Christendom alarmed by the progress of the Turks — The Turks routed before Belgrade — Description of a remarkable1 hurricane — War against the Genoese and Gismondo Malatesti — Genoa submits to the king of France — Death of Alfonso king of Naples — Succeeded by his son Ferrando — The pope designs to give the kingdom of Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia — Eulogy2 of Pius II.— Disturbances3 in Genoa between John of Anjou and the Fregosi — The Fregosi subdued4 — John attacks the kingdom of Naples — Ferrando king of Naples routed — Ferrando reinstated — The Genoese cast off the French yoke5 — John of Anjou routed in the kingdom of Naples.
The pope, though anxious to restrain Jacopo Piccinino, did not neglect to make provision for the defense6 of Christendom, which seemed in danger from the Turks. He sent ambassadors and preachers into every Christian7 country, to exhort8 princes and people to arm in defense of their religion, and with their persons and property to contribute to the enterprise against the common enemy. In Florence, large sums were raised, and many citizens bore the mark of a red cross upon their dress to intimate their readiness to become soldiers of the faith. Solemn processions were made, and nothing was neglected either in public or private, to show their willingness to be among the most forward to assist the enterprise with money, counsel, or men. But the eagerness for this crusade was somewhat abated9, by learning that the Turkish army, being at the siege of Belgrade, a strong city and fortress10 in Hungary, upon the banks of the Danube, had been routed and the emperor wounded; so that the alarm felt by the pope and all Christendom, on the loss of Constantinople, having ceased to operate, they proceeded with deliberately11 with their preparations for war; and in Hungary their zeal12 was cooled through the death of Giovanni Corvini the Waiwode, who commanded the Hungarian forces on that memorable13 occasion, and fell in the battle.
To return to the affairs of Italy. In the year 1456, the disturbances occasioned by Jacopo Piccinino having subsided14, and human weapons laid aside, the heavens seemed to make war against the earth; dreadful tempestuous15 winds then occurring, which produced effects unprecedented16 in Tuscany, and which to posterity17 will appear marvelous and unaccountable. On the twenty-fourth of August, about an hour before daybreak, there arose from the Adriatic near Ancona, a whirlwind, which crossing from east to west, again reached the sea near Pisa, accompanied by thick clouds, and the most intense and impenetrable darkness, covering a breadth of about two miles in the direction of its course. Under some natural or supernatural influence, this vast and overcharged volume of condensed vapor18 burst; its fragments contended with indescribable fury, and huge bodies sometimes ascending19 toward heaven, and sometimes precipitated20 upon the earth, struggled, as it were, in mutual21 conflict, whirling in circles with intense velocity22, and accompanied by winds, impetuous beyond all conception; while flashes of awful brilliancy, and murky23, lurid24 flames incessantly25 broke forth26. From these confused clouds, furious winds, and momentary27 fires, sounds issued, of which no earthquake or thunder ever heard could afford the least idea; striking such awe28 into all, that it was thought the end of the world had arrived, that the earth, waters, heavens, and entire universe, mingling29 together, were being resolved into their ancient chaos30. Wherever this awful tempest passed, it produced unprecedented and marvelous effects; but these were more especially experienced near the castle of St. Casciano, about eight miles from Florence, upon the hill which separates the valleys of Pisa and Grieve. Between this castle and the Borgo St. Andrea, upon the same hill, the tempest passed without touching31 the latter, and in the former, only threw down some of the battlements and the chimneys of a few houses; but in the space between them, it leveled many buildings quite to the ground. The roofs of the churches of St. Martin, at Bagnolo, and Santa Maria della Pace, were carried more than a mile, unbroken as when upon their respective edifices32. A muleteer and his beasts were driven from the road into the adjoining valley, and found dead. All the large oaks and lofty trees which could not bend beneath its influence, were not only stripped of their branches but borne to a great distance from the places where they grew, and when the tempest had passed over and daylight made the desolation visible, the inhabitants were transfixed with dismay. The country had lost all its habitable character; churches and dwellings33 were laid in heaps; nothing was heard but the lamentations of those whose possessions had perished, or whose cattle or friends were buried beneath the ruins; and all who witnessed the scene were filled with anguish34 or compassion35. It was doubtless the design of the Omnipotent36, rather to threaten Tuscany than to chastise37 her; for had the hurricane been directed over the city, filled with houses and inhabitants, instead of proceeding38 among oaks and elms, or small and thinly scattered39 dwellings, it would have been such a scourge40 as the mind, with all its ideas of horror, could not have conceived. But the Almighty41 desired that this slight example should suffice to recall the minds of men to a knowledge of himself and of his power.
To return to our history. King Alfonso was dissatisfied with the peace, and as the war which he had unnecessarily caused Jacopo Piccinino to make against the Siennese, had produced no important result, he resolved to try what could be done against those whom the conditions of the League permitted him to attack. He therefore, in the year 1456, assailed42 the Genoese, both by sea and by land, designing to deprive the Fregosi of the government and restore the Adorni. At the same time, he ordered Jacopo Piccinino to cross the Tronto, and attack Gismondo Malatesti, who, having fortified43 his territories, did not concern himself, and this part of the king’s enterprise produced no effect; but his proceedings44 against Genoa occasioned more wars against himself and his kingdom than he could have wished. Piero Fregoso was then doge of Genoa, and doubting his ability to sustain the attack of the king, he determined45 to give what he could not hold, to some one who might defend it against his enemies, in hope, that at a future period, he should obtain a return for the benefit conferred. He therefore sent ambassadors to Charles VII. of France, and offered him the government of Genoa. Charles accepted the offer, and sent John of Anjou, the son of King René, who had a short time previously46 left Florence and returned to France, to take possession with the idea, that he, having learned the manners and customs of Italy, would be able to govern the city; and also that this might give him an opportunity of undertaking47 the conquest of Naples, of which René, John’s father, had been deprived by Alfonso. John, therefore, proceeded to Genoa, where he was received as prince, and the fortresses48, both of the city and the government, given up to him. This annoyed Alfonso, with the fear that he had brought upon himself too powerful an enemy. He was not, however, dismayed; but pursued his enterprise vigorously, and had led his fleet to Porto, below Villamarina, when he died after a sudden illness, and thus John and the Genoese were relieved from the war. Ferrando, who succeeded to the kingdom of his father Alfonso, became alarmed at having so powerful an enemy in Italy, and was doubtful of the disposition49 of many of his barons50, who being desirous of change, he feared would take part with the French. He was also apprehensive51 of the pope, whose ambition he well knew, and who seeing him new in the government, might design to take it from him. He had no hope except from the duke of Milan, who entertained no less anxiety concerning the affairs of the kingdom than Ferrando; for he feared that if the French were to obtain it, they would endeavor to annex52 his own dominions54; which he knew they considered to be rightfully their own. He, therefore, soon after the death of Alfonso, sent letters and forces to Ferrando; the latter to give him aid and influence, the former to encourage him with an intimation that he would not, under any circumstances, forsake55 him. The pontiff intended, after the death of Alfonso, to give the kingdom of Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia, and, to furnish a decent pretext56 for his design and obtain the concurrence57 of the powers of Italy in its favor he signified a wish to restore that realm to the dominion53 of the church of Rome; and therefore persuaded the duke not to assist Ferrando. But in the midst of these views and opening enterprises, Calixtus died, and Pius II. of Siennese origin, of the family of the Piccolomini, and by name ?neas, succeeded to the pontificate. This pontiff, free from the ties of private interest, having no object but to benefit Christendom and honor the church, at the duke’s entreaty58 crowned Ferrando king of Naples; judging it easier to establish peace if the kingdom remained in the hands which at present held it, than if he were to favor the views of the French, or, as Calixtus purposed, take it for himself. Ferrando, in acknowledgment of the benefit, created Antonio, one of the pope’s nephews, prince of Malfi, gave him an illegitimate daughter of his own in marriage, and restored Benevento and Terracina to the church.
It thus appeared that the internal dissensions of Italy might be quelled59, and the pontiff prepared to induce the powers of Christendom to unite in an enterprise against the Turks (as Calixtus had previously designed) when differences arose between the Fregosi and John of Anjou, the lord of Genoa, which occasioned greater and more important wars than those recently concluded. Pietrino Fregoso was at his castle of Riviera, and thought he had not been rewarded by John in proportion to his family’s merits; for it was by their means the latter had become prince of the city. This impression drove the parties into open enmity; a circumstance gratifying to Ferrando, who saw in it relief from his troubles, and the sole means of procuring60 his safety: he therefore assisted Pietrino with money and men, trusting to drive John out of the Genoese territory. The latter being aware of his design, sent for aid to France; and, on obtaining it, attacked Pietrino, who, through his numerous friends, entertained the strongest assurance of success; so that John was compelled to keep within the city, into which Pietrino having entered by night, took possession of some parts of it; but upon the return of day, his people were all either slain61 or made prisoners by John’s troops, and he himself was found among the dead.
This victory gave John hopes of recovering the kingdom; and in October, 1459, he sailed thither62 from Genoa, with a powerful fleet, and landed at Baia; whence he proceeded to Sessa, by the duke of which place he was favorably received. The prince of Taranto, the Aquilani, with several cities and other princes, also joined him; so that a great part of the kingdom fell into his hands. On this Ferrando applied63 for assistance to the pope and the duke of Milan; and, to diminish the number of his enemies, made peace with Gismondo Malatesti, which gave so much offense64 to Jacopo Piccinino, the hereditary65 enemy of Gismondo, that he resigned his command under Ferrando, and joined his rival. Ferrando also sent money to Federigo, lord of Urbino, and collected with all possible speed what was in those times considered a tolerable army; which, meeting the enemy upon the river Sarni, an engagement ensued in which Ferrando was routed, and many of his principal officers taken. After this defeat, the city of Naples alone, with a few smaller places and princes of inferior note, adhered to Ferrando, the greater part having submitted to John. Jacopo Piccinino, after the victory, advised an immediate66 march upon Naples; but John declined this, saying, he would first reduce the remainder of the kingdom, and then attack the seat of government. This resolution occasioned the failure of his enterprise; for he did not consider how much more easily the members follow the head than the head the members.
After his defeat, Ferrando took refuge in Naples, whither the scattered remnants of his people followed him; and by soliciting67 his friends, he obtained money and a small force. He sent again for assistance to the pope and the duke, by both of whom he was supplied more liberally and speedily than before; for they began to entertain most serious apprehensions68 of his losing the kingdom. His hopes were thus revived; and, marching from Naples, he regained69 his reputation in his dominions, and soon obtained the places of which he had been deprived. While the war was proceeding in the kingdom, a circumstance occurred by which John of Anjou lost his influence, and all chance of success in the enterprise. The Genoese had become so weary of the haughty70 and avaricious71 dominion of the French, that they took arms against the viceroy, and compelled him to seek refuge in the castelletto; the Fregosi and the Adorni united in the enterprise against him, and were assisted with money and troops by the duke of Milan, both for the recovery and preservation72 of the government. At the same time, King René coming with a fleet to the assistance of his son, and hoping to recover Genoa by means of the castelletto, upon landing his forces was so completely routed, that he was compelled to return in disgrace to Provence. When the news of his father’s defeat reached Naples, John was greatly alarmed, but continued the war for a time by the assistance of those barons who, being rebels, knew they would obtain no terms from Ferrando. At length, after various trifling73 occurrences, the two royal armies came to an engagement, in which John was routed near Troia, in the year 1463. He was, however, less injured by his defeat than by the desertion of Jacopo Piccinino, who joined Ferrando; and, being abandoned by his troops, he was compelled to take refuge in Istria, and thence withdrew to France. This war continued four years. John’s failure was attributable to negligence74; for victory was often within his grasp, but he did not take proper means to secure it. The Florentines took no decisive part in this war. John, king of Aragon, who succeeded upon the death of Alfonso, sent ambassadors to request their assistance for his nephew Ferrando, in compliance75 with the terms of the treaty recently made with his father Alfonso. The Florentines replied, that they were under no obligation; that they did not think proper to assist the son in a war commenced by the father with his own forces; and that as it was begun without either their counsel or knowledge, it must be continued and concluded without their help. The ambassadors affirmed the engagement to be binding76 on the Florentines, and themselves to be answerable for the event of the war; and then in great anger left the city.
Thus with regard to external affairs, the Florentines continued tranquil77 during this war; but the case was otherwise with their domestic concerns, as will be particularly shown in the following book.
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1
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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10
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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12
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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13
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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vapor
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| n.蒸汽，雾气 | |
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ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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velocity
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| n.速度，速率 | |
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murky
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| adj.黑暗的，朦胧的；adv.阴暗地，混浊地；n.阴暗；昏暗 | |
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lurid
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| adj.可怕的；血红的；苍白的 | |
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incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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annex
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| vt.兼并，吞并；n.附属建筑物 | |
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53
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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55
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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56
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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quelled
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| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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61
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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62
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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67
soliciting
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| v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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70
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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71
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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72
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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73
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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