The inhabitants of Seravezza appeal to the Signory — Complaints against Rinaldo degli Albizzi — The commissaries changed — Filippo Brunelleschi proposes to submerge the country about Lucca — Pagolo Guinigi asks assistance of the duke of Milan — The duke sends Francesco Sforza — Pagolo Guinigi expelled — The Florentines routed by the forces of the duke — The acquisitions of the Lucchese after the victory — Conclusion of the war.
A few of the inhabitants of the valley of Seravezza, having escaped the hands of the commissary, came to Florence and acquainted every one in the streets with their miserable1 situation; and by the advice of those who, either through indignation at his wickedness or from being of the opposite party, wished to punish the commissary, they went to the Council of Ten, and requested an audience. This being granted, one of them spoke2 to the following effect: “We feel assured, magnificent lords, that we shall find credit and compassion3 from the Signory, when you learn how your commissary has taken possession of our country, and in what manner he has treated us. Our valley, as the memorials of your ancient houses abundantly testify, was always Guelphic, and has often proved a secure retreat to your citizens when persecuted4 by the Ghibellines. Our forefathers5, and ourselves too, have always revered6 the name of this noble republic as the leader and head of their party. While the Lucchese were Guelphs we willingly submitted to their government; but when enslaved by the tyrant7, who forsook8 his old friends to join the Ghibelline faction9, we have obeyed him more through force than good will. And God knows how often we have prayed, that we might have an opportunity of showing our attachment10 to our ancient party. But how blind are mankind in their wishes! That which we desired for our safety has proved our destruction. As soon as we learned that your ensigns were approaching, we hastened to meet your commissary, not as an enemy, but as the representative of our ancient lords; placed our valley, our persons, and our fortunes in his hands, and commended them to his good faith, believing him to possess the soul, if not of a Florentine, at least of a man. Your lordships will forgive us; for, unable to support his cruelties, we are compelled to speak. Your commissary has nothing of the man but the shape, nor of a Florentine but the name; a more deadly pest, a more savage11 beast, a more horrid12 monster never was imagined in the human mind; for, having assembled us in our church under pretense13 of wishing to speak with us, he made us prisoners. He then burned and destroyed the whole valley, carried off our property, ravaged14 every place, destroyed everything, violated the women, dishonored the virgins15, and dragging them from the arms of their mothers, gave them up to the brutality16 of his soldiery. If by any injury to the Florentine people we merited such treatment, or if he had vanquished17 us armed in our defense18, we should have less reason for complaint; we should have accused ourselves, and thought that either our mismanagement or our arrogance19 had deservedly brought the calamity20 upon us; but after having freely presented ourselves to him unarmed, to be robbed and plundered21 with such unfeeling barbarity, is more than we can bear. And though we might have filled Lombardy with complaints and charges against this city, and spread the story of our misfortunes over the whole of Italy, we did not wish to slander23 so just and pious24 a republic, with the baseness and perfidy25 of one wicked citizen, whose cruelty and avarice26, had we known them before our ruin was complete, we should have endeavored to satiate (though indeed they are insatiable), and with one-half of our property have saved the rest. But the opportunity is past; we are compelled to have recourse to you, and beg that you will succor27 the distresses28 of your subjects, that others may not be deterred30 by our example from submitting themselves to your authority. And if our extreme distress29 cannot prevail with you to assist us, be induced, by your fear of the wrath31 of God, who has seen his temple plundered and burned, and his people betrayed in his bosom32.” Having said this they threw themselves on the ground, crying aloud, and praying that their property and their country might be restored to them; and that if the Signory could not give them back their honor, they would, at least, restore husbands to their wives, and children to their fathers. The atrocity33 of the affair having already been made known, and now by the living words of the sufferers presented before them, excited the compassion of the magistracy. They ordered the immediate34 return of Astorre, who being tried, was found guilty, and admonished35. They sought the goods of the inhabitants of Seravezza; all that could be recovered was restored to them, and as time and circumstance gave opportunity, they were compensated36 for the rest.
Complaints were made against Rinaldo degli Albizzi, that he carried on the war, not for the advantage of the Florentine people, but his own private emolument37; that as soon as he was appointed commissary, he lost all desire to take Lucca, for it was sufficient for him to plunder22 the country, fill his estates with cattle, and his house with booty; and, not content with what his own satellites took, he purchased that of the soldiery, so that instead of a commissary he became a merchant. These calumnies39 coming to his ears, disturbed the temper of this proud but upright man, more than quite became his dignity. He was so exasperated40 against the citizens and magistracy, that without waiting for or asking permission, he returned to Florence, and, presenting himself before the Council of Ten, he said that he well knew how difficult and dangerous a thing it was to serve an unruly people and a divided city, for the one listens to every report, the other pursues improper41 measures; they neglect to reward good conduct, and heap censure42 upon whatever appears doubtful; so that victory wins no applause, error is accused by all, and if vanquished, universal condemnation43 is incurred44; from one’s own party through envy, and from enemies through hatred45, persecution46 results. He confessed that the baseness of the present calumnies had conquered his patience and changed the temper of his mind; but he would say, he had never, for fear of a false accusation47, avoided doing what appeared to him beneficial to the city. However, he trusted the magistrates48 would in future be more ready to defend their fellow-citizens, so that the latter might continue anxious to effect the prosperity of their country; that as it was not customary at Florence to award triumphs for success, they ought at least to be protected from calumny49; and that being citizens themselves, and at any moment liable to false accusations50, they might easily conceive how painful it is to an upright mind to be oppressed with slander. The Ten endeavored, as well as circumstances would admit, to soothe51 the acerbity52 of his feelings, and confided53 the care of the expedition to Neri di Gino and Alamanno Salviati, who, instead of overrunning the country, advanced near to Lucca. As the weather had become extremely cold, the forces established themselves at Campannole, which seemed to the commissaries waste of time; and wishing to draw nearer the place, the soldiery refused to comply, although the Ten had insisted they should pitch their camp before the city, and would not hear of any excuse.
At that time there lived at Florence, a very distinguished54 architect, named Filippo di Ser Brunelleschi, of whose works our city is full, and whose merit was so extraordinary, that after his death his statue in marble was erected55 in the principal church, with an inscription56 underneath57, which still bears testimony58 to those who read it, of his great talents. This man pointed38 out, that in consequence of the relative positions of the river Serchio and the city of Lucca, the wastes of the river might be made to inundate59 the surrounding country, and place the city in a kind of lake. His reasoning on this point appeared so clear, and the advantage to the besiegers so obvious and inevitable60, that the Ten were induced to make the experiment. The result, however, was quite contrary to their expectation, and produced the utmost disorder61 in the Florentine camp; for the Lucchese raised high embankments in the direction of the ditch made by our people to conduct the waters of the Serchio, and one night cut through the embankment of the ditch itself, so that having first prevented the water from taking the course designed by the architect, they now caused it to overflow62 the plain, and compelled the Florentines, instead of approaching the city as they wished, to take a more remote position.
The design having failed, the Council of Ten, who had been re-elected, sent as commissary, Giovanni Guicciardini, who encamped before Lucca, with all possible expedition. Pagolo Guinigi finding himself thus closely pressed, by the advice of Antonio del Rosso, then representative of the Siennese at Lucca, sent Salvestro Trento and Leonardo Bonvisi to Milan, to request assistance from the duke; but finding him indisposed to comply, they secretly engaged, on the part of the people, to deliver their governor up to him and give him possession of the place; at the same time intimating, that if he did not immediately follow this advice, he would not long have the opportunity, since it was the intention of Pagolo to surrender the city to the Florentines, who were very anxious to obtain it. The duke was so much alarmed with this idea, that, setting aside all other considerations, he caused Count Francesco Sforza, who was engaged in his service, to make a public request for permission to go to Naples; and having obtained it, he proceeded with his forces directly to Lucca, though the Florentines, aware of the deception63, and apprehensive64 of the consequences, had sent to the count, Boccacino Alamanni, his friend, to frustrate65 this arrangement. Upon the arrival of the count at Lucca, the Florentines removed their camp to Librafatta, and the count proceeded immediately to Pescia, where Pagolo Diacceto was lieutenant66 governor, who, promoted by fear rather than any better motive67, fled to Pistoia, and if the place had not been defended by Giovanni Malavolti, to whom the command was intrusted, it would have been lost. The count failing in his attempt went to Borgo a Buggiano which he took, and burned the castle of Stigliano, in the same neighborhood.
The Florentines being informed of these disasters, found they must have recourse to those remedies which upon former occasions had often proved useful. Knowing that with mercenary soldiers, when force is insufficient68, corruption69 commonly prevails, they offered the count a large sum of money on condition that he should quit the city, and give it up to them. The count finding that no more money was to be had from Lucca, resolved to take it of those who had it to dispense70, and agreed with the Florentines, not to give them Lucca, which for decency71 he could not consent to, but to withdraw his troops, and abandon it, on condition of receiving fifty thousand ducats; and having made this agreement, to induce the Lucchese to excuse him to the duke, he consented that they should expel their tyrant.
Antonio del Rosso, as we remarked above, was Siennese ambassador at Lucca, and with the authority of the count he contrived72 the ruin of Pagolo Guinigi. The heads of the conspiracy73 were Pierro Cennami and Giovanni da Chivizzano. The count resided upon the Serchio, at a short distance from the city, and with him was Lanzilao, the son of Pagolo. The conspirators74, about forty in number, went armed at night in search of Pagolo, who, on hearing the noise they made, came toward them quite astonished, and demanded the cause of their visit; to which Piero Cennami replied, that they had long been governed by him, and led about against the enemy, to die either by hunger or the sword, but were resolved to govern themselves for the future, and demanded the keys of the city and the treasure. Pagolo said the treasure was consumed, but the keys and himself were in their power; he only begged that as his command had begun and continued without bloodshed, it might conclude in the same manner. Count Francesco conducted Pagolo and his son to the duke, and they afterward75 died in prison.
The departure of the count having delivered Lucca from her tyrant, and the Florentines from their fear of his soldiery, the former prepared for her defense, and the latter resumed the siege. They appointed the count of Urbino to conduct their forces, and he pressed the Lucchese so closely, that they were again compelled to ask the assistance of the duke, who dispatched Niccolo Piccinino, under the same pretense as he previously76 sent Count Francesco. The Florentine forces met him on his approach to Lucca, and at the passage of the Serchio a battle ensued, in which they were routed, the commissary with a few of his men escaping to Pisa. This defeat filled the Florentines with dismay, and as the enterprise had been undertaken with the entire approbation77 of the great body of the people, they did not know whom to find fault with, and therefore railed against those who had been appointed to the management of the war, reviving the charges made against Rinaldo. They were, however, more severe against Giovanni Guicciardini than any other, declaring that if he had wished, he might have put a period to the war at the departure of Count Francesco, but that he had been bribed78 with money, for he had sent home a large sum, naming the party who had been intrusted to bring it, and the persons to whom it had been delivered. These complaints and accusations were carried to so great a length that the captain of the people, induced by the public voice, and pressed by the party opposed to the war, summoned him to trial. Giovanni appeared, though full of indignation. However his friends, from regard to their own character, adopted such a course with the Capitano as induced him to abandon the inquiry79.
After this victory, the Lucchese not only recovered the places that had belonged to them, but occupied all the country of Pisa except Beintina, Calcinaja, Livorno, and Librafatta; and, had not a conspiracy been discovered that was formed in Pisa, they would have secured that city also. The Florentines again prepared for battle, and appointed Micheletto, a pupil of Sforza, to be their leader. The duke, on the other hand, followed up this victory, and that he might bring a greater power against the Florentines, induced the Genoese, the Siennese, and the governor of Piombino, to enter into a league for the defense of Lucca, and to engage Niccolo Piccinino to conduct their forces. Having by this step declared his design, the Venetians and the Florentines renewed their league, and the war was carried on openly in Tuscany and Lombardy, in each of which several battles were fought with variety of fortune. At length, both sides being wearied out, they came to terms for the cessation of hostilities80, in May, 1433. By this arrangement the Florentines, Lucchese, and Siennese, who had each occupied many fortresses81 belonging to the others, gave them all up, and each party resumed its original possessions.
收听单词发音 |
1
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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3
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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forsook
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| forsake的过去式 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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pretense
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| n.矫饰，做作，借口 | |
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ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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admonished
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| v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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emolument
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| n.报酬，薪水 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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51
soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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acerbity
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| n.涩，酸，刻薄 | |
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53
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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54
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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55
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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57
underneath
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| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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inundate
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| vt.淹没，泛滥，压倒 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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overflow
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| v.(使)外溢，(使)溢出；溢出，流出，漫出 | |
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deception
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| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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frustrate
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| v.使失望；使沮丧；使厌烦 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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68
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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71
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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72
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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75
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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76
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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77
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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78
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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79
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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80
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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81
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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