what had they in view? not the defense9 of liberty; for they do not love her; but to aggrandize10 their own power, which God has very justly abated11. This is not the only enterprise by many a one with which they have oppressed the city; for the war against King Ladislaus was of a similar kind. To whom will they flee for assistance now? to Pope Martin, whom they ridiculed12 before the face of Braccio; or to Queen Giovanna, whom they abandoned, and compelled to throw herself under the protection of the king of Aragon?” To these reproaches was added all that might be expected from an enraged13 multitude.
Seeing the discontent so prevalent, the Signory resolved to assemble a few citizens, and with soft words endeavor to soothe14 the popular irritation15. On this occasion, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, the eldest16 son of Maso, who, by his own talents and the respect he derived17 from the memory of his father, aspired18 to the first offices in the government, spoke19 at great length; showing that it is not right to judge of actions merely by their effects; for it often happens that what has been very maturely considered is attended with unfavorable results: that if we are to applaud evil counsels because they are sometimes followed by fortunate events, we should only encourage men in error which would bring great mischief20 upon the republic; because evil counsel is not always attended with happy consequences. In the same way, it would be wrong to blame a wise resolution, because if its being attended with an unfavorable issue; for by so doing, we should destroy the inclination21 of citizens to offer advice and speak the truth. He then showed the propriety22 of undertaking23 the war; and that if it had not been commenced by the Florentines in Romagna the duke would have assailed24 them in Tuscany. But since it had pleased God, that the Florentine people should be overcome, their loss would be still greater if they allowed themselves to be dejected; but if they set a bold front against adversity, and made good use of the means within their power, they would not be sensible of their loss or the duke of his victory. He assured them they ought not to be alarmed by impending25 expenses and consequent taxation26; because the latter might be reduced, and the future expense would not be so great as the former had been; for less preparation is necessary for those engaged in self-defense than for those who design to attack others. He advised them to imitate the conduct of their forefathers27, who, by courageous28 conduct in adverse29 circumstances, had defended themselves against all their enemies.
Thus encouraged, the citizens engaged Count Oddo the son of Braccio, and united with him, for directing the operations of the war, Niccolo Piccinino, a pupil of his father’s, and one of the most celebrated30 of all who had served under him. To these they added other leaders, and remounted some of those who had lost their horses in the late defeat. They also appointed twenty citizens to levy31 new taxes, who finding the great quite subdued32 by the recent loss, took courage and drained them without mercy.
These burdens were very grievous to the nobility, who at first, in order to conciliate, did not complain of their own particular hardships, but censured33 the tax generally as unjust, and advised that something should be done in the way of relief; but their advice was rejected in the Councils. Therefore, to render the law as offensive as possible, and to make all sensible of its injustice35, they contrived36 that the taxes should be levied37 with the utmost rigor38, and made it lawful39 to kill any that might resist the officers employed to collect them. Hence followed many lamentable40 collisions, attended with the blood and death of citizens. It began to be the impression of all, that arms would be resorted to, and all prudent42 persons apprehended43 some approaching evil; for the higher ranks, accustomed to be treated with respect, could not endure to be used like dogs; and the rest were desirous that the taxation should be equalized. In consequence of this state of things, many of the first citizens met together, and it was resolved that it had become necessary for their safety, that some attempt should be made to recover the government; since their want of vigilance had encouraged men to censure34 public actions, and allowed those to interfere44 in affairs who had hitherto been merely the leaders of the rabble45. Having repeatedly discussed the subject, they resolved to meet again at an appointed hour, when upwards46 of seventy citizens assembled in the church of St. Stephen, with the permission of Lorenzo Ridolfi and Francesco Gianfigliazzi, both members of the Signory. Giovanni de’ Medici was not among them either because being under suspicion he was not invited or that entertaining different views he was unwilling47 to interfere.
Rinaldo degli Albizzi addressed the assembly, describing the condition of the city, and showing how by their own negligence48 it had again fallen under the power of the plebeians, from whom it had been wrested49 by their fathers in 1381. He reminded them of the iniquity50 of the government which was in power from 1378 to 1381, and that all who were then present had to lament41, some a father, others a grandfather, put to death by its tyranny. He assured them they were now in the same danger, and that the city was sinking under the same disorders51. The multitude had already imposed a tax of its own authority; and would soon, if not restrained by greater force or better regulations, appoint the magistrates52, who, in this case, would occupy their places, and overturn the government which for forty-two years had ruled the city with so much glory; the citizens would then be subject to the will of the multitude, and live disorderly and dangerous, or be under the command of some individual who might make himself prince. For these reasons he was of opinion, that whoever loved his country and his honor must arouse himself, and call to mind the virtue53 of Bardo Mancini, who, by the ruin of the Alberti, rescued the city from the dangers then impending; and that the cause of the audacity54 now assumed by the multitude was the extensive Squittini or Pollings, which, by their negligence, were allowed to be made; for thus the palace had become filled with low men. He therefore concluded, that the only means of remedying the evil was to restore the government to the nobility, and diminish the authority of the minor55 trades by reducing the companies from fourteen to seven, which would give the plebeians less authority in the Councils, both by the reduction in their number and by increasing the authority of the great; who, on account of former enmities, would be disinclined to favor them. He added, that it is a good thing to know how to avail themselves of men according to the times; and that as their fathers had used the plebeians to reduce the influence of the great, that now, the great having been humbled56, and the plebeians become insolent57, it was well to restrain the insolence58 of the latter by the assistance of the former. To effect this they might proceed either openly or otherwise, for some of them belonging to the Council of Ten, forces might be led into the city without exciting observation.
Rinaldo was much applauded, and his advice was approved of by the whole assembly. Niccolo da Uzzano who, among others, replied to it, said, “All that Rinaldo had advanced was correct, and the remedies he proposed good and certain, if they could be adopted without an absolute division of the city; and this he had no doubt would be effected if they could induce Giovanni de’ Medici to join them; for with him on their side, the multitude being deprived of their chief and stay, would be unable to oppose them; but that if he did not concur59 with them they could do nothing without arms, and that with them they would incur60 the risk of being vanquished61, or of not being able to reap the fruit of victory.” He then modestly reminded them of what he had said upon a former occasion, and of their reluctance62 to remedy the evil when it might easily have been done; that now the same remedy could not be attempted without incurring63 the danger of greater evils, and therefore there was nothing left for them to do but to gain him over to their side, if practicable. Rinaldo was then commissioned to wait upon Giovanni and try if he could induce him to join them.
He undertook this commission, and in the most prevailing64 words he could make use of endeavored to induce him to coincide with their views; and begged that he would not by favoring an audacious mob, enable them to complete the ruin both of the government and the city. To this Giovanni replied, that he considered it the duty of a good and wise citizen to avoid altering the institutions to which a city is accustomed; there being nothing so injurious to the people as such a change; for many are necessarily offended, and where there are several discontented, some unpropitious event may be constantly apprehended. He said it appeared to him that their resolution would have two exceedingly pernicious effects; the one conferring honors on those who, having never possessed65 them, esteemed66 them the less, and therefore had the less occasion to grieve for their absence; the other taking them from those who being accustomed to their possession would never be at rest till they were restored to them. It would thus be evident that the injury done to one party, was greater than the benefit they had conferred upon the other; so that whoever was the author of the proposition, he would gain few friends and make many enemies, and that the latter would be more resolutely67 bent68 on injuring him than the former would be zealous69 for his defense, for mankind are naturally more disposed to revenge than to gratitude70, as if the latter could only be exercised with some inconvenience to themselves, while the former brings alike gratification and profit. Then, directing his discourse71 more particularly to Rinaldo, he said, “And you, if you could call to mind past events, and knew how craftily72 affairs are conducted in this city, would not be so eager in this pursuit; for he who advises it, when by your aid he has wrested the power from the people, will, with the people’s assistance, who will have become your enemies, deprive you of it. And it will happen to you as to Benedetto Alberti, who, at the persuasion73 of those who were not his friends, consented to the ruin of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and shortly afterward74 was himself sent into exile by the very same men.” He therefore advised Rinaldo to think more maturely of these things, and endeavor to imitate his father, who, to obtain the benevolence75 of all, reduced the price of salt, provided that whoever owed taxes under half a florin should be at liberty to pay them or not, as he thought proper, and that at the meeting of the Councils every one should be free from the importunities of his creditors76. He concluded by saying, that as regarded himself, he was disposed to let the government of the city remain as it was.
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murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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plebeians
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| n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 )；庶民；平民百姓；平庸粗俗的人 | |
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disapproves
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的第三人称单数 ) | |
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consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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sarcastic
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| adj.讥讽的，讽刺的，嘲弄的 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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aggrandize
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| v.增大，扩张，吹捧 | |
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abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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49
wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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64
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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craftily
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| 狡猾地，狡诈地 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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