Origin of the animosity between Sixtus IV. and Lorenzo de’ Medici — Carlo di Braccio da Perugia attacks the Siennese — Carlo retires by desire of the Florentines — Conspiracy1 against Galeazzo, duke of Milan — His vices2 — He is slain3 by the conspirators4 — Their deaths.
The pope, anxious to retain the territories of the church in obedience5, had caused Spoleto to be sacked for having, through internal factions6, fallen into rebellion. Citta di Castello being in the same state of contumacy, he besieged7 that place; and Niccolo Vitelli its prince, being on intimate terms with Lorenzo de’ Medici, obtained assistance from him, which, though inadequate8, was quite enough to originate that enmity between Sixtus IV. and the Medici afterward9 productive of such unhappy results. Nor would this have been so long in development had not the death of Frate Piero, cardinal11 of St. Sixtus, taken place; who, after having traveled over Italy and visited Venice and Milan (under the pretense12 of doing honor to the marriage of Ercole, marquis of Ferrara), went about sounding the minds of the princes, to learn how they were disposed toward the Florentines. But upon his return he died, not without suspicion of having been poisoned by the Venetians, who found they would have reason to fear Sixtus if he were allowed to avail himself of the talents and exertions13 of Frate Piero. Although of very low extraction, and meanly brought up within the walls of a convent, he had no sooner attained14 the distinction of the scarlet16 hat, than he exhibited such inordinate17 pride and ambition, that the pontificate seemed too little for him, and he gave a feast in Rome which would have seemed extraordinary even for a king, the expense exceeding twenty thousand florins. Deprived of this minister, the designs of Sixtus proceeded with less promptitude. The Florentines, the duke, and the Venetians having renewed their league, and allowed the pope and the king to join them if they thought proper, the two latter also entered into a league, reserving an opening for the others if they were desirous to become parties to it. Italy was thus divided in two factions; for circumstances daily arose which occasioned ill feeling between the two leagues; as occurred with respect to the island of Cyprus, to which Ferrando laid claim, and the Venetians occupied. Thus the pope and the king became more closely united. Federigo, prince of Urbino, was at this time one of the first generals of Italy; and had long served the Florentines. In order, if possible, to deprive the hostile league of their captain, the pope advised, and the king requested him to pay a visit to them. To the surprise and displeasure of the Florentines, Federigo complied; for they thought the same fate awaited him as had befallen Niccolo Piccinino. However, the result was quite different; for he returned from Naples and Rome greatly honored, and with the appointment of general to their forces. They also endeavored to gain over to their interest the lords of Romagna and the Siennese, that they might more easily injure the Florentines, who, becoming aware of these things, used their utmost endeavors to defend themselves against the ambition of their enemies; and having lost Federigo d’Urbino, they engaged Roberto da Rimino in his place, renewed the league with the Perugini and formed one with the prince of Faenza. The pope and the king assigned, as the reasons of their animosity against the Florentines, that they wished to withdraw them from the Venetian alliance, and associate them with their own league; for the pope did not think the church could maintain her reputation, nor the Count Girolamo retain the states of Romagna, while the Florentines and the Venetians remained united. The Florentines conjectured18 their design was to set them at enmity with the Venetians, not so much for the sake of gaining their friendship as to be able the more easily to injure them. Two years passed away in these jealousies19 and discontents before any disturbance20 broke out; but the first which occurred, and that but trivial, took place in Tuscany.
Braccio of Perugia, whom we have frequently mentioned as one of the most distinguished21 warriors22 of Italy, left two sons, Oddo and Carlo; the latter was of tender years; the former, as above related, was slain by the people of Val di Lamona; but Carlo, when he came to mature age, was by the Venetians, out of respect for the memory of his father, and the hopes they entertained from himself, received among the condottieri of their republic. The term of his engagement having expired, he did not design to renew it immediately, but resolved to try if, by his own influence and his father’s reputation, he could recover possession of Perugia. To this the Venetians willingly consented, for they usually extended their dominion23 by any changes that occurred in the neighboring states. Carlo consequently came into Tuscany, but found more difficulties in his attempt upon Perugia than he had anticipated, on account of its being allied24 with the Florentines; and desirous of doing something worthy25 of memory, he made war upon the Siennese, alleging26 them to be indebted to him for services performed by his father in the affairs of that republic, and attacked them with such impetuosity as to threaten the total overthrow27 of their dominion. The Siennese, ever ready to suspect the Florentines, persuaded themselves that this outrage28 had been committed with their cognizance, and made heavy complaints to the pope and the king against them. They also sent ambassadors to Florence to complain of the injuries they had suffered, and adroitly29 intimated, that if Carlo had not been secretly supported he could not have made war upon them with such perfect security. The Florentines denied all participation30 in the proceedings31 of Carlo, expressed their most earnest wish to do everything in their power to put a stop to them, and allowed the ambassadors to use whatever terms they pleased in the name of the Signory, to command him to desist. Carlo complained that the Florentines, by their unwillingness32 to support him, had deprived themselves of a most valuable acquisition and him of great glory; for he could have insured them the possession of the whole territory in a short time, from the want of courage in the people and the ineffectual provision they had made for their defense33. He then withdrew to his engagement under the Venetians; but the Siennese, although delivered from such imminent34 peril35 by the Florentines, were still very indignant against them; considering themselves under no obligation to those who had delivered them from an evil to which they had first exposed them.
While the transactions between the king and the pope were in progress, and those in Tuscany in the manner we have related, an event of greater importance occurred in Lombardy. Cola Montano, a learned and ambitious man, taught the Latin language to the youth of the principal families in Milan. Either out of hatred36 to the character and manners of the duke, or from some other cause, he constantly deprecated the condition of those who live under a bad prince; calling those glorious and happy who had the good fortune to be born and live in a republic. He endeavored to show that the most celebrated37 men had been produced in republics, and not reared under princes; that the former cherish virtue38, while the latter destroy it; the one deriving39 advantage from virtuous40 men, while the latter naturally fear them. The youths with whom he was most intimate were Giovanni Andrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Ogliato. He frequently discussed with them the faults of their prince, and the wretched condition of those who were subject to him; and by constantly inculcating his principles, acquired such an ascendancy41 over their minds as to induce them to bind42 themselves by oath to effect the duke’s destruction, as soon as they became old enough to attempt it. Their minds being fully43 occupied with this design, which grew with their years, the duke’s conduct and their own private injuries served to hasten its execution. Galeazzo was licentious44 and cruel, of both which vices he had given such repeated proofs, that he became odious45 to all. Not content with corrupting46 the wives of the nobility, he also took pleasure in making it notorious; nor was he satisfied with murdering individuals unless he effected their deaths by some unusual cruelty. He was suspected of having destroyed his own mother; for, not considering himself prince while she was present, he conducted himself in such a manner as induced her to withdraw from his court, and, travelling toward Cremona, which she obtained as part of her marriage portion, she was seized with a sudden illness, and died upon the road; which made many think her son had caused her death. The duke had dishonored both Carlo and Girolamo in respect to their wives or other female relatives, and had refused to concede to Giovanandrea possession of the monastery47 of Miramondo, of which he had obtained a grant from the pope for a near relative. These private injuries increased the young men’s desire for vengeance48, and the deliverance of their country from so many evils; trusting that whenever they should succeed in destroying the duke, many of the nobility and all the people would rise in their defense. Being resolved upon their undertaking49, they were often together, which, on account of their long intimacy50, did not excite any suspicion. They frequently discussed the subject; and in order to familiarize their minds with the deed itself, they practiced striking each other in the breast and in the side with the sheathed51 daggers52 intended to be used for the purpose. On considering the most suitable time and place, the castle seemed insecure; during the chase, uncertain and dangerous; while going about the city for his own amusement, difficult if not impracticable; and, at a banquet, of doubtful result. They, therefore, determined53 to kill him upon the occasion of some procession or public festivity when there would be no doubt of his presence, and where they might, under various pretexts54, assemble their friends. It was also resolved that if one of their number were prevented from attending, on any account whatever, the rest should put him to death in the midst of their armed enemies.
It was now the close of the year 1476, near Christmas, and as it was customary for the duke to go upon St. Stephen’s day, in great solemnity, to the church of that martyr55, they considered this the most suitable opportunity for the execution of their design. Upon the morning of that day they ordered some of their most trusty friends and servants to arm, telling them they wished to go to the assistance of Giovanandrea, who, contrary to the wish of some of his neighbors, intended to turn a watercourse into his estate; but that before they went they wished to take leave of the prince. They also assembled, under various pretenses56, other friends and relatives, trusting that when the deed was accomplished57, everyone would join them in the completion of their enterprise. It was their intention, after the duke’s death, to collect their followers58 together and proceed to those parts of the city where they imagined the plebeians59 would be most disposed to take arms against the duchess and the principal ministers of state, and they thought the people, on account of the famine which then prevailed, would easily be induced to follow them; for it was their design to give up the houses of Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all leading men in the government, to be plundered60, and by this means gain over the populace and restore liberty to the community. With these ideas, and with minds resolved upon their execution, Giovanandrea, together with the rest, were early at the church, and heard mass together; after which, Giovanandrea, turning to a statue of St. Ambrose, said, “O patron of our city! thou knowest our intention, and the end we would attain15, by so many dangers; favor our enterprise, and prove, by protecting the oppressed, that tyranny is offensive to thee.” To the duke, on the other hand, when intending to go to the church, many omens61 occurred of his approaching death; for in the morning, having put on a cuirass, as was his frequent custom, he immediately took it off again, either because it inconvenienced him, or that he did not like its appearance. He then wished to hear mass in the castle, and found that the priest who officiated in the chapel62 had gone to St. Stephen’s, and had taken with him the sacred utensils63. On this he desired the service to be performed by the bishop64 of Como, who acquainted him with preventing circumstances. Thus, almost compelled, he determined to go to the church; but before his departure, caused his sons, Giovan Galeazzo and Ermes, to be brought to him, whom he embraced and kissed several times, seeming reluctant to part with them. He then left the castle, and, with the ambassadors of Ferrara and Mantua on either hand, proceeded to St. Stephen’s. The conspirators, to avoid exciting suspicion, and to escape the cold, which was very severe, had withdrawn65 to an apartment of the archpriest, who was a friend of theirs, but hearing the duke’s approach, they came into the church, Giovanandrea and Girolamo placing themselves upon the right hand of the entrance, and Carlo on the left. Those who led the procession had already entered, and were followed by the duke, surrounded by such a multitude as is usual on similar occasions. The first attack was made by Lampognano and Girolamo, who, pretending to clear the way for the prince, came close to him, and grasping their daggers, which, being short and sharp, were concealed67 in the sleeves of their vests, struck at him. Lampognano gave him two wounds, one in the belly68, the other in the throat. Girolamo struck him in the throat and breast. Carlo Visconti, being nearer the door, and the duke having passed, could not wound him in front: but with two strokes, transpierced his shoulder and spine69. These six wounds were inflicted70 so instantaneously, that the duke had fallen before anyone was aware of what had happened, and he expired, having only once ejaculated the name of the Virgin71, as if imploring72 her assistance. A great tumult73 immediately ensued, several swords were drawn66, and as often happens in sudden emergencies, some fled from the church, and others ran toward the scene of tumult, both without any definite motive74 or knowledge of what had occurred. Those, however, who were nearest the duke and had seen him slain, recognizing the murderers, pursued them. Giovanandrea, endeavoring to make his way out of the church, proceeded among the women, who being numerous, and according to their custom, seated upon the ground, was prevented in his progress by their apparel, and being overtaken, he was killed by a Moor75, one of the duke’s footmen. Carlo was slain by those immediately around him. Girolamo Olgiato passed through the crowd, and got out of the church; but seeing his companions dead, and not knowing where else to go, he proceeded home, where his father and brothers refused to receive him; his mother only, having compassion76 on her son recommended him to a priest, an old friend of the family, who, disguising him in his own apparel, led him to his house. Here he remained two days, not without hope that some disturbance might arise in Milan which would contribute to his safety. This not occurring, and apprehensive77 that his hiding place would be discovered, he endeavored to escape in disguise, but being observed, he was given over to justice, and disclosed all the particulars of the conspiracy. Girolamo was twenty-three years of age, and exhibited no less composure at his death than resolution in his previous conduct, for being stripped of his apparel, and in the hands of the executioner, who stood by with the sword unsheathed, ready to deprive him of life, he repeated the following words, in the Latin tongue, in which he was well versed78: “Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti.”
The enterprise of these unfortunate young men was conducted with secrecy79 and executed with resolution; and they failed for want of the support of those whom they expected would rise in their defense. Let princes therefore learn to live, so as to render themselves beloved and respected by their subjects, that none may have hope of safety after having destroyed them; and let others see how vain is the expectation which induces them to trust so much to the multitude, as to believe, that even when discontented, they will either embrace or ward10 off their dangers. This event spread consternation80 all over Italy; but those which shortly afterward occurred in Florence caused much more alarm, and terminated a peace of twelve years’ continuance, as will be shown in the following book; which, having commenced with blood and horror, will have a melancholy81 and tearful conclusion.
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1
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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pretense
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| n.矫饰，做作，借口 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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adroitly
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| adv.熟练地，敏捷地 | |
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participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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deriving
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| v.得到( derive的现在分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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corrupting
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的现在分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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sheathed
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| adj.雕塑像下半身包在鞘中的；覆盖的；铠装的；装鞘了的v.将（刀、剑等）插入鞘( sheathe的过去式和过去分词 )；包，覆盖 | |
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daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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pretenses
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| n.借口（pretense的复数形式） | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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plebeians
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| n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 )；庶民；平民百姓；平庸粗俗的人 | |
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plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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belly
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| n.肚子，腹部；(像肚子一样)鼓起的部分，膛 | |
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spine
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| n.脊柱，脊椎；(动植物的)刺；书脊 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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72
imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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73
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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74
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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75
moor
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| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
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76
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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77
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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78
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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79
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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80
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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81
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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