Death of Giovanni de’ Medici — His character — Insurrection of Volterra — Volterra returns to her allegiance — Niccolo Fortebraccio attacks the Lucchese — Diversity of opinion about the Lucchese war — War with Lucca — Astore Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi appointed commissaries — Violence of Astorre Gianni.
About this time Giovanni de’ Medici was taken ill, and finding his end approach, called his sons Cosmo and Lorenzo to him, to give them his last advice, and said, “I find I have nearly reached the term which God and nature appointed at my birth, and I die content, knowing that I leave you rich, healthy, and of such standing2 in society, that if you pursue the same course that I have, you will live respected in Florence, and in favor with everyone. Nothing cheers me so much at this moment, as the recollection that I have never willfully offended anyone; but have always used my utmost endeavors to confer benefits upon all. I would have you do so too. With regard to state affairs, if you would live in security, take just such a share as the laws and your countrymen think proper to bestow3, thus you will escape both danger and envy; for it is not what is given to any individual, but what he has determined4 to possess, that occasions odium. You will thus have a larger share than those who endeavor to engross5 more than belongs to them; for they thus usually lose their own, and before they lose it, live in constant disquiet6. By adopting this method, although among so many enemies, and surrounded by so many conflicting interests, I have not only maintained my reputation but increased my influence. If you pursue the same course, you will be attended by the same good fortune; if otherwise, you may be assured, your end will resemble that of those who in our own times have brought ruin both upon themselves and their families.” Soon after this interview with his sons, Giovanni died, regretted by everyone, as his many excellencies deserved. He was compassionate7; not only bestowing8 alms on those who asked them, but very frequently relieving the necessities of the poor, without having been solicited9 so to do. He loved all; praised the good, and pitied the infirmities of the wicked. He never sought the honors of government; yet enjoyed them all; and never went to the palace unless by request. He loved peace and shunned10 war; relieved mankind in adversity, and assisted them in prosperity; never applied11 the public money to his own uses, but contributed to the public wealth. He was courteous12 in office; not a man of great eloquence13, but possessed14 of extraordinary prudence15. His demeanor16 expressed melancholy17; but after a short time his conversation became pleasant and facetious18. He died exceedingly rich in money, but still more in good fame and the best wishes of mankind; and the wealth and respect he left behind him were not only preserved but increased by his son Cosmo.
The Volterran ambassadors grew weary of lying in prison, and to obtain their liberty promised to comply with the commands of the Florentines. Being set free and returned to their city, the time arrived for the new Priors to enter upon office, and among those who were drawn19, was one named Giusto, a plebeian20, but possessing great influence with his class, and one of those who had been imprisoned21 at Florence. He, being inflamed22 with hatred23 against the Florentines on account of his public as well as personal injuries, was further stimulated24 by Giovanni di Contugi, a man of noble family, and his colleague in office, to induce the people, by the authority of the Priors and his own influence, to withdraw their country from the power of the Florentines, and make himself prince. Prompted by these motives25, Giusto took arms, rode through the city, seized the Capitano, who resided in it, on behalf of the Florentines, and with the consent of the people, became lord of Volterra. This circumstance greatly displeased26 the Florentines; but having just made peace with the duke, and the treaty being yet uninfringed on either side, they bethought themselves in a condition to recover the place; and that the opportunity might not be lost, they immediately appointed Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Palla Strozzi commissaries, and sent them upon the expedition. In the meantime, Giusto, who expected the Florentines would attack him, requested assistance of Lucca and Sienna. The latter refused, alleging27 her alliance with Florence; and Pagolo Guinigi, to regain28 the favor of the Florentines, which he imagined he had lost in the war with the duke and by his friendship for Filippo, not only refused assistance to Giusto, but sent his messenger prisoner to Florence.
The commissaries, to come upon the Volterrani unawares, assembled their cavalry29, and having raised a good body of infantry30 in the Val d’Arno Inferiore, and the country about Pisa, proceeded to Volterra. Although attacked by the Florentines and abandoned by his neighbors, Giusto did not yield to fear; but, trusting to the strength of the city and the ruggedness31 of the country around it, prepared for his defense32.
There lived at Volterra one Arcolano, brother of that Giovanni Contugi who had persuaded Giusto to assume the command. He possessed influence among the nobility, and having assembled a few of his most confidential33 friends, he assured them that by this event, God had come to the relief of their necessities; for if they would only take arms, deprive Giusto of the Signory, and give up the city to the Florentines, they might be sure of obtaining the principal offices, and the place would retain all its ancient privileges. Having gained them over, they went to the palace in which Giusto resided; and while part of them remained below, Arcolano, with three others, proceeded to the chamber34 above, where finding him with some citizens, they drew him aside, as if desirous to communicate something of importance, and conversing35 on different subjects, let him to the lower apartment, and fell upon him with their swords. They, however, were not so quick as to prevent Giusto from making use of his own weapon; for with it he seriously wounded two of them; but being unable to resist so many, he was at last slain36, and his body thrown into the street. Arcolano and his party gave up the city to the Florentine commissaries, who, being at hand with their forces, immediately took possession; but the condition of Volterra was worse than before; for among other things which operated to her disadvantage, most of the adjoining countryside was separated from her, and she was reduced to the rank of a vicariate.
Volterra having been lost and recovered almost at the same time, present circumstances afforded nothing of sufficient importance to occasion a new war, if ambition had not again provoked one. Niccolo Fortebraccio, the son of a sister of Braccio da Perugia, had been in the service of the Florentines during most of their wars with the duke. Upon the restoration of peace he was discharged; but when the affair of Volterra took place, being encamped with his people at Fucecchio, the commissaries availed themselves both of himself and his forces. Some thought that while Rinaldo conducted the expedition along with him, he persuaded him, under one pretext37 or another, to attack the Lucchese, assuring him, that if he did so, the Florentines would consent to undertake an expedition against them, and would appoint him to the command. When Volterra was recovered, and Niccolo returned to his quarters at Fucecchio, he, either at the persuasion38 of Rinaldo, or of his own accord, in November, 1429, took possession of Ruoti and Compito, castles belonging to the Lucchese, with three hundred cavalry and as many infantry, and then descending39 into the plain, plundered41 the inhabitants to a vast amount. The news of this incursion having reached Florence, persons of all classes were seen gathered in parties throughout the city discussing the matter, and nearly all were in favor of an expedition against Lucca. Of the Grandees43 thus disposed, were the Medici and their party, and with them also Rinaldo, either because he thought the enterprise beneficial to the republic, or induced by his own ambition and the expectation of being appointed to the command. Niccolo da Uzzano and his party were opposed to the war. It seems hardly credible44 that such contrary opinions should prevail, though at different times, in the same men and the same city, upon the subject of war; for the same citizens and people that, during the ten years of peace had incessantly45 blamed the war undertaken against Duke Filippo, in defense of liberty, now, after so much expense and trouble, with their utmost energy, insisted on hostilities46 against Lucca, which, if successful, would deprive that city of her liberty; while those who had been in favor of a war with the duke, were opposed to the present; so much more ready are the multitude to covet47 the possessions of others than to preserve their own, and so much more easily are they led by the hope of acquisition than by the fear of loss. The suggestions of the latter appear incredible till they are verified; and the pleasing anticipations48 of the former are cherished as facts, even while the advantages are very problematical, or at best, remote. The people of Florence were inspired with hope, by the acquisitions which Niccolo Fortebraccio had made, and by letters received from their rectors in the vicinity of Lucca; for their deputies at Vico and Pescia had written, that if permission were given to them to receive the castles that offered to surrender, the whole country of Lucca would very soon be obtained. It must, however, be added, that an ambassador was sent by the governor of Lucca to Florence, to complain of the attack made by Niccolo, and to entreat49 that the Signory would not make war against a neighbor, and a city that had always been friendly to them. The ambassador was Jacopo Viviani, who, a short time previously50, had been imprisoned by Pagolo Guinigi, governor of Lucca, for having conspired51 against him. Although he had been found guilty, his life was spared, and as Pagolo thought the forgiveness mutual52, he reposed54 confidence in him. Jacopo, more mindful of the danger he had incurred55 than of the lenity exercised toward him, on his arrival in Florence secretly instigated56 the citizens to hostilities; and these instigations, added to other hopes, induced the Signory to call the Council together, at which 498 citizens assembled, before whom the principal men of the city discussed the question.
Among the first who addressed the assembly in favor of the expedition, was Rinaldo. He pointed1 out the advantage that would accrue57 from the acquisition, and justified58 the enterprise from its being left open to them by the Venetians and the duke, and that as the pope was engaged in the affairs of Naples, he could not interfere59. He then remarked upon the facility of the expedition, showing that Lucca, being now in bondage60 to one of her own citizens, had lost her natural vigor61 and former anxiety for the preservation62 of her liberty, and would either be surrendered to them by the people in order to expel the tyrant63, or by the tyrant for fear of the people. He recalled the remembrance of the injuries done to the republic by the governor of Lucca; his malevolent64 disposition65 toward them; and their embarrassing situation with regard to him, if the pope or the duke were to make war upon them; and concluded that no enterprise was ever undertaken by the people of Florence with such perfect facility, more positive advantage, or greater justice in its favor.
In a reply to this, Niccolo da Uzzano stated that the city of Florence never entered on a more unjust or more dangerous project, or one more pregnant with evil, than this. In the first place they were going to attack a Guelphic city, that had always been friendly to the Florentine people, and had frequently, at great hazard, received the Guelphs into her bosom66 when they were expelled from their own country. That in the history of the past there was not an instance, while Lucca was free, of her having done an injury to the Florentines; and that if they had been injured by her enslavers, as formerly67 by Castruccio, and now by the present governor, the fault was not in the city, but in her tyrant. That if they could assail68 the latter without detriment69 to the people, he should have less scruple70, but as this was impossible, he could not consent that a city which had been friendly to Florence should be plundered of her wealth. However, as it was usual at present to pay little or no regard either to equity71 or injustice72, he would consider the matter solely73 with reference to the advantage of Florence. He thought that what could not easily be attended by pernicious consequences might be esteemed74 useful, but he could not imagine how an enterprise should be called advantageous75 in which the evils were certain and the utility doubtful. The certain evils were the expenses with which it would be attended; and these, he foresaw, would be sufficiently76 great to alarm even a people that had long been in repose53, much more one wearied, as they were, by a tedious and expensive war. The advantage that might be gained was the acquisition of Lucca, which he acknowledged to be great; but the hazards were so enormous and immeasurable, as in his opinion to render the conquest quite impossible. He could not induce himself to believe that the Venetians, or Filippo, would willingly allow them to make the acquisition; for the former only consented in appearance, in order to avoid the semblance77 of ingratitude78, having so lately, with Florentine money, acquired such an extent of dominion79. That as regarded the duke, it would greatly gratify him to see them involved in new wars and expenses; for, being exhausted80 and defeated on all sides, he might again assail them; and that if, after having undertaken it, their enterprise against Lucca were to prove successful, and offer them the fullest hope of victory, the duke would not want an opportunity of frustrating81 their labors82, either by assisting the Lucchese secretly with money, or by apparently83 disbanding his own troops, and then sending them, as if they were soldiers of fortune, to their relief. He therefore advised that they should give up the idea, and behave toward the tyrant in such a way as to create him as many enemies as possible; for there was no better method of reducing Lucca than to let them live under the tyrant, oppressed and exhausted by him; for, if prudently84 managed, that city would soon get into such a condition that he could not retain it, and being ignorant or unable to govern itself, it must of necessity fall into their power. But he saw that his discourse85 did not please them, and that his words were unheeded; he would, however, predict this to them, that they were about to commence a war in which they would expend86 vast sums, incur42 great domestic dangers, and instead of becoming masters of Lucca, they would deliver her from her tyrant, and of a friendly city, feeble and oppressed, they would make one free and hostile, and that in time she would become an obstacle to the greatness of their own republic.
The question having been debated on both sides, they proceeded to vote, as usual, and of the citizens present only ninety-eight were against the enterprise. Thus determined in favor of war, they appointed a Council of Ten for its management, and hired forces, both horse and foot. Astorre Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi were appointed commissaries, and Niccolo Fortebraccio, on agreeing to give up to the Florentines the places he had taken, was engaged to conduct the enterprise as their captain. The commissaries having arrived with the army in the country of the Lucchese, divided their forces; one part of which, under Astorre, extended itself along the plain, toward Camaiore and Pietrasanta, while Rinaldo, with the other division, took the direction of the hills, presuming that when the citizens found themselves deprived of the surrounding country, they would easily submit. The proceedings87 of the commissaries were unfortunate, not that they failed to occupy many places, but from the complaints made against them of mismanaging the operations of the war; and Astorre Gianni had certainly given very sufficient cause for the charges against him.
There is a fertile and populous88 valley near Pietrasanta, called Seravezza, whose inhabitants, on learning the arrival of the commissary, presented themselves before him and begged he would receive them as faithful subjects of the Florentine republic. Astorre pretended to accept their proposal, but immediately ordered his forces to take possession of all the passes and strong positions of the valley, assembled the men in the principal church, took them all prisoners, and then caused his people to plunder40 and destroy the whole country, with the greatest avarice89 and cruelty, making no distinction in favor of consecrated90 places, and violating the women, both married and single. These things being known in Florence, displeased not only the magistracy, but the whole city.
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1
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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engross
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| v.使全神贯注 | |
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disquiet
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| n.担心，焦虑 | |
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compassionate
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| adj.有同情心的，表示同情的 | |
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bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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shunned
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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13
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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demeanor
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| n.行为；风度 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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facetious
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| adj.轻浮的，好开玩笑的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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plebeian
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| adj.粗俗的；平民的；n.平民；庶民 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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ruggedness
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| 险峻，粗野； 耐久性； 坚固性 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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grandees
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| n.贵族，大公，显贵者( grandee的名词复数 ) | |
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credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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covet
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| vt.垂涎；贪图(尤指属于他人的东西) | |
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anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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accrue
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| v.(利息等)增大，增多 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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60
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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malevolent
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| adj.有恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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75
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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76
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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77
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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78
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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79
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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80
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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81
frustrating
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| adj.产生挫折的，使人沮丧的，令人泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的现在分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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82
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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83
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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84
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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85
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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86
expend
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| vt.花费，消费，消耗 | |
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87
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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88
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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89
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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90
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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