Prosecution1 of the war between the count and the Milanese — The Milanese reduced to extremity2 — The people rise against the magistrates3 — Milan surrenders to the count — League between the new duke of Milan and the Florentines, and between the king of Naples and the Venetians — Venetian and Neapolitan ambassadors at Florence — Answer of Cosmo de’ Medici to the Venetian ambassador — Preparations of the Venetians and the king of Naples for the war — The Venetians excite disturbances4 in Bologna — Florence prepares for war — The emperor, Frederick III. at Florence — War in Lombardy between the duke of Milan and the Venetians — Ferrando, son of the king of Naples, marches into Tuscany against the Florentines.
The ambassadors were at Reggio when they heard that the count had become lord of Milan; for as soon as the truce5 had expired, he approached the city with his forces, hoping quickly to get possession of it in spite of the Venetians, who could bring no relief except from the side of the Adda, which route he could easily obstruct6, and therefore had no apprehension7 (being then winter) of their arrival, and he trusted that, before the return of spring, he would be victorious8, particularly, as by the death of Francesco Piccinino, there remained only Jacopo his brother, to command the Milanese. The Venetians had sent an ambassador to Milan to confirm the citizens in their resolution of defense9, promising10 them powerful and immediate11 aid. During the winter a few slight skirmishes had taken place between the count and the Venetians; but on the approach of milder weather, the latter, under Pandolfo Malatesti, halted with their army upon the Adda, and considering whether, in order to succor12 the Milanese, they ought to risk a battle, Pardolfo, their general, aware of the count’s abilities, and the courage of his army, said it would be unadvisable to do so, and that, under the circumstances, it was needless, for the count, being in great want of forage13, could not keep the field, and must soon retire. He therefore advised them to remain encamped, to keep the Milanese in hope, and prevent them from surrendering. This advice was approved by the Venetians, both as being safe, and because, by keeping the Milanese in this necessity, they might be the sooner compelled to submit to their dominion14; for they felt quite sure that the injuries they had received would always prevent their submission15 to the count.
In the meantime, the Milanese were reduced to the utmost misery16; and as the city usually abounded17 with poor, many died of hunger in the streets; hence arose complaints and disturbances in several parts, which alarmed the magistrates, and compelled them to use their utmost exertions18 to prevent popular meetings. The multitude are always slow to resolve on commotion19; but the resolution once formed, any trivial circumstance excites it to action. Two men in humble20 life, talking together near the Porta Nuova of the calamities21 of the city, their own misery, and the means that might be adopted for their relief, others beginning to congregate22, there was soon collected a large crowd; in consequence of it a report was spread that the neighborhood of Porta Nuova had risen against the government. Upon this, all the lower orders, who only waited for an example, assembled in arms, and chose Gasparre da Vicomercato to be their leader. They then proceeded to the place where the magistrates were assembled, and attacked them so impetuously that all who did not escape by flight were slain23: among the number, as being considered a principal cause of the famine, and gratified at their distress24, fell Lionardo Veniero, the Venetian ambassador. Having thus almost become masters of the city, they considered what course was next to be adopted to escape from the horrors surrounding them, and to procure25 peace. A feeling universally prevailed, that as they could not preserve their own liberty, they ought to submit to a prince who could defend them. Some proposed King Alfonso, some the duke of Savoy, and others the king of France, but none mentioned the count, so great was the general indignation against him. However, disagreeing with the rest, Gasparre da Vicomercato proposed him, and explained in detail that if they desired relief from war, no other plan was open, since the people of Milan required a certain and immediate peace, and not a distant hope of succor. He apologized for the count’s proceedings26, accused the Venetians, and all the powers of Italy, of which some from ambition and others from avarice27 were averse28 to their possessing freedom. Having to dispose of their liberty, it would be preferable, he said, to obey one who knew and could defend them; so that, by their servitude they might obtain peace, and not bring upon themselves greater evils and more dangerous wars. He was listened to with the most profound attention; and, having concluded his harangue29, it was unanimously resolved by the assembly, that the count should be called in, and Gasparre was appointed to wait upon him and signify their desire. By the people’s command he conveyed the pleasing and happy intelligence to the count, who heard it with the utmost satisfaction, and entered Milan as prince on the twenty-sixth of February, 1450, where he was received with the greatest possible joy by those who, only a short time previously30 had heaped on him all the slanders31 that hatred32 could inspire.
The news of this event reaching Florence, orders were immediately sent to the envoys34 who were upon the way to Milan, that instead of treating for his alliance with the count, they should congratulate the duke upon his victory; they, arranging accordingly, had a most honorable reception, and were treated with all possible respect; for the duke well knew that in all Italy he could not find braver or more faithful friends, to defend him against the power of the Venetians, than the Florentines, who, being no longer in fear of the house of Visconti, found themselves opposed by the Aragonese and Venetians; for the Aragonese princes of Naples were jealous of the friendship which the Florentines had always evinced for the family of France; and the Venetians seeing the ancient enmity of the Florentines against the Visconti transferred to themselves, resolved to injure them as much as possible; for they knew how pertinaciously35 and invariably they had persecuted36 the Lombard princes. These considerations caused the new duke willingly to join the Florentines, and united the Venetians and King Alfonso against their common enemies; impelling37 them at the same time to hostilities38, the king against the Florentines, and the Venetians against the duke, who, being fresh in the government, would, they imagined, be unable to resist them, even with all the aid he could obtain.
But as the league between the Florentines and the Venetians still continued, and as the king, after the war of Piombino, had made peace with the former, it seemed indecent to commence an open rupture39 until some plausible40 reason could be assigned in justification41 of offensive measures. On this account each sent ambassadors to Florence, who, on the part of their sovereigns, signified that the league formed between them was made not for injury to any, but solely42 for the mutual43 defense of their states. The Venetian ambassador then complained that the Florentines had allowed Alessandro, the duke’s brother, to pass into Lombardy with his forces; and besides this, had assisted and advised in the treaty made between the duke and the marquis of Mantua, matters which he declared to be injurious to the Venetians, and inconsistent with the friendship hitherto subsisting44 between the two governments; amicably45 reminding them, that one who inflicts46 unmerited injury, gives others just ground of hostility47, and that those who break a peace may expect war. The Signory appointed Cosmo de’ Medici to reply to what had been said by the Venetian ambassador, and in a long and excellent speech he recounted the numerous advantages conferred by the city on the Venetian republic; showed what an extent of dominion they had acquired by the money, forces, and counsel of the Florentines, and reminded him that, although the friendship had originated with the Florentines, they had never given occasion of enmity; and as they desired peace, they greatly rejoiced when the treaty was made, if it had been entered into for the sake of peace, and not of war. True it was, he wondered much at the remarks which had been made, seeing that such light and trivial matters should give offense48 to so great a republic; but if they were worthy49 of notice he must have it universally understood, that the Florentines wished their country to be free and open to all; and that the duke’s character was such, that if he desired the friendship of the marquis of Mantua, he had no need of anyone’s favor or advice. He therefore feared that these cavils50 were produced by some latent motive51, which it was not thought proper to disclose. Be this as it might, they would freely declare to all, that in the same proportion as the friendship of the Florentines was beneficial their enmity could be destructive.
The matter was hushed up; and the ambassadors, on their departure, appeared perfectly52 satisfied. But the league between the king and the Venetians made the Florentines and the duke rather apprehend53 war than hope for a long continuance of peace. They therefore entered into an alliance, and at the same time the enmity of the Venetians transpired54 by a treaty with the Siennese, and the expulsion of all Florentine subjects from their cities and territories. Shortly after this, Alfonso did the same, without any consideration of the peace made the year previous, and not having even the shadow of an excuse. The Venetians attempted to take Bologna, and having armed the emigrants55, and united to them a considerable force, introduced them into the city by night through one of the common sewers56. No sooner had they entered, than they raised a cry, by which Santi Bentivogli, being awakened57, was told that the whole city was in possession of the rebels. But though many advised him to escape, saying that he could not save the city by his stay, he determined58 to confront the danger, and taking arms encouraged his followers59, assembled a few friends, attacked and routed part of the rebels, slew60 many more, and drove the remainder out of the city. By this act of bravery all agreed he had fully61 proved himself a genuine scion62 of the house of the Bentivogli.
These events and demonstrations63 gave the Florentines an earnest of approaching war; they consequently followed their usual practice on similar occasions, and created the Council of Ten. They engaged new condottieri, sent ambassadors to Rome, Naples, Venice, Milan, and Sienna, to demand assistance from their friends, gain information about those they suspected, decide such as were wavering, and discover the designs of the foe64. From the pope they obtained only general expressions of an amicable65 disposition66 and admonitions to peace; from the king, empty excuses for having expelled the Florentines, and offers of safe conduct for whoever should demand it; and although he endeavored, as much as possible, to conceal67 every indication of his hostile designs, the ambassadors felt convinced of his unfriendly disposition, and observed many preparations tending to the injury of the republic. The League with the duke was strengthened by mutual obligations, and through his means they became friends with the Genoese, the old differences with them respecting reprisals68, and other small matters of dispute, being composed, although the Venetians used every possible means to prevent it, and entreated69 the emperor of Constantinople to expel all Florentines from his dominions70; so fierce was the animosity with which they entered on this war, and so powerful their lust71 of dominion, that without the least hesitation72 they sought the destruction of those who had been the occasion of their own power. The emperor, however, refused to listen to them. The Venetian senate forbade the Florentine ambassadors to enter their territories, alleging73, that being in league with the king, they could not entertain them without his concurrence74. The Siennese received the ambassadors with fair words, fearing their own ruin before the League could assist them, and therefore endeavored to appease75 the powers whose attack they were unable to resist. The Venetians and the king (as was then conjectured) were disposed to send ambassadors to Florence to justify76 the war. But the Venetian envoy33 was not allowed to enter the Florentine dominions, and the king’s ambassador, being unwilling77 to perform his office alone, the embassy was not completed; and thus the Venetians learned, that however little they might esteem78 the Florentines, the latter had still less respect for them.
In the midst of these fears, the emperor, Frederick III., came into Italy to be crowned. On the thirtieth of January, 1451, he entered Florence with fifteen hundred horse, and was most honorably received by the Signory. He remained in the city till the sixth of February, and then proceeded to Rome for his coronation, where, having been solemnly consecrated79, and his marriage celebrated80 with the empress, who had come to Rome by sea, he returned to Germany, and again passed through Florence in May, with the same honors as upon his arrival. On his return, having derived81 some benefits from the marquis of Mantua, he conceded to him Modena and Reggio. In the meantime, the Florentines did not fail to prepare themselves for immediate war; and to augment82 their influence, and strike the enemy with terror, they, in conjunction with the duke, entered into alliance with the king of France for the mutual defense of their states. This treaty was published with great pomp throughout all Italy.
The month of May, 1452, having arrived, the Venetians thought it not desirable to defer83 any longer their attack upon the duke, and with sixteen thousand horse and six thousand foot assailed84 his territories in the direction of Lodi, while the marquis of Montferrat, instigated85 either by his own ambition or the entreaties86 of the Venetians, did the same on the side of Alexandria. The duke assembled a force of eighteen thousand cavalry87 and three thousand infantry88, garrisoned89 Alexandria and Lodi, and all the other places where the enemy might annoy them. He then attacked the Brescian territory, and greatly harassed91 the Venetians; while both parties alike plundered92 the country and ravaged93 the smaller towns. Having defeated the marquis of Montferrat at Alexandria, the duke was able to unite his whole force against the Venetians and invade their territory.
While the war in Lombardy proceeded thus, giving rise to various trifling94 incidents unworthy of recital95, King Alfonso and the Florentines carried on hostilities in Tuscany, but in a similarly inefficient96 manner, evincing no greater talent, and incurring97 no greater danger. Ferrando, the illegitimate son of Alfonso, entered the country with twelve thousand troops, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino. Their first attempt was to attack Fojano, in the Val di Chiane; for, having the Siennese in their favor, they entered the Florentine territory in that direction. The walls of the castle were weak, and it was small, and consequently poorly manned, but the garrison90 were, among the soldiers of that period, considered brave and faithful. Two hundred infantry were also sent by the Signory for its defense. Before this castle, thus provided, Ferrando sat down, and either from the valor98 of its defenders99 or his own deficiencies, thirty-six days elapsed before he took it. This interval100 enabled the city to make better provision for places of greater importance, to collect forces and conclude more effective arrangements than had hitherto been made. The enemy next proceeded into the district of Chiane, where they attacked two small towns, the property of private citizens, but could not capture them. They then encamped before the Castellina, a fortress101 upon the borders of the Chianti, within ten miles of Sienna, weak from its defective102 construction, and still more so by its situation; but, notwithstanding these defects, the assailants were compelled to retire in disgrace, after having lain before it forty-four days. So formidable were those armies, and so perilous103 those wars, that places now abandoned as untenable were then defended as impregnable.
While Ferrando was encamped in the Chianti he made many incursions, and took considerable booty from the Florentine territories, extending his depredations104 within six miles of the city, to the great alarm and injury of the people, who at this time, having sent their forces to the number of eight thousand soldiers under Astorre da Faenza and Gismondo Malatesti toward Castel di Colle, kept them at a distance from the enemy, lest they should be compelled to an engagement; for they considered that so long as they were not beaten in a pitched battle, they could not be vanquished105 in the war generally; for small castles, when lost, were recovered at the peace, and larger places were in no danger, because the enemy would not venture to attack them. The king had also a fleet of about twenty vessels106, comprising galleys107 and smaller craft, which lay off Pisa, and during the siege of Castellina were moored108 near the Rocca di Vada, which, from the negligence109 of the governor, he took, and then harassed the surrounding country. However, this annoyance110 was easily removed by a few soldiers sent by the Florentines to Campiglia, and who confined the enemy to the coast.
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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forage
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| n.(牛马的)饲料，粮草；v.搜寻，翻寻 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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congregate
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| v.(使)集合，聚集 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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slanders
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| 诽谤，诋毁( slander的名词复数 ) | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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pertinaciously
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| adv.坚持地；固执地；坚决地；执拗地 | |
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persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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impelling
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| adj.迫使性的，强有力的v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的现在分词 ) | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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amicably
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| adv.友善地 | |
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inflicts
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的第三人称单数 ) | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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cavils
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| v.挑剔，吹毛求疵( cavil的第三人称单数 ) | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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transpired
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| （事实，秘密等）被人知道( transpire的过去式和过去分词 )； 泄露； 显露； 发生 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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sewers
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| n.阴沟，污水管，下水道( sewer的名词复数 ) | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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scion
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| n.嫩芽，子孙 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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71
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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81
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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90
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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101
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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102
defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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103
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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104
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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105
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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107
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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108
moored
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| adj. 系泊的 动词moor的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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110
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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