Cosmo de’ Medici, his character and mode of proceedings1 — The greatness of Cosmo excites the jealousy3 of the citizens — The opinion of Niccolo da Uzzano — Scandalous divisions of the Florentines — Death of Niccolo da Uzzano — Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier, adopts measures against Cosmo — Cosmo arrested in the palace — He is apprehensive4 of attempts against his life.
During the war the malignant5 humors of the city were in constant activity. Cosmo de’ Medici, after the death of Giovanni, engaged more earnestly in public affairs, and conducted himself with more zeal6 and boldness in regard to his friends than his father had done, so that those who rejoiced at Giovanni’s death, finding what the son was likely to become, perceived they had no cause for exultation7. Cosmo was one of the most prudent8 of men; of grave and courteous9 demeanor10, extremely liberal and humane11. He never attempted anything against parties, or against rulers, but was bountiful to all; and by the unwearied generosity12 of his disposition13, made himself partisans14 of all ranks of the citizens. This mode of proceeding2 increased the difficulties of those who were in the government, and Cosmo himself hoped that by its pursuit he might be able to live in Florence as much respected and as secure as any other citizen; or if the ambition of his adversaries15 compelled him to adopt a different course, arms and the favor of his friends would enable him to become more so. Averardo de’ Medici and Puccio Pucci were greatly instrumental in the establishment of his power; the former by his boldness, the latter by unusual prudence16 and sagacity, contributed to his aggrandizement17. Indeed the advice of wisdom of Puccio were so highly esteemed18, that Cosmo’s party was rather distinguished19 by the name of Puccio than by his own.
By this divided city the enterprise against Lucca was undertaken; and the bitterness of party spirit, instead of being abated21, increased. Although the friends of Cosmo had been in favor of it, many of the adverse22 faction23 were sent to assist in the management, as being men of greater influence in the state. Averardo de’ Medici and the rest being unable to prevent this, endeavored with all their might to calumniate24 them; and when any unfavorable circumstance occurred (and there were many), fortune and the exertions25 of the enemy were never supposed to be the causes, but solely26 the want of capacity in the commissary. This disposition aggravated27 the offenses29 of Astorre Gianni; this excited the indignation of Rinaldo degli Albizzi, and made him resign his commission without leave; this, too, compelled the captain of the people to require the appearance of Giovanni Guicciardini, and from this arose all the other charges which were made against the magistrates30 and the commissaries. Real evils were magnified, unreal ones feigned32, and the true and the false were equally believed by the people, who were almost universally their foes33.
All these events and extraordinary modes of proceeding were perfectly34 known to Niccolo da Uzzano and the other leaders of the party; and they had often consulted together for the purpose of finding a remedy, but without effect; though they were aware of the danger of allowing them to increase, and the great difficulty that would attend any attempt to remove or abate20 them. Niccolo da Uzzano was the earliest to take offense28; and while the war was proceeding without, and these troubles within, Niccolo Barbadoro desirous of inducing him to consent to the ruin of Cosmo, waited upon him at his house; and finding him alone in his study, and very pensive35, endeavored, with the best reasons he could advance, to persuade him to agree with Rinaldo on Cosmo’s expulsion. Niccolo da Uzzano replied as follows: “It would be better for thee and thy house, as well as for our republic, if thou and those who follow thee in this opinion had beards of silver instead of gold, as is said of thee; for advice proceeding from the hoary36 head of long experience would be wiser and of greater service to all. It appears to me, that those who talk of driving Cosmo out of Florence would do well to consider what is their strength, and what that of Cosmo. You have named one party, that of the nobility, the other that of the plebeians37. If the fact corresponded with the name, the victory would still be most uncertain, and the example of the ancient nobility of this city, who were destroyed by the plebeians, ought rather to impress us with fear than with hope. We have, however, still further cause for apprehension38 from the division of our party, and the union of our adversaries. In the first place, Neri di Gino and Nerone di Nigi, two of our principal citizens, have never so fully39 declared their sentiments as to enable us to determine whether they are most our friends our those of our opponents. There are many families, even many houses, divided; many are opposed to us through envy of brothers or relatives. I will recall to your recollection two or three of the most important; you may think of the others at your leisure. Of the sons of Maso degli Albizzi, Luca, from envy of Rinaldo, has thrown himself into their hands. In the house of Guicciardini, of the sons of Luigi, Piero is the enemy of Giovanni and in favor of our adversaries. Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini openly oppose us on account of their hatred40 of their uncle Francesco. So that if we consider well what we are, and what our enemies, I cannot see why we should be called NOBLE any more than they. If it is because they are followed by the plebeians, we are in a worse condition on that account, and they in a better; for were it to come either to arms or to votes, we should not be able to resist them. True it is, we still preserve our dignity, our precedence, the priority of our position, but this arises from the former reputation of the government, which has now continued fifty years; and whenever we come to the proof, or they discover our weakness we shall lose it. If you were to say, the justice of our cause ought to augment41 our influence and diminish theirs I answer, that this justice requires to be perceived and believed by others as well as by ourselves, but this is not the case; for the justice of our cause is wholly founded upon our suspicion that Cosmo designs to make himself prince of the city. And although we entertain this suspicion and suppose it to be correct, others have it not; but what is worse, they charge us with the very design of which we accuse him. Those actions of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are, that he lends money indiscriminately, and not to private persons only, but to the public; and not to Florentines only, but to the condottieri, the soldiers of fortune. Besides, he assists any citizen who requires magisterial42 aid; and, by the universal interest he possesses in the city, raises first one friend and then another to higher grades of honor. Therefore, to adduce our reasons for expelling him, would be to say that he is kind, generous, liberal, and beloved by all. Now tell me, what law is there which forbids, disapproves43, or condemns44 men for being pious45, liberal, and benevolent46? And though they are all modes adopted by those who aim at sovereignty, they are not believed to be such, nor have we sufficient power to make them to be so esteemed; for our conduct has robbed us of confidence, and the city, naturally partial and (having always lived in faction) corrupt47, cannot lend its attention to such charges. But even if we were successful in an attempt to expel him (which might easily happen under a favorable Signory), how could we (being surrounded by his innumerable friends, who would constantly reproach us, and ardently48 desire to see him again in the city) prevent his return? It would be impossible for they being so numerous, and having the good will of all upon their side, we should never be secure from them. And as many of his first discovered friends as you might expel, so many enemies would you make, so that in a short time he would return, and the result would be simply this, that we had driven him out a good man and he had returned to us a bad one; for his nature would be corrupted49 by those who recalled him, and he, being under obligation, could not oppose them. Or should you design to put him to death, you could not attain50 your purpose with the magistrates, for his wealth, and the corruption51 of your minds, will always save him. But let us suppose him put to death, or that being banished52, he did not return, I cannot see how the condition of our republic would be ameliorated; for if we relieve her from Cosmo, we at once make her subject to Rinaldo, and it is my most earnest desire that no citizen may ever, in power and authority, surpass the rest. But if one of these must prevail, I know of no reason that should make me prefer Rinaldo to Cosmo. I shall only say, may God preserve the city from any of her citizens usurping53 the sovereignty, but if our sins have deserved this, in mercy save us from Rinaldo. I pray thee, therefore, do not advise the adoption54 of a course on every account pernicious, nor imagine that, in union with a few, you would be able to oppose the will of the many; for the citizens, some from ignorance and others from malice55, are ready to sell the republic at any time, and fortune has so much favored them, that they have found a purchaser. Take my advice then; endeavor to live moderately; and with regard to liberty, you will find as much cause for suspicion in our party as in that of our adversaries. And when troubles arise, being of neither side, you will be agreeable to both, and you will thus provide for your own comfort and do no injury to any.”
These words somewhat abated the eagerness of Barbadoro, so that tranquillity56 prevailed during the war with Lucca. But this being ended, and Niccolo da Uzzano dead, the city being at peace and under no restraint, unhealthy humors increased with fearful rapidity. Rinaldo, considering himself now the leader of the party, constantly entreated57 and urged every citizen whom he thought likely to be Gonfalonier, to take up arms and deliver the country from him who, from the malevolence58 of a few and the ignorance of the multitude, was inevitably59 reducing it to slavery. These practices of Rinaldo, and those of the contrary side, kept the city full of apprehension, so that whenever a magistracy was created, the numbers of each party composing it were made publicly known, and upon drawing for the Signory the whole city was aroused. Every case brought before the magistrates, however trivial, was made a subject of contention60 among them. Secrets were divulged61, good and evil alike became objects of favor and opposition62, the benevolent and the wicked were alike assailed63, and no magistrate31 fulfilled the duties of his office with integrity.
In this state of confusion, Rinaldo, anxious to abate the power of Cosmo, and knowing that Bernardo Guadagni was likely to become Gonfalonier, paid his arrears64 of taxes, that he might not, by being indebted to the public, be incapacitated for holding the office. The drawing soon after took place, and fortune, opposed to our welfare, caused Bernardo to be appointed for the months of September and October. Rinaldo immediately waited upon him, and intimated how much the party of the nobility, and all who wished for repose65, rejoiced to find he had attained66 that dignity; that it now rested with him to act in such a manner as to realize their pleasing expectations. He then enlarged upon the danger of disunion, and endeavored to show that there was no means of attaining67 the blessing68 of unity69 but by the destruction of Cosmo, for he alone, by the popularity acquired with his enormous wealth, kept them depressed70; that he was already so powerful, that if not hindered, he would soon become prince, and that it was the part of a good citizen, in order to prevent such a calamity71, to assemble the people in the piazza72, and restore liberty to his country. Rinaldo then reminded the new Gonfalonier how Salvestro de’ Medici was able, though unjustly, to restrain the power of the Guelphs, to whom, by the blood of their ancestors, shed in its cause, the government rightly belonged; and argued that what he was able unjustly to accomplish against so many, might surely be easily performed with justice in its favor against one! He encouraged him with the assurance that their friends would be ready in arms to support him; that he need not regard the plebeians, who adored Cosmo, since their assistance would be of no greater avail than Giorgio Scali had found it on a similar occasion; and that with regard to his wealth, no apprehension was necessary, for when he was under the power of the Signory, his riches would be so too. In conclusion, he averred73 that this course would unite and secure the republic, and crown the Gonfalonier with glory. Bernardo briefly74 replied, that he thought it necessary to act exactly as Rinaldo had advised, and that as the time was suitable for action, he should provide himself with forces, being assured from what Rinaldo had said, he would be supported by his colleagues.
Bernardo entered upon the duties of his office, prepared his followers75, and having concerted with Rinaldo, summoned Cosmo, who, though many friends dissuaded76 him from it, obeyed the call, trusting more to his own innocence77 than to the mercy of the Signory. As soon as he had entered the palace he was arrested. Rinaldo, with a great number of armed men, and accompanied by nearly the whole of his party, proceeded to the piazza, when the Signory assembled the people, and created a Balia of two hundred persons for the reformation of the city. With the least possible delay they entered upon the consideration of reform, and of the life or death of Cosmo. Many wished him to be banished, others to be put to death, and several were silent, either from compassion78 toward him or for fear of the rest, so that these differences prevented them from coming to any conclusion.
There is an apartment in the tower of the palace which occupies the whole of one floor, and is called the Alberghettino, in which Cosmo was confined, under the charge of Federigo Malavolti. In this place, hearing the assembly of the Councils, the noise of arms which proceeded from the piazza, and the frequent ringing of the bell to assemble the Balia, he was greatly apprehensive for his safety, but still more less his private enemies should cause him to be put to death in some unusual manner. He scarcely took any food, so that in four days he ate only a small quantity of bread, Federigo, observing his anxiety, said to him, “Cosmo, you are afraid of being poisoned, and are evidently hastening your end with hunger. You wrong me if you think I would be a party to such an atrocious act. I do not imagine your life to be in much danger, since you have so many friends both within the palace and without; but if you should eventually lose it, be assured they will use some other medium than myself for that purpose, for I will never imbue79 my hands in the blood of any, still less in yours, who never injured me; therefore cheer up, take some food, and preserve your life for your friends and your country. And that you may do so with greater assurance, I will partake of your meals with you.” These words were of great relief to Cosmo, who, with tears in his eyes, embraced and kissed Federigo, earnestly thanking him for so kind and affectionate conduct, and promising80, if ever the opportunity were given him, he would not be ungrateful.
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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demeanor
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| n.行为；风度 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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calumniate
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| v.诬蔑，中伤 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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offenses
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| n.进攻( offense的名词复数 )；（球队的）前锋；进攻方法；攻势 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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pensive
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| a.沉思的,哀思的,忧沉的 | |
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hoary
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| adj.古老的；鬓发斑白的 | |
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plebeians
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| n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 )；庶民；平民百姓；平庸粗俗的人 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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magisterial
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| adj.威风的，有权威的；adv.威严地 | |
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disapproves
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的第三人称单数 ) | |
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condemns
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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52
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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usurping
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的现在分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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malevolence
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| n.恶意，狠毒 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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divulged
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| v.吐露，泄露( divulge的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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piazza
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| n.广场；走廊 | |
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averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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74
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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75
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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76
dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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78
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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79
imbue
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| v.灌输(某种强烈的情感或意见)，感染 | |
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80
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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