War between the Venetians and the Florentines — Peace re-established — Death of Niccolo Soderini — His character — Excesses in Florence — Various external events from 1468 to 1471 — Accession of Sixtus IV.— His character — Grief of Piero de’ Medici for the violence committed in Florence — His speech to the principal citizens — Plans of Piero de’ Medici for the restoration of order — His death and character — Tommaso Soderini, a citizen of great reputation, declares himself in favor of the Medici — Disturbances1 at Prato occasioned by Bernardo Nardi.
The concluding words of the Florentine exiles produced the utmost excitement among the Venetian senators, and they resolved to send Bernardo Coglione, their general, to attack the Florentine territory. The troops were assembled, and joined by Ercole da Esti, who had been sent by Borgo, marquis of Ferrara. At the commencement of hostilities3, the Florentines not being prepared, their enemies burned the Borgo of Dovadola, and plundered5 the surrounding country. But having expelled the enemies of Piero, renewed their league with Galeazzo, duke of Milan, and Ferrando, king of Naples, they appointed to the command of their forces Federigo, count of Urbino; and being thus on good terms with their friends, their enemies occasioned them less anxiety. Ferrando sent Alfonso, his eldest6 son, to their aid, and Galeazzo came in person, each at the head of a suitable force, and all assembled at Castrocaro, a fortress7 belonging to the Florentines, and situated8 among the roots of the Appennines which descend9 from Tuscany to Romagna. In the meantime, the enemy withdrew toward Imola. A few slight skirmishes took place between the armies; yet, in accordance with the custom of the times, neither of them acted on the offensive, besieged10 any town, or gave the other an opportunity of coming to a general engagement; but each kept within their tents, and conducted themselves with most remarkable12 cowardice13. This occasioned general dissatisfaction among the Florentines; for they found themselves involved in an expensive war, from which no advantage could be derived14. The magistrates15 complained of these spiritless proceedings16 to those who had been appointed commissaries to the expedition; but they replied, that the entire evil was chargeable upon the Duke Galeazzo, who possessing great authority and little experience, was unable to suggest useful measures, and unwilling17 to take the advice of those who were more capable; and therefore any demonstration18 of courage or energy would be impracticable so long as he remained with the army. Hereupon the Florentines intimated to the duke, that his presence with the force was in many ways advantageous19 and beneficial, and of itself sufficient to alarm the enemy; but they considered his own safety and that of his dominions20, much more important than their own immediate21 convenience; because so long as the former were safe, the Florentines had nothing to fear, and all would go well; but if his dominions were to suffer, they might then apprehend22 all kinds of misfortune. They assured him they did not think it prudent23 for him to be absent so long from Milan, having recently succeeded to the government, and being surrounded by many powerful enemies and suspected neighbors; while any who were desirous of plotting against him, had an opportunity of doing so with impunity24. They would, therefore, advise him to return to his territories, leaving part of his troops with them for the use of the expedition. This advice pleased Galeazzo, who, in consequence, immediately withdrew to Milan. The Florentine generals being now left without any hindrance25, to show that the cause assigned for their inaction was the true one, pressed the enemy more closely, so that they came to a regular engagement, which continued half a day, without either party yielding. Some horses were wounded and prisoners taken, but no death occurred. Winter having arrived, and with it the usual time for armies to retire into quarters, Bartolommeo Coglione withdrew to Ravenna, the Florentine forces into Tuscany, and those of the king and duke, each to the territories of their sovereign. As this attempt had not occasioned any tumult26 in Florence, contrary to the rebels’ expectation, and the troops they had hired were in want of pay, terms of peace were proposed, and easily arranged. The revolted Florentines, thus deprived of hope, dispersed27 themselves in various places. Diotisalvi Neroni withdrew to Ferrara, where he was received and entertained by the Marquis Borso. Niccolo Soderini went to Ravenna, where, upon a small pension allowed by the Venetians, he grew old and died. He was considered a just and brave man, but over-cautious and slow to determine, a circumstance which occasioned him, when Gonfalonier of Justice, to lose the opportunity of victory which he would have gladly recovered when too late.
Upon the restoration of peace, those who remained victorious28 in Florence, as if unable to convince themselves they had conquered, unless they oppressed not merely their enemies, but all whom they suspected, prevailed upon Bardo Altoviti, then Gonfalonier of Justice, to deprive many of the honors of government, and to banish29 several more. They exercised their power so inconsiderately, and conducted themselves in such an arbitrary manner, that it seemed as if fortune and the Almighty30 had given the city up to them for a prey31. Piero knew little of these things, and was unable to remedy even the little he knew, on account of his infirmities; his body being so contracted that he could use no faculty32 but that of speech. All he could do was to admonish33 the leading men, and beg they would conduct themselves with greater moderation, and not by their violence effect their country’s ruin. In order to divert the city, he resolved to celebrate the marriage of his son Lorenzo with Clarice degli Orsini with great splendor34; and it was accordingly solemnized with all the display suitable to the exalted36 rank of the parties. Feasts, dancing, and antique representations occupied many days; at the conclusion of which, to exhibit the grandeur37 of the house of Medici and of the government, two military spectacles were presented, one performed by men on horseback, who went through the evolutions of a field engagement, and the other representing the storming of a town; everything being conducted with admirable order and the greatest imaginable brilliancy.
During these transactions in Florence, the rest of Italy, though at peace, was filled with apprehension38 of the power of the Turks, who continued to attack the Christians40, and had taken Negropont, to the great disgrace and injury of the Christian39 name. About this time died Borso, marquis of Ferrara, who was succeeded by his brother Ercole. Gismondo da Rimini, the inveterate41 enemy of the church also expired, and his natural brother Roberto, who was afterward42 one of the best generals of Italy, succeeded him. Pope Paul died, and was succeeded by Sixtus IV. previously43 called Francesco da Savona, a man of the very lowest origin, who by his talents had become general of the order of St. Francis, and afterward cardinal44. He was the first who began to show how far a pope might go, and how much that which was previously regarded as sinful lost its iniquity45 when committed by a pontiff. Among others of his family were Piero and Girolamo, who, according to universal belief, were his sons, though he designated them by terms reflecting less scandal on his character. Piero being a priest, was advanced to the dignity of a cardinal, with the title of St. Sixtus. To Girolamo he gave the city of Furli, taken from Antonio Ordelaffi, whose ancestors had held that territory for many generations. This ambitious method of procedure made him more regarded by the princes of Italy, and all sought to obtain his friendship. The duke of Milan gave his natural daughter Caterina to Girolamo, with the city of Imola, which he had taken from Taddeo degli Alidossi, as her portion. New matrimonial alliances were formed between the duke and king Ferrando; Elisabetta, daughter of Alfonso, the king’s eldest son, being united to Giovan Galeazzo, the eldest son of the duke.
Italy being at peace, the principal employment of her princes was to watch each other, and strengthen their own influence by new alliances, leagues, or friendships. But in the midst of this repose46, Florence endured great oppression from her principal citizens, and the infirmities of Piero incapacitated him from restraining their ambition. However, to relieve his conscience, and, if possible, to make them ashamed of their conduct, he sent for them to his house, and addressed them in the following words: “I never thought a time would come when the behavior of my friends would compel me to esteem47 and desire the society of my enemies, and wish that I had been defeated rather than victorious; for I believed myself to be associated with those who would set some bounds to their avarice48, and who, after having avenged49 themselves on their enemies, and lived in their country with security and honor, would be satisfied. But now I find myself greatly deceived, unacquainted with the ambition of mankind, and least of all with yours; for, not satisfied with being masters of so great a city, and possessing among yourselves those honors, dignities, and emoluments50 which used to be divided among many citizens; not contented51 with having shared among a few the property of your enemies, or with being able to oppress all others with public burdens, while you yourselves are exempt52 from them, and enjoy all the public offices of profit you must still further load everyone with ill usage. You plunder4 your neighbors of their wealth; you sell justice; you evade53 the law; you oppress the timid and exalt35 the insolent54. Nor is there, throughout all Italy, so many and such shocking examples of violence and avarice as in this city. Has our country fostered us only to be her destroyer? Have we been victorious only to effect her ruin? Has she honored us that we may overwhelm her with disgrace? Now, by that faith which is binding55 upon all good men, I promise you, that if you still conduct yourselves so as to make me regret my victory, I will adopt such measures as shall cause you bitterly to repent56 of having misused57 it.” The reply of the citizens accorded with the time and circumstances, but they did not forego their evil practices; so that, in consequence, Piero sent for Agnolo Acciajuoli to come secretly to Cafaggiolo, and discussed with him at great length the condition of the city; and doubtless, had he not been prevented by death, he would have called home the exiles as a check upon the rapine of the opposite party. But these honorable designs were frustrated58; for, sinking under bodily infirmities and mental anguish59, he expired in the fifty-third year of his age. His goodness and virtue60 were not duly appreciated by his country, principally from his having, until almost the close of his life, been associated with Cosmo, and the few years he survived being spent in civil discord61 and constant debility. Piero was buried in the church of St. Lorenzo, near his father, and his obsequies were performed with all the pomp and solemnity due to his exalted station. He left two sons, Lorenzo and Guiliano, whose extreme youth excited alarm in the minds of thinking men, though each gave hopes of future usefulness to the republic.
Among the principal citizens in the government of Florence, and very superior to the rest, was Tommaso Soderini, whose prudence62 and authority were well known not only at home, but throughout Italy. After Piero’s death, the whole city looked up to him; many citizens waited upon him at his own house, as the head of the government, and several princes addressed him by letter; but he, impartially63 estimating his own fortune and that of the house of Medici, made no reply to the princes’ communications, and told the citizens, it was not his house, but that of the Medici they ought to visit. To demonstrate by his actions the sincerity64 and integrity of his advice he assembled all the heads of noble families in the convent of St. Antonio, whither he also brought Lorenzo and Guiliano de’ Medici, and in a long and serious speech upon the state of the city, the condition of Italy, and the views of her princes, he assured them, that if they wished to live in peace and unity11 in Florence, free both from internal dissensions and foreign wars, it would be necessary to respect the sons of Piero and support the reputation of their house; for men never regret their continuance in a course sanctioned by custom while new methods are soon adopted and as speedily set aside; and it has always been found easier to maintain a power which by its continuance has outlived envy, than to raise a new one, which innumerable unforeseen causes may overthrow65. When Tommaso had concluded, Lorenzo spoke66, and, though young, with such modesty67 and discretion68 that all present felt a presentiment69 of his becoming what he afterward proved to be; and before the citizens departed they swore to regard the youths as their sons, and the brothers promised to look upon them as their parents. After this, Lorenzo and Guiliano were honored as princes, and resolved to be guided by the advice of Tommaso Soderini.
While profound tranquillity70 prevailed both at home and abroad, no wars disturbing the general repose, there arose an unexpected disturbance2, which came like a presage71 of future evils. Among the ruined families of the party of Luca Pitti, was that of the Nardi; for Salvestro and his brothers, the heads of the house, were banished72 and afterward declared rebels for having taken part in the war under Bartolommeo Coglione. Bernardo, the brother of Salvestro, was young, prompt, and bold, and on account of his poverty being unable to alleviate73 the sorrows of exile, while the peace extinguished all hopes of his return to the city, he determined74 to attempt some means of rekindling75 the war; for a trifling76 commencement often produces great results, and men more readily prosecute77 what is already begun than originate new enterprises. Bernardo had many acquaintances at Prato, and still more in the district of Pistoia, particularly among the Palandra, a family which, though rustic78, was very numerous, and, like the rest of the Pistolesi, brought up to slaughter79 and war. These he knew to be discontented, on account of the Florentine magistrates having endeavored, perhaps too severely80, to check their partiality for inveterate feuds81 and consequence bloodshed. He was also aware that the people of Prato considered themselves injured by the pride and avarice of their governors, and that some were ill disposed toward Florence; therefore all things considered, he hoped to be able to kindle82 a fire in Tuscany (should Prato rebel) which would be fostered by so many, that those who might wish to extinguish it would fail in the attempt. He communicated his ideas to Diotisalvi Neroni, and asked him, in case they should succeed in taking possession of Prato, what assistance might be expected from the princes of Italy, by his means? Diotisalvi considered the enterprise as imminently83 dangerous, and almost impracticable; but since it presented a fresh chance of attaining84 his object, at the risk of others, he advised him to proceed, and promised certain assistance from Bologna and Ferrara, if he could retain Prato not less than fifteen days. Bernardo, whom this promise inspired with a lively hope of success, proceeded secretly to Prato, and communicated with those most disposed to favor him, among whom were the Palandra; and having arranged the time and plan, informed Diotisalvi of what had been done.
1 disturbances | |
n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 );打扰;困扰;障碍 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
2 disturbance | |
n.动乱,骚动;打扰,干扰;(身心)失调 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
3 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
4 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
5 plundered | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
6 eldest | |
adj.最年长的,最年老的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
7 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
8 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
9 descend | |
vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
10 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
11 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
12 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
13 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
14 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
15 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
16 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
17 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
18 demonstration | |
n.表明,示范,论证,示威 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
19 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
20 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
21 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
22 apprehend | |
vt.理解,领悟,逮捕,拘捕,忧虑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
23 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
24 impunity | |
n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
25 hindrance | |
n.妨碍,障碍 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
26 tumult | |
n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
27 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
28 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
29 banish | |
vt.放逐,驱逐;消除,排除 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
30 almighty | |
adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
31 prey | |
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
32 faculty | |
n.才能;学院,系;(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
33 admonish | |
v.训戒;警告;劝告 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
34 splendor | |
n.光彩;壮丽,华丽;显赫,辉煌 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
35 exalt | |
v.赞扬,歌颂,晋升,提升 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
36 exalted | |
adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
37 grandeur | |
n.伟大,崇高,宏伟,庄严,豪华 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
38 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
39 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
40 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
41 inveterate | |
adj.积习已深的,根深蒂固的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
42 afterward | |
adv.后来;以后 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
43 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
44 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
45 iniquity | |
n.邪恶;不公正 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
46 repose | |
v.(使)休息;n.安息 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
47 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
48 avarice | |
n.贪婪;贪心 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
49 avenged | |
v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 );为…报复 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
50 emoluments | |
n.报酬,薪水( emolument的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
51 contented | |
adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
52 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
53 evade | |
vt.逃避,回避;避开,躲避 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
54 insolent | |
adj.傲慢的,无理的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
55 binding | |
有约束力的,有效的,应遵守的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
56 repent | |
v.悔悟,悔改,忏悔,后悔 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
57 misused | |
v.使用…不当( misuse的过去式和过去分词 );把…派作不正当的用途;虐待;滥用 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
58 frustrated | |
adj.挫败的,失意的,泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 );挫败;使受挫折;令人沮丧 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
59 anguish | |
n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦,烦恼 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
60 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
61 discord | |
n.不和,意见不合,争论,(音乐)不和谐 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
62 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
63 impartially | |
adv.公平地,无私地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
64 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
65 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
66 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
67 modesty | |
n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
68 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
69 presentiment | |
n.预感,预觉 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
70 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
71 presage | |
n.预感,不祥感;v.预示 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
72 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
73 alleviate | |
v.减轻,缓和,缓解(痛苦等) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
74 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
75 rekindling | |
v.使再燃( rekindle的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
76 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
77 prosecute | |
vt.告发;进行;vi.告发,起诉,作检察官 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
78 rustic | |
adj.乡村的,有乡村特色的;n.乡下人,乡巴佬 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
79 slaughter | |
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
80 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
81 feuds | |
n.长期不和,世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
82 kindle | |
v.点燃,着火 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
83 imminently | |
迫切地,紧急地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
84 attaining | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的现在分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
欢迎访问英文小说网 |