Bernardo takes possession of Prato, but is not assisted by the inhabitants — He is taken, and the tumult1 appeased2 — Corruption3 of Florence — The duke of Milan in Florence — The church of Santo Spirito destroyed by fire — The rebellion of Volterra, and the cause of it — Volterra reduced to obedience4 by force, in accordance with the advice of Lorenzo de’ Medici — Volterra pillaged5.
Cesare Petrucci held the office of Provost of Prato for the Florentine people, at this period. It is customary with governors of towns, similarly situated7, to keep the keys of the gates near their persons; and whenever, in peaceful times, they are required by any of the inhabitants, for entrance or exit, they are usually allowed to be taken. Bernardo was aware of this custom, and about daybreak, presented himself at the gate which looks toward Pistoia, accompanied by the Palandra and about one hundred persons, all armed. Their confederates within the town also armed themselves, and one of them asked the governor for the keys, alleging8, as a pretext9, that some one from the country wished to enter. The governor not entertaining the slightest suspicion, sent a servant with them. When at a convenient distance, they were taken by the conspirators10, who, opening the gates, introduced Bernardo and his followers11. They divided themselves into two parties, one of which, led by Salvestro, an inhabitant of Prato, took possession of the citadel12; the other following Bernardo, seized the palace, and placed Cesare with all his family in the custody13 of some of their number. They then raised the cry of liberty, and proceeded through the town. It was now day, and many of the inhabitants hearing the disturbance14, ran to the piazza15 where, learning that the fortress16 and the palace were taken and the governor with all his people made prisoners, they were utterly17 astonished, and could not imagine how it had occurred. The eight citizens, possessing the supreme18 authority, assembled in their palace to consider what was best to be done. In the meantime, Bernardo and his followers, on going round the town, found no encouragement, and being told that the Eight had assembled, went and declared the nature of their enterprise, which he said was to deliver the country from slavery, reminding them how glorious it would be for those who took arms to effect such an honorable object, for they would thus obtain permanent repose19 and everlasting20 fame. He called to recollection their ancient liberty and present condition, and assured them of certain assistance, if they would only, for a few days, aid in resisting the forces the Florentines might send against them. He said he had friends in Florence who would join them as soon as they found the inhabitants resolved to support him. His speech did not produce the desired effect upon the Eight, who replied that they knew not whether Florence was free or enslaved, for that was a matter which they were not called upon to decide; but this they knew very well, that for their own part, they desired no other liberty than to obey the magistrates21 who governed Florence, from whom they had never received any injury sufficient to make them desire a change. They therefore advised him to set the governor at liberty, clear the place of his people, and, as quickly as possible, withdraw from the danger he had so rashly incurred22. Bernardo was not daunted23 by these words, but determined24 to try whether fear could influence the people of Prato, since entreaties25 produced so little effect. In order to terrify them, he determined to put Cesare to death, and having brought him out of prison, ordered him to be hanged at the windows of the palace. He was already led to the spot with a halter around his neck, when seeing Bernardo giving directions to hasten his end, he turned to him, and said: “Bernardo, you put me to death, thinking that the people of Prato will follow you; but the direct contrary will result; for the respect they have for the rectors which the Florentine people send here is so great, that as soon as they witness the injury inflicted26 upon me, they will conceive such a disgust against you as will inevitably27 effect your ruin. Therefore, it is not by my death, but by the preservation28 of my life, that you can attain29 the object you have in view; for if I deliver your commands, they will be much more readily obeyed, and following your directions, we shall soon attain the completion of your design.” Bernardo, whose mind was not fertile in expedients30, thought the advice good, and commanded Cesare, on being conducted to a veranda31 which looked upon the piazza, to order the people of Prato to obey him, and having done which, Cesare was led back to prison.
The weakness of the conspirators was obvious; and many Florentines residing in the town, assembled together, among whom, Giorgio Ginori, a knight32 of Rhodes, took arms first against them, and attacked Bernardo, who traversed the piazza, alternately entreating33 and threatening those who refused to obey him, and being surrounded by Giorgio’s followers, he was wounded and made prisoner. This being done, it was easy to set the governor at liberty and subdue34 the rest, who being few, and divided into several parties, were nearly all either secured or slain35. An exaggerated report of these transactions reached Florence, it being told there that Prato was taken, the governor and his friends put to death, and the place filled with the enemy; and that Pistoia was also in arms, and most of the citizens in the conspiracy36. In consequence of this alarming account, the palace as quickly filled with citizens, who consulted with the Signory what course ought to be adopted. At this time, Roberto da San Severino, one of the most distinguished37 generals of this period, was at Florence, and it was therefore determined to send him, with what forces could be collected, to Prato, with orders that he should approach the place, particularly observe what was going on, and provide such remedies as the necessity of the case and his own prudence38 should suggest. Roberto had scarcely passed the fortress of Campi, when he was met by a messenger from the governor, who informed him that Bernardo was taken, his followers either dispersed39 or slain, and everything restored to order. He consequently returned to Florence, whither Bernardo was shortly after conveyed, and when questioned by the magistracy concerning the real motives40 of such a weak conspiracy, he said, he had undertaken it, because, having resolved to die in Florence rather than live in exile, he wished his death to be accompanied by some memorable41 action.
This disturbance having been raised and quelled42 almost at the same time, the citizens returned to their accustomed mode of life, hoping to enjoy, without anxiety, the state they had now established and confirmed. Hence arose many of those evils which usually result from peace; for the youth having become more dissolute than before, more extravagant43 in dress, feasting, and other licentiousness44, and being without employment, wasted their time and means on gaming and women; their principal study being how to appear splendid in apparel, and attain a crafty45 shrewdness in discourse46; he who could make the most poignant47 remark being considered the wisest, and being most respected. These manners derived48 additional encouragement from the followers of the duke of Milan, who, with his duchess and the whole ducal court, as it was said, to fulfill49 a vow50, came to Florence, where he was received with all the pomp and respect due to so great a prince, and one so intimately connected with the Florentine people. Upon this occasion the city witnessed an unprecedented51 exhibition; for, during Lent, when the church commands us to abstain52 from animal food, the Milanese, without respect for either God or his church, ate of it daily. Many spectacles were exhibited in honor of the duke, and among others, in the temple of Santo Spirito, was represented the descent of the Holy Ghost among the apostles; and in consequence of the numerous fires used upon the occasion, some of the woodwork became ignited, and the church was completely destroyed by the flames. Many thought that the Almighty53 being offended at our misconduct, took this method of signifying his displeasure. If, therefore, the duke found the city full of courtly delicacies54, and customs unsuitable to well-regulated conduct, he left it in a much worse state. Hence the good citizens thought it necessary to restrain these improprieties, and made a law to put a stop to extravagance in dress, feasts, and funerals.
In the midst of this universal peace, a new and unexpected disturbance arose in Tuscany. Certain citizens of Volterra had discovered an alum-mine in their district, and being aware of the profit derivable55 from it, in order to obtain the means of working and securing it, they applied56 to some Florentines, and allowed them to share in the profits. This, as is frequently the case with new undertakings57, at first excited little attention from the people of Volterra; but in time, finding the profits derived from it had become considerable, they fruitlessly endeavored to effect what at first might have been easily accomplished58. They began by agitating59 the question in their councils, declaring it grossly improper60 that a source of wealth discovered in the public lands should be converted to the emolument61 of private individuals. They next sent advocates to Florence, and the question was referred to the consideration of certain citizens, who, either through being bribed62 by the party in possession, or from a sincere conviction, declared the aim of the people of Volterra to be unjust in desiring to deprive their citizens of the fruit of their labor63; and decided64 that the alum-pit was the rightful property of those who had hitherto wrought65 it; but, at the same time, recommended them to pay an annual sum by way of acknowledgment to the city. This answer instead of abating66, served only to increase the animosities and tumult in Volterra, and absorbed entire attention both in the councils and throughout the city; the people demanding the restitution67 of what they considered their due, and the proprietors68 insisting upon their right to retain what they had originally acquired, and what had been subsequently been confirmed to them by the decision of the Florentines. In the midst of these disturbances69, a respectable citizen, named Il Pecorino, was killed, together with several others, who had embraced the same side, whose houses were also plundered70 and burned; and the fury of the mob rose to such a height, that they were with difficulty restrained from putting the Florentine rectors to death.
After the first outrage71, the Volterrani immediately determined to send ambassadors to Florence, who intimated, that if the Signory would allow them their ancient privileges, the city would remain subject to them as formerly72. Many and various were the opinions concerning the reply to be made. Tommaso Soderini advised that they should accept the submission73 of the people of Volterra, upon any conditions with which they were disposed to make it; for he considered it unreasonable74 and unwise to kindle75 a flame so near home that it might burn their own dwelling76; he suspected the pope’s ambition, and was apprehensive77 of the power of the king; nor could he confide78 in the friendship either of the duke or the Venetians, having no assurance of the sincerity79 of the latter, or the valor80 of the former. He concluded by quoting that trite81 proverb, “Meglio un magro accordo che una grassa vittoria.”2 On the other hand, Lorenzo de’ Medici, thinking this an opportunity for exhibiting his prudence and wisdom, and being strenuously82 supported by those who envied the influence of Tommaso Soderini, resolved to march against them, and punish the arrogance83 of the people of Volterra with arms; declaring that if they were not made a striking example, others would, without the least fear or respect, upon every slight occasion, adopt a similar course. The enterprise being resolved on, the Volterrani were told that they could not demand the observance of conditions which they themselves had broken, and therefore must either submit to the direction of the Signory or expect war. With this answer they returned to their city, and prepared for its defense84; fortifying85 the place, and sending to all the princes of Italy to request assistance, none of whom listened to them, except the Siennese and the lord of Piombino, who gave them some hope of aid. The Florentines on the other hand, thinking success dependent principally upon celerity, assembled ten thousand foot and two thousand horse, who, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino, marched into the country of Volterra and quickly took entire possession of it. They then encamped before the city, which, being in a lofty situation, and precipitous on all sides, could only be approached by a narrow pass near the church of St. Alessandro. The Volterrani had engaged for their defense about one thousand mercenaries, who, perceiving the great superiority of the Florentines, found the place untenable, and were tardy86 in their defensive87 operations, but indefatigable88 in the constant injuries they committed upon the people of the place. Thus these poor citizens were harassed89 by the enemy without, and by their own soldiery within; so, despairing of their safety, they began to think of a capitulation; and, being unable to obtain better terms, submitted to the discretion90 of the Florentine commissaries, who ordered the gates to be opened, and introduced the greater part of their forces. They then proceeded to the palace, and commanded the priors to retire to their homes; and, on the way thither91, one of them was in derision stripped by the soldiers. From this beginning (so much more easily are men predisposed to evil than to good) originated the pillage6 and destruction of the city; which for a whole day suffered the greatest horrors, neither women nor sacred places being spared; and the soldiery, those engaged for its defense as well as its assailants, plundered all that came within their reach. The news of this victory was received with great joy at Florence, and as the expedition had been undertaken wholly by the advice of Lorenzo, he acquired great reputation. Upon which one of the intimate friends of Tommaso Soderini, reminding him of the advice he had given, asked him what he thought of the taking of Volterra; to which he replied, “To me the place seems rather lost than won; for had it been received on equitable92 terms, advantage and security would have been the result; but having to retain it by force it will in critical junctures93, occasion weakness and anxiety, and in times of peace, injury and expense.”
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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piazza
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| n.广场；走廊 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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veranda
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| n.走廊；阳台 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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entreating
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的现在分词 ) | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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quelled
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| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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poignant
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| adj.令人痛苦的，辛酸的，惨痛的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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fulfill
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| vt.履行，实现，完成；满足，使满意 | |
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vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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derivable
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| adj.可引出的，可推论的，可诱导的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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agitating
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| 搅动( agitate的现在分词 )； 激怒； 使焦虑不安； （尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而）激烈争论 | |
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improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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emolument
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| n.报酬，薪水 | |
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bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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abating
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| 减少( abate的现在分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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restitution
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| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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81
trite
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| adj.陈腐的 | |
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82
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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83
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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84
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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85
fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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86
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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87
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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88
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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89
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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90
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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91
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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92
equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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junctures
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| n.时刻，关键时刻( juncture的名词复数 )；接合点 | |
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