New wars in Italy — Niccolo Piccinino, in concert with the duke of Milan, deceives the pope, and takes many places from the church — Niccolo attacks the Venetians — Fears and precautions of the Florentines — The Venetians request assistance of the Florentines and of Sforza — League against the duke of Milan — The Florentines resolve to send the count to assist the Venetians — Neri di Gino Capponi at Venice — His discourse1 to the senate — Extreme joy of the Venetians.
Peace being restored between the Lucchese and Florentines, and the duke and the count having become friends, hopes were entertained that the arms of Italy would be laid aside, although those in the kingdom of Naples, between René of Anjou and Alfonso of Aragon, could find repose2 only by the ruin of one party or the other. And though the pope was dissatisfied with the loss of so large a portion of his territories, and the ambition of the duke and the Venetians was obvious, still it was thought that the pontiff, from necessity, and the others from weariness, would be advocates of peace. However, a different state of feeling prevailed, for neither the duke nor the Venetians were satisfied with their condition; so that hostilities3 were resumed, and Lombardy and Tuscany were again harassed4 by the horrors of war. The proud mind of the duke could not endure that the Venetians should possess Bergamo and Brescia, and he was still further annoyed, by hearing, that they were constantly in arms, and in the daily practice of annoying some portion of his territories. He thought, however, that he should not only be able to restrain them, but to recover the places he had lost, if the pope, the Florentines, and the count could be induced to forego the Venetian alliance. He therefore resolved to take Romagna from the pontiff, imagining that his holiness could not injure him, and that the Florentines, finding the conflagration5 so near, either for their own sake would refrain from interference, or if they did not, could not conveniently attack him. The duke was also aware of the resentment6 of the Florentines against the Venetians, on account of the affair of Lucca, and he therefore judged they would be the less eager to take arms against him on their behalf. With regard to the Count Francesco, he trusted that their new friendship, and the hope of his alliance would keep him quiet. To give as little color as possible for complaint, and to lull7 suspicion, particularly, because in consequence of his treaty with the count, the latter could not attack Romagna, he ordered Niccolo Piccinino, as if instigated8 by his own ambition to do so.
When the agreement between the duke and the count was concluded, Niccolo was in Romagna, and in pursuance of his instructions from the duke, affected9 to be highly incensed10, that a connection had been established between him and the count, his inveterate11 enemy. He therefore withdrew himself and his forces to Camurata, a place between Furli and Ravenna, which he fortified12, as if designing to remain there some time, or till a new enterprise should present itself. The report of his resentment being diffused13, Niccolo gave the pope to understand how much the duke was under obligation to him, and how ungrateful he proved; and he was persuaded that, possessing nearly all the arms of Italy, under the two principal generals, he could render himself sole ruler: but if his holiness pleased, of the two principal generals whom he fancied he possessed14, one would become his enemy, and the other be rendered useless; for, if money were provided him, and he were kept in pay, he would attack the territories held of the church by the count, who being compelled to look to his own interests, could not subserve the ambition of Filippo. The pope giving entire credence15 to this representation, on account of its apparent reasonableness, sent Niccolo five thousand ducats and loaded him with promises of states for himself and his children. And though many informed him of the deception16, he could not give credit to them, nor would he endure the conversation of any who seemed to doubt the integrity of Niccolo’s professions. The city of Ravenna was held for the church by Ostasio da Polenta. Niccolo finding further delay would be detrimental17, since his son Francesco had, to the pope’s great dishonor, pillaged18 Spoleto, determined19 to attack Ravenna, either because he judged the enterprise easy, or because he had a secret understanding with Ostasio, for in a few days after the attack, the place capitulated. He then took Bologna, Imola, and Furli; and (what is worthy20 of remark) of twenty fortresses21 held in that country for the pope, not one escaped falling into his hands. Not satisfied with these injuries inflicted22 on the pontiff, he resolved to banter23 him by his words as well as ridicule24 him by his deeds, and wrote, that he had only done as his holiness deserved, for having unblushingly attempted to divide two such attached friends as the duke and himself, and for having dispersed26 over Italy letters intimating that he had quitted the duke to take part with the Venetians. Having taken possession of Romagna, Niccolo left it under the charge of his son, Francesco, and with the greater part of his troops, went into Lombardy, where joining the remainder of the duke’s forces, he attacked the country about Brescia, and having soon completely conquered it, besieged27 the city itself.
The duke, who desired the Venetians to be left defenseless, excused himself to the pope, the Florentines, and the count, saying, that if the doings of Niccolo were contrary to the terms of the treaty, they were equally contrary to his wishes, and by secret messengers, assured them that when an occasion presented itself, he would give them a convincing proof that they had been performed in disobedience to his instructions. Neither the count nor the Florentines believed him, but thought, with reason, that these enterprises had been carried on to keep them at bay, till he had subdued29 the Venetians, who, being full of pride, and thinking themselves able alone to resist the duke, had not deigned30 to ask for any assistance, but carried on the war under their captain, Gattamelata.
Count Francesco would have wished, with the consent of the Florentines, to go to the assistance of king René, if the events of Romagna and Lombardy had not hindered him; and the Florentines would willingly have consented, from their ancient friendship to the French dynasty, but the duke was entirely31 in favor of Alfonso. Each being engaged in wars near home, refrained from distant undertakings32. The Florentines, finding Romagna occupied with the duke’s forces, and the Venetians defeated, as if foreseeing their own ruin in that of others, entreated33 the count to come to Tuscany, where they might consider what should be done to resist Filippo’s power, which was now greater than it had ever before been; assuring him that if his insolence34 were not in some way curbed35, all the powers of Italy would soon have to submit to him. The count felt the force of the fears entertained by the Florentines, but his desire to secure the duke’s alliance kept him in suspense36; and the duke, aware of this desire, gave him the greatest assurance that his hopes would be realized as shortly as possible, if he abstained37 from hostilities against him. As the lady was now of marriageable age, the duke had frequently made all suitable preparations for the celebration of the ceremony, but on one pretext38 or another they had always been wholly set aside. He now, to give the count greater confidence, added deeds to his words, and sent him thirty thousand florins, which, by the terms of the marriage contract, he had engaged to pay.
Still the war in Lombardy proceeded with greater vehemence39 than ever; the Venetians constantly suffered fresh losses of territory, and the fleets they equipped upon the rivers were taken by the duke’s forces; the country around Verona and Brescia was entirely occupied, and the two cities themselves so pressed, that their speedy fall was generally anticipated. The marquis of Mantua, who for many years had led the forces of their republic, quite unexpectedly resigned his command, and went over to the duke’s service. Thus the course which pride prevented them from adopting at the commencement of the war, fear compelled them to take during its progress; for knowing there was no help for them but in the friendship of the Florentines and the count, they began to make overtures40 to obtain it, though with shame and apprehension41; for they were afraid of receiving a reply similar to that which they had given the Florentines, when the latter applied42 for assistance in the enterprise against Lucca and the count’s affairs. However, they found the Florentines more easily induced to render aid than they expected, or their conduct deserved; so much more were the former swayed by hatred43 of their ancient enemy, than by resentment of the ingratitude44 of their old and habitual45 friends. Having foreseen the necessity into which the Venetians must come, they had informed the count that their ruin must involve his own; that he was deceived if he thought the duke, while fortune, would esteem46 him more than if he were in adversity; that the duke was induced to promise him his daughter by the fear he entertained of him; that what necessity occasions to be promised, it also causes to be performed; and it was therefore desirable to keep the duke in that necessity, which could be done without supporting the power of the Venetians. Therefore he might perceive, that if the Venetians were compelled to abandon their inland territories, he would not only lose the advantages derivable47 from them, but also those to be obtained from such as feared them; and that if he considered well the powers of Italy, he would see that some were poor, and others hostile; that the Florentines alone were not, as he had often said, sufficient for his support; so that on every account it was best to keep the Venetians powerful by land. These arguments, conjoined with the hatred which the count had conceived against Filippo, by supposing himself duped with regard to the promised alliance, induced him to consent to a new treaty; but still he would not consent to cross the Po. The agreement was concluded in February, 1438; the Venetians agreeing to pay two-thirds of the expense of the war, the Florentines one-third, and each engaging to defend the states which the count possessed in La Marca. Nor were these the only forces of the league, for the lord of Faenza, the sons of Pandolfo Malatesti da Rimino and Pietro Giampagolo Orsini also joined them. They endeavored, by very liberal offers, to gain over the marquis of Mantua, but could not prevail against the friendship and stipend48 of the duke; and the lord of Faenza, after having entered into compact with the league, being tempted25 by more advantageous49 terms, went over to him. This made them despair of being able to effect an early settlement of the troubles of Romagna.
The affairs of Lombardy were in this condition: Brescia was so closely besieged by the duke’s forces, that constant apprehensions50 were entertained of her being compelled by famine to a surrender; while Verona was so pressed, that a similar fate was expected to await her, and if one of these cities were lost, all the other preparations for the war might be considered useless, and the expenses already incurred51 as completely wasted. For this there was no remedy, but to send the count into Lombardy; and to this measure three obstacles presented themselves. The first was, to induce him to cross the Po, and prosecute52 the war in whatever locality might be found most advisable; the second, that the count being at a distance, the Florentines would be left almost at the mercy of the duke, who, issuing from any of his fortresses, might with part of his troops keep the count at bay, and with the rest introduce into Tuscany the Florentine exiles, whom the existing government already dreaded53; the third was, to determine what route the count should take to arrive safely in the Paduan territory, and join the Venetian forces. Of these three difficulties, the second, which particularly regarded the Florentines, was the most serious; but, knowing the necessity of the case, and wearied out by the Venetians, who with unceasing importunity54 demanded the count, intimating that without him they should abandon all hope, they resolved to relieve their allies rather than listen to the suggestions of their own fears. There still remained the question about the route to be taken, for the safety of which they determined the Venetians should provide; and as they had sent Neri Capponi to treat with the count and induce him to cross the Po, they determined that the same person should also proceed to Venice, in order to make the benefit the more acceptable to the Signory, and see that all possible security were given to the passage of the forces.
Neri embarked55 at Cesena and went to Venice; nor was any prince ever received with so much honor as he was; for upon his arrival, and the matters which his intervention56 was to decide and determine, the safety of the republic seemed to depend. Being introduced to the senate, and in presence of the Doge, he said, “The Signory of Florence, most serene57 prince, has always perceived in the duke’s greatness the source of ruin both to this republic and our own, and that the safety of both states depends upon their separate strength and mutual58 confidence. If such had been the opinion of this illustrious Signory, we should ourselves have been in better condition, and your republic would have been free from the dangers that now threaten it. But as at the proper crisis you withheld59 from us confidence and aid, we could not come to the relief of your distress60, nor could you, being conscious of this, freely ask us; for neither in your prosperity nor adversity have you clearly perceived our motives61. You have not observed, that those whose deeds have once incurred our hatred, can never become entitled to our regard; nor can those who have once merited our affection ever after absolutely cancel their claim. Our attachment62 to your most serene Signory is well known to you all, for you have often seen Lombardy filled with our forces and our money for your assistance. Our hereditary63 enmity to Filippo and his house is universally known, and it is impossible that love or hatred, strengthened by the growth of years, can be eradicated64 from our minds by any recent act either of kindness or neglect. We have always thought, and are still of the same opinion, that we might now remain neutral, greatly to the duke’s satisfaction, and with little hazard to ourselves; for if by your ruin he were to become lord of Lombardy, we should still have sufficient influence in Italy in free us from any apprehension on our own account; for every increase of power and territory augments65 that animosity and envy, from which arise wars and the dismemberment of states. We are also aware what heavy expenses and imminent66 perils67 we should avoid, by declining to involve ourselves in these disputes; and how easily the field of battle may be transferred from Lombardy to Tuscany, by our interference in your behalf. Yet all these apprehensions are at once overborne by our ancient affection for the senate and people of Venice, and we have resolved to come to your relief with the same zeal68 with which we should have armed in our own defense28, had we been attacked. Therefore, the senate of Florence, judging it primarily necessary to relieve Verona and Brescia, and thinking this impossible without the count, have sent me, in the first instance, to persuade him to pass into Lombardy, and carry on the war wherever it may be most needful; for you are aware he is under no obligation to cross the Po. To induce him to do so, I have advanced such arguments as are suggested by the circumstances themselves, and which would prevail with us. He, being invincible69 in arms, cannot be surpassed in courtesy, and the liberality he sees the Florentines exercise toward you, he has resolved to outdo; for he is well aware to what dangers Tuscany will be exposed after his departure, and since we have made your affairs our primary consideration, he has also resolved to make his own subservient70 to yours. I come, therefore, to tender his services, with seven thousand cavalry71 and two thousand infantry72, ready at once to march against the enemy, wherever he may be. And I beg of you, so do my lords at Florence and the count, that as his forces exceed the number he has engaged to furnish you, out of your liberality, would remunerate him, that he may not repent73 of having come to your assistance, nor we, who have prevailed with him to do so.” This discourse of Neri to the senate was listened to with that profound attention which an oracle74 might be imagined to command; and his audience were so moved by it, that they could not restrain themselves, till the prince had replied, as strict decorum on such occasions required, but rising from their seats, with uplifted hands, and most of them with tears in their eyes, they thanked the Florentines for their generous conduct, and the ambassador for his unusual dispatch; and promised that time should never cancel the remembrance of such goodness, either in their own hearts, or their children’s; and that their country, thenceforth, should be common to the Florentines with themselves.
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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deception
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| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
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detrimental
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| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
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pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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banter
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| n.嘲弄，戏谑；v.取笑，逗弄，开玩笑 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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deigned
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| v.屈尊，俯就( deign的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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curbed
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| v.限制，克制，抑制( curb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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derivable
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| adj.可引出的，可推论的，可诱导的 | |
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stipend
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| n.薪贴；奖学金；养老金 | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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eradicated
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| 画着根的 | |
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augments
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| 增加，提高，扩大( augment的名词复数 ) | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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71
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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72
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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73
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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74
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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