We had the accustomed calm run to Jidda, in the delightful9 Red Sea climate, never too hot while the ship was moving. By day we lay in shadow; and for great part of the glorious nights we would tramp up and down the wet decks under the stars in the steaming breath of the southern wind. But when at last we anchored in the outer harbour, off the white town hung between the blazing sky and its reflection in the mirage10 which swept and rolled over the wide lagoon11, then the heat of Arabia came out like a drawn12 sword and struck us speechless. It was midday; and the noon sun in the East, like moonlight, put to sleep the colours. There were only lights and shadows, the white houses and black gaps of streets: in front, the pallid13 lustre14 of the haze15 shimmering16 upon the inner harbour: behind, the dazzle of league after league of featureless sand, running up to an edge of low hills, faintly suggested in the far away mist of heat.
Just north of Jidda was a second group of black-white buildings, moving up and down like pistons17 in the mirage, as the ship rolled at anchor and the intermittent18 wind shifted the heat waves in the air. It looked and felt horrible. We began to regret that the inaccessibility19 which made the Hejaz militarily a safe theatre of revolt involved bad climate and un-wholesomeness.
However, Colonel Wilson, British representative with the new Arab state, had sent his launch to meet us; and we had to go ashore20 to learn the reality of the men levitating21 in that mirage. Half an hour later Ruhi, Consular22 Oriental assistant, was grinning a delighted welcome to his old patron Storrs (Ruhi the ingenious, more like a mandrake than a man), while the newly-appointed Syrian police and harbour officers, with a scratch guard of honour, lined the Customs Wharf23 in salutation of Aziz el Masri. Sherif Abdulla, the second son of the old man of Mecca, was reported just arriving in the town. He it was we had to meet; so our coming was auspiciously24 timed.
We walked past the white masonry25 of the still-building water gate, and through the oppressive alley26 of the food market on our way to the Consulate27. In the air, from the men to the dates and back to the meat, squadrons of flies like particles of dust danced up and down the sunshafts which stabbed into the darkest corners of the booths through torn places in the wood and sackcloth awnings28 overhead. The atmosphere was like a bath. The scarlet29 leathers of the armchair on the Lama’s deck had dyed Storrs’ white tunic30 and trousers as bright as themselves in their damp contact of the last four days, and now the sweat running in his clothes began to shine like varnish31 through the stain. I was so fascinated watching him that I never noticed the deepened brown of my khaki drill wherever it touched my body. He was wondering if the walk to the Consulate was long enough to wet me a decent, solid, harmonious32 colour; and I was wondering if all he ever sat on would grow scarlet as himself.
We reached the Consulate too soon for either hope; and there in a shaded room with an open lattice behind him sat Wilson, prepared to welcome the sea breeze, which had lagged these last few days. He received us stiffly, being of the honest, downright Englishmen, to whom Storrs was suspect, if only for his artistic33 sense: while his contact with me in Cairo had been a short difference of opinion as to whether native clothes were an indignity34 for us. I had called them uncomfortable merely. To him they were wrong. Wilson, however, despite his personal feelings, was all for the game. He had made preparations for the coming interview with Abdulla, and was ready to afford every help he could. Besides, we were his guests; and the splendid hospitality of the East was near his spirit.
Abdulla, on a white mare36, came to us softly with a bevy37 of richly-armed slaves on foot about him, through the silent respectful salutes38 of the town. He was flushed with his success at Taif, and happy. I was seeing him for the first time, while Storrs was an old friend, and on the best of terms; yet, before long, as they spoke39 together, I began to suspect him of a constant cheerfulness. His eyes had a confirmed twinkle; and though only thirty-five, he was putting on flesh. It might be due to too much laughter. Life seemed very merry for Abdulla. He was short, strong, fair-skinned, with a carefully trimmed brown beard, masking his round smooth face and short lips. In manner he was open, or affected40 openness, and was charming on acquaintance. He stood not on ceremony, but jested with all comers in most easy fashion: yet, when we fell into serious talk, the veil of humour seemed to fade away. He then chose his words, and argued shrewdly. Of course, he was in discussion with Storrs, who demanded a high standard from his opponent.
The Arabs thought Abdulla a far-seeing statesman and an astute41 politician. Astute he certainly was, but not greatly enough to convince us always of his sincerity42. His ambition was patent. Rumour43 made him the brain of his father and of the Arab revolt; but he seemed too easy for that. His object was, of course, the winning of Arab independence and the building up of Arab nations, but he meant to keep the direction of the new states in the family. So he watched us, and played through us to the British gallery.
On our part, I was playing for effect, watching, criticizing him. The Sherifs rebellion had been unsatisfactory for the last few months (standing still, which, with an irregular war, was the prelude44 to disaster), and my suspicion was that its lack was leadership: not intellect, nor judgement, nor political wisdom, but the flame of enthusiasm that would set the desert on fire. My visit was mainly to find the yet unknown master-spirit of the affair, and measure his capacity to carry the revolt to the goal I had conceived for it. As our conversation continued, I became more and more sure that Abdulla was too balanced, too cool, too humorous to be a prophet: especially the armed prophet who, if history be true, succeeded in revolutions. His value would come perhaps in the peace after success. During the physical struggle, when singleness of eye and magnetism45, devotion and self-sacrifice were needed, Abdulla would be a tool too complex for a simple purpose, though he could not be ignored, even now.
We talked to him first about the state of Jidda, to put him at ease by discussing at this first of our interviews the unnecessary subject of the Sherif’s administration. He replied that the war was yet too much with them for civil government. They had inherited the Turkish system in the towns, and were continuing it on a more modest scale. The Turkish Government was often not unkind to strong men, who obtained considerable licence on terms. Consequently, some of the licensees in Hejaz regretted the coming of a native ruler. Particularly in Mecca and Jidda public opinion was against an Arab state. The mass of citizens were foreigners — Egyptians, Indians, Javanese, Africans, and others — quite unable to sympathize with the Arab aspirations46, especially as voiced by Beduin; for the Beduin lived on what he could exact from the stranger on his roads, or in his valleys; and he and the townsman bore each other a perpetual grudge47.
The Beduins were the only fighting men the Sherif had got; and on their help the revolt depended. He was arming them freely, paying many of them for their service in his forces, feeding their families while they were from home, and hiring from them their transport camels to maintain his armies in the field. Accordingly, the country was prosperous, while the towns went short.
Another grievance48 in the towns was in the matter of law. The Turkish civil code had been abolished, and a return made to the old religious law, the undiluted Koranic procedure of the Arab Kadi. Abdulla explained to us, with a giggle49, that when there was time they would discover in the Koran such opinions and judgements as were required to make it suitable for modern commercial operations, like banking50 and exchange. Meanwhile, of course, what townsmen lost by the abolition51 of the civil law, the Beduins gained. Sherif Hussein had silently sanctioned the restoration of the old tribal52 order. Beduins at odds53 with one another pleaded their own cases before the tribal lawman, an office hereditary54 in one most-respected family, and recognized by the payment of a goat per household as yearly due. Judgement was based on custom, by quoting from a great body of remembered precedent55. It was delivered publicly without fee. In cases between men of different tribes, the lawman was selected by mutual56 consent, or recourse was had to the lawman of a third tribe. If the case were contentious57 and difficult, the judge was supported by a jury of four — two nominated by plaintiff from the ranks of defendant58’s family, and two by defendant from plaintiff’s family. Decisions were always unanimous.
We contemplated59 the vision Abdulla drew for us, with sad thoughts of the Garden of Eden and all that Eve, now lying in her tomb just outside the wall, had lost for average humanity; and then Storrs brought me into the discussion by asking Abdulla to give us his views on the state of the campaign for my benefit, and for communication to headquarters in Egypt. Abdulla at once grew serious, and said that he wanted to urge upon the British their immediate1 and very personal concern in the matter, which he tabulated60 so:—
By our neglect to cut the Hejaz Railway, the Turks had been able to collect transport and supplies for the reinforcement of Medina.
Feisal had been driven back from the town; and the enemy was preparing a mobile column of all arms for an advance on Rabegh.
The Arabs in the hills across their road were by our neglect too weak in supplies, machine guns and artillery61 to defend them long.
Hussein Mabeirig, chief of the Masruh Harb, had joined the Turks. If the Medina column advanced, the Harb would join it.
It would only remain for his father to put himself at the head of his own people of Mecca, and to die fighting before the Holy City.
At this moment the telephone rang: the Grand Sherif wanted to speak to Abdulla. He was told of the point our conversation had reached, and at once confirmed that he would so act in the extremity62. The Turks would enter Mecca over his dead body. The telephone rang off; and Abdulla, smiling a little, asked, to prevent such a disaster, that a British brigade, if possible of Moslem63 troops, be kept at Suez, with transport to rush it to Rabegh as soon as the Turks debouched from Medina in their attack. What did we think of the proposal?
I replied; first, historically, that Sherif Hussein had asked us not to cut the Hejaz line, since he would need it for his victorious64 advance into Syria; second, practically, that the dynamite65 we sent down for demolitions66 had been returned by him with a note that it was too dangerous for Arab use; third, specifically, that we had had no demands for equipment from Feisal.
With regard to the brigade for Rabegh, it was a complicated question. Shipping67 was precious; and we could not hold empty transports indefinitely at Suez. We had no Moslem units in our Army. A British brigade was a cumbersome68 affair, and would take long to embark69 and disembark. The Rabegh position was large. A brigade would hardly hold it and would be quite unable to detach a force to prevent a Turkish column slipping past it inland. The most they could do would be to defend the beach, under a ship’s guns and the ship could do that as well without the troops.
Abdulla replied that ships were insufficient70 morally, as the Dardanelles fighting had destroyed the old legend of the British Navy and its omnipotence71. No Turks could slip past Rabegh; for it was the only water supply in the district, and they must water at its wells. The earmarking of a brigade and transports need be only temporary; for he was taking his victorious Taif troops up the eastern road from Mecca to Medina. As soon as he was in position, he would give orders to Ali and Feisal, who would close in from the south and west, and their combined forces would deliver a grand attack, in which Medina would, please God, be taken. Meanwhile, Aziz el Masri was moulding the volunteers from Mesopotamia and Syria into battalions72 at Rabegh. When we had added the Arab prisoners of war from India and Egypt, there would be enough to take over the duties momentarily allotted73 to the British brigade.
I said that I would represent his views to Egypt, but that the British were reluctant to spare troops from the vital defence of Egypt (though he was not to imagine that the Canal was in any danger from the Turks) and, still more, to send Christians74 to defend the people of the Holy City against their enemies; as some Moslems in India, who considered the Turkish Government had an imprescriptable right to the Haramein, would misrepresent our motives75 and action. I thought that I might perhaps urge his opinions more powerfully if I was able to report on the Rabegh question in the light of my own knowledge of the position and local feeling. I would also like to see Feisal, and talk over with him his needs and the prospects76 of a prolonged defence of his hills by the tribesmen if we strengthened them materially. I would like to ride from Rabegh up the Sultani road towards Medina as far as Feisal’s camp.
Storrs then came in and supported me with all his might, urging the vital importance of full and early information from a trained observer for the British Commander-in-Chief in Egypt, and showing that his sending down me, his best qualified77 and most indispensable staff officer, proved the serious consideration being given to Arabian affairs by Sir Archibald Murray. Abdulla went to the telephone and tried to get his father’s consent to my going up country. The Sherif viewed the proposal with grave distrust. Abdulla argued the point, made some advantage, and transferred the mouthpiece to Storrs, who turned all his diplomacy78 on the old man. Storrs in full blast was a delight to listen to in the mere35 matter of Arabic speech, and also a lesson to every Englishman alive of how to deal with suspicious or unwilling79 Orientals. It was nearly impossible to resist him for more than a few minutes, and in this case also he had his way. The Sherif asked again for Abdulla, and authorized80 him to write to Ali, and suggest that if he thought fit, and if conditions were normal, I might be allowed to proceed to Feisal in Jebel Subh; and Abdulla, under Storrs’ influence, transformed this guarded message into direct written instructions to Ali to mount me as well and as quickly as possible, and convey me, by sure hand, to Feisal’s camp. This being all I wanted, and half what Storrs wanted, we adjourned81 for lunch.
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1
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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warships
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| 军舰，战舰( warship的名词复数 )； 舰只 | |
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embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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berths
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| n.（船、列车等的）卧铺( berth的名词复数 )；（船舶的）停泊位或锚位；差事；船台vt.v.停泊( berth的第三人称单数 )；占铺位 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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sniffed
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| v.以鼻吸气，嗅，闻( sniff的过去式和过去分词 )；抽鼻子（尤指哭泣、患感冒等时出声地用鼻子吸气）；抱怨，不以为然地说 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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depreciating
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| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的现在分词 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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mirage
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| n.海市蜃楼，幻景 | |
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lagoon
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| n.泻湖，咸水湖 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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pallid
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| adj.苍白的，呆板的 | |
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lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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haze
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| n.霾，烟雾；懵懂，迷糊；vi.(over)变模糊 | |
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shimmering
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| v.闪闪发光，发微光( shimmer的现在分词 ) | |
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pistons
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| 活塞( piston的名词复数 ) | |
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intermittent
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| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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inaccessibility
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| n. 难接近, 难达到, 难达成 | |
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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levitating
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| v.（使）升空，（使）漂浮( levitate的现在分词 ) | |
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consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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wharf
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| n.码头，停泊处 | |
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auspiciously
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| adv.吉利； 繁荣昌盛； 前途顺利； 吉祥 | |
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masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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alley
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| n.小巷，胡同；小径，小路 | |
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consulate
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| n.领事馆 | |
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awnings
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| 篷帐布 | |
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scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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tunic
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| n.束腰外衣 | |
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varnish
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| n.清漆；v.上清漆；粉饰 | |
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harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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mare
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| n.母马，母驴 | |
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bevy
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| n.一群 | |
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salutes
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| n.致敬，欢迎，敬礼( salute的名词复数 )v.欢迎，致敬( salute的第三人称单数 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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prelude
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| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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magnetism
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| n.磁性，吸引力，磁学 | |
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46
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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grudge
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| n.不满，怨恨，妒嫉；vt.勉强给，不情愿做 | |
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grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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giggle
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| n.痴笑，咯咯地笑；v.咯咯地笑着说 | |
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50
banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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51
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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52
tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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53
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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contentious
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| adj.好辩的，善争吵的 | |
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58
defendant
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| n.被告；adj.处于被告地位的 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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tabulated
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| 把（数字、事实）列成表( tabulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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65
dynamite
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| n./vt.(用)炸药(爆破) | |
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66
demolitions
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| n.毁坏，破坏，拆毁( demolition的名词复数 ) | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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cumbersome
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| adj.笨重的，不便携带的 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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70
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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71
omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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72
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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75
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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77
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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78
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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79
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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80
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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81
adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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