Egyptians, being home-loving persons and comfortable, found strangeness always a misery5. In this bad instance they suffered hardship for a philanthropic end, which made it harder. They were fighting the Turks, for whom they had a sentimental6 regard, on behalf of the Arabs, an alien people speaking a language kindred to their own, but appearing therefore all the more unlike in character, and crude in life. The Arabs seemed hostile to the material blessings7 of civilization rather than appreciative8 of them. They met with a ribald hoot9 well-meaning attempts to furnish their bareness.
Englishmen being sure of their own absolute excellence10 would persist in help without grumbling11 overmuch; but the Egyptians lost faith. They had neither that collective sense of duty towards their State, nor that feeling of individual obligation to push struggling humanity up its road. The vicarious policemanship which was the strongest emotion of Englishmen towards another man’s muddle12, in their case was replaced by the instinct to pass by as discreetly13 far as possible on the other side. So, though all was well with these soldiers, and they had abundant rations14 and good health and no casualties, yet they found fault with the handling of the universe, and hoped this unexpected Englishman had come to set it right.
Feisal was announced with Maulud el Mukhlus, the Arab zealot of Tekrit, who, for rampant15 nationalism had been twice degraded in the Turkish Army, and had spent an exile of two years in Nejd as a secretary with ibn Rashid. He had commanded the Turkish cavalry16 before Shaiba, and had been taken by us there. As soon as he heard of the rebellion of the Sherif he had volunteered for him, and had been the first regular officer to join Feisal. He was now nominally17 his A.D.C.
Bitterly he complained that they were in every way ill-equipped. This was the main cause of their present plight18. They got thirty thousand pounds a month from the Sherif, but little flour and rice, little barley19, few rifles, insufficient20 ammunition21, no machine-guns, no mountain guns, no technical help, no information.
I stopped Maulud there and said that my coming was expressly to learn what they lacked and to report it, but that I could work with them only if they would explain to me their general situation. Feisal agreed, and began to sketch22 to me the history of their revolt from its absolute beginning.
The first rush on Medina had been a desperate business. The Arabs were ill-armed and short of ammunition, the Turks in great force, since Fakhri’s detachment had just arrived and the troops to escort von Stotzingen to Yemen were still in the town. At the height of the crisis the Beni Ali broke; and the Arabs were thrust out beyond the walls. The Turks then opened fire on them with their artillery23; and the Arabs, unused to this new arm, became terrified. The Ageyl and Ateiba got into safety and refused to move out again. Feisal and Ali ibn el Hussein vainly rode about in front of their men in the open, to show them that the bursting shells were not as fatal as they sounded. The demoralization deepened.
Sections of Beni Ali tribesmen approached the Turkish command with an offer to surrender, if their villages were spared. Fakhri played with them, and in the ensuing lull24 of hostilities25 surrounded the Awali suburb with his troops: then suddenly he ordered them to carry it by assault and to massacre26 every living thing within its walls. Hundreds of the inhabitants were raped27 and butchered, the houses fired, and living and dead alike thrown back into the flames. Fakhri and his men had served together and had learned the arts of both the slow and the fast kill upon the Armenians in the North.
This bitter taste of the Turkish mode of war sent a shock across Arabia; for the first rule of Arab war was that women were inviolable: the second that the lives and honour of children too young to fight with men were to be spared: the third, that property impossible to carry off should be left undamaged. The Arabs with Feisal perceived that they were opposed to new customs, and fell back out of touch to gain time to readjust themselves. There could no longer be any question of submission28: the sack of Awali had opened blood feud29 upon blood feud, and put on them the duty of fighting to the end of their force: but it was plain now that it would be a long affair, and that with muzzle-loading guns for sole weapons, they could hardly expect to win.
So they fell back from the level plains about Medina into the hills across the Sultani-road, about Aar and Raha and Bir Abbas, where they rested a little, while Ali and Feisal sent messenger after messenger down to Rabegh, their sea-base, to learn when fresh stores and money and arms might be expected. The revolt had begun haphazard30, on their father’s explicit31 orders, and the old man, too independent to take his sons into his full confidence, had not worked out with them any arrangements for prolonging it. So the reply was only a little food. Later some Japanese rifles, most of them broken, were received. Such barrels as were still whole were so foul32 that the too-eager Arabs burst them on the first trial. No money was sent up at all: to take its place Feisal filled a decent chest with stones, had it locked and corded carefully, guarded on each daily march by his own slaves, and introduced meticulously33 into his tent each night. By such theatricals34 the brothers tried to hold a melting force.
At last Ali went down to Rabegh to inquire what was wrong with the organization. He found that Hussein Mabeirig, the local chief, had made up his mind that the Turks would be victorious35 (he had tried conclusions with them twice himself and had the worst of it), and accordingly decided36 theirs was the best cause to follow. As the stores for the Sherif were landed by the British he appropriated them and stored them away secretly in his own houses. Ali made a demonstration37, and sent urgent messages for his half-brother Zeid to join him from Jidda with reinforcements. Hussein, in fear, slipped off to the hills, an outlaw38. The two Sherifs took possession of his villages. In them they found great stores of arms, and food enough for their armies for a month. The temptation of a spell of leisured ease was too much for them: they settled down in Rabegh.
This left Feisal alone up country, and he soon found himself isolated39, in a hollow situation, driven to depend upon his native resources. He bore it for a time, but in August took advantage of the visit of Colonel Wilson to the newly-conquered Yenbo, to come down and give a full explanation of his urgent needs. Wilson was impressed with him and his story, and at once promised him a battery of mountain guns and some maxims40, to be handled by men and officers of the Egyptian Army garrison41 in the Sudan. This explained the presence of Nafi Bey and his units.
The Arabs rejoiced when they came, and believed they were now equals of the Turk; but the four guns were twenty-year-old Krupps, with a range of only three thousand yards; and their crews were not eager enough in brain and spirit for irregular fighting. However, they went forward with the mob and drove in the Turkish outposts, and then their supports, until Fakhri becoming seriously alarmed, came down himself, inspected the front, and at once reinforced the threatened detachment at Bir Abbas to some three thousand strong. The Turks had field guns and howitzers with them, and the added advantage of high ground for observation. They began to worry the Arabs by indirect fire, and nearly dropped a shell on Feisal’s tent while all the head men were conferring within. The Egyptian gunners were asked to return the fire and smother42 the enemy guns. They had to plead that their weapons were useless, since they could not carry the nine thousand yards. They were derided43; and the Arabs ran back again into the defiles44.
Feisal was deeply discouraged. His men were tired. He had lost many of them. His only effective tactics against the enemy had been to chase in suddenly upon their rear by fast mounted charges, and many camels had been killed, or wounded or worn out in these expensive measures. He demurred45 to carrying the whole war upon his own neck while Abdulla delayed in Mecca, and Ali and Zeid at Rabegh. Finally he withdrew the bulk of his forces, leaving the Harb sub-tribes who lived by Bir Abbas to keep up pressure on the Turkish supply columns and communications by a repeated series of such raids as those which he himself found impossible to maintain.
Yet he had no fear that the Turks would again come forward against him suddenly. His failure to make any impression on them had not imbued46 him with the smallest respect for them. His late retirement47 to Hamra was not forced: it was a gesture of disgust because he was bored by his obvious impotence, and was determined48 for a little while to have the dignity of rest.
After all, the two sides were still untried. The armament of the Turks made them so superior at long range that the Arabs never got to grips. For this reason most of the hand-to-hand fighting had taken place at night, when the guns were blinded. To my ears they sounded oddly primitive49 battles, with torrents50 of words on both sides in a preliminary match of wits. After the foulest51 insults of the languages they knew would come the climax52, when the Turks in frenzy53 called the Arabs ‘English’, and the Arabs screamed back ‘German’ at them. There were, of course, no Germans in the Hejaz, and I was the first Englishman; but each party loved cursing, and any epithet54 would sting on the tongues of such artists.
I asked Feisal what his plans were now. He said that till Medina fell they were inevitably55 tied down there in Hejaz dancing to Fakhri’s tune56. In his opinion the Turks were aiming at the recapture of Mecca. The bulk of their strength was now in a mobile column, which they could move towards Rabegh by a choice of routes which kept the Arabs in constant alarm. A passive defence of the Subh hills had shown that the Arabs did not shine as passive resisters. When the enemy moved they must be countered by an offensive.
Feisal meant to retire further yet, to the Wadi Yenbo border of the great Juheina tribe. With fresh levies57 from them he would march eastwards58 towards the Hejaz Railway behind Medina, at the moment when Abdulla was advancing by the lava-desert to attack Medina from the east. He hoped that Ali would go up simultaneously59 from Rabegh, while Zeid moved into Wadi Safra to engage the big Turkish force at Bir Abbas, and keep it out of the main battle. By this plan Medina would be threatened or attacked on all sides at once. Whatever the success of the attack, the concentration from three sides would at least break up the prepared Turkish push-outwards on the fourth, and give Rabegh and the southern Hejaz a breathing space to equip themselves for effective defence, or counter-attack.
Maulud, who had sat fidgeting through our long, slow talk, could no longer restrain himself and cried out, ‘Don’t write a history of us. The needful thing is to fight and fight and kill them. Give me a battery of Schneider mountain guns, and machine-guns, and I will finish this off for you. We talk and talk and do nothing.’ I replied as warmly; and Maulud, a magnificent fighter, who regarded a battle won as a battle wasted if he did not show some wound to prove his part in it, took me up. We wrangled60 while Feisal sat by and grinned delightedly at us.
This talk had been for him a holiday. He was encouraged even by the trifle of my coming; for he was a man of moods, flickering61 between glory and despair, and just now dead-tired. He looked years older than thirty-one; and his dark, appealing eyes, set a little sloping in his face, were bloodshot, and his hollow cheeks deeply lined and puckered62 with reflection. His nature grudged63 thinking, for it crippled his speed in action: the labour of it shrivelled his features into swift lines of pain. In appearance he was tall, graceful64 and vigorous, with the most beautiful gait, and a royal dignity of head and shoulders. Of course he knew it, and a great part of his public expression was by sign and gesture.
His movements were impetuous. He showed himself hot-tempered and sensitive, even unreasonable65, and he ran off soon on tangents. Appetite and physical weakness were mated in him, with the spur of courage. His personal charm, his imprudence, the pathetic hint of frailty66 as the sole reserve of this proud character made him the idol67 of his followers68. One never asked if he were scrupulous69; but later he showed that he could return trust for trust, suspicion for suspicion. He was fuller of wit than of humour.
His training in Abdul Hamid’s entourage had made him past-master in diplomacy70. His military service with the Turks had given him a working knowledge of tactics. His life in Constantinople and in the Turkish Parliament had made him familiar with European questions and manners. He was a careful judge of men. If he had the strength to realize his dreams he would go very far, for he was wrapped up in his work and lived for nothing else; but the fear was that he would wear himself out by trying to seem to aim always a little higher than the truth, or that he would die of too much action. His men told me how, after a long spell of fighting, in which he had to guard himself, and lead the charges, and control and encourage them, he had collapsed71 physically72 and was carried away from his victory, unconscious, with the foam73 flecking his lips.
Meanwhile, here, as it seemed, was offered to our hand, which had only to be big enough to take it, a prophet who, if veiled, would give cogent74 form to the idea behind the activity of the Arab revolt. It was all and more than we had hoped for, much more than our halting course deserved. The aim of my trip was fulfilled.
My duty was now to take the shortest road to Egypt with the news: and the knowledge gained that evening in the palm wood grew and blossomed in my mind into a thousand branches, laden75 with fruit and shady leaves, beneath which I sat and half-listened and saw visions, while the twilight76 deepened, and the night; until a line of slaves with lamps came down the winding77 paths between the palm trunks, and with Feisal and Maulud we walked back through the gardens to the little house, with its courts still full of waiting people, and to the hot inner room in which the familiars were assembled; and there we sat down together to the smoking bowl of rice and meat set upon the food-carpet for our supper by the slaves.
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1
arcades
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| n.商场( arcade的名词复数 )；拱形走道（两旁有商店或娱乐设施）；连拱廊；拱形建筑物 | |
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2
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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3
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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7
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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appreciative
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| adj.有鉴赏力的，有眼力的；感激的 | |
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hoot
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| n.鸟叫声，汽车的喇叭声； v.使汽车鸣喇叭 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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grumbling
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| adj. 喃喃鸣不平的, 出怨言的 | |
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12
muddle
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| n.困惑，混浊状态；vt.使混乱，使糊涂，使惊呆；vi.胡乱应付，混乱 | |
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13
discreetly
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| ad.(言行)审慎地，慎重地 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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16
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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barley
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| n.大麦，大麦粒 | |
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20
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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21
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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22
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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23
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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24
lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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25
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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raped
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| v.以暴力夺取，强夺( rape的过去式和过去分词 )；强奸 | |
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28
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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30
haphazard
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| adj.无计划的，随意的，杂乱无章的 | |
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31
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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32
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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33
meticulously
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| adv.过细地，异常细致地；无微不至；精心 | |
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34
theatricals
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| n.（业余性的）戏剧演出，舞台表演艺术；职业演员；戏剧的( theatrical的名词复数 )；剧场的；炫耀的；戏剧性的 | |
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35
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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38
outlaw
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| n.歹徒，亡命之徒；vt.宣布…为不合法 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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40
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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41
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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42
smother
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| vt./vi.使窒息；抑制；闷死；n.浓烟；窒息 | |
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43
derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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44
defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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45
demurred
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| v.表示异议，反对( demur的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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47
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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48
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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49
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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50
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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51
foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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52
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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53
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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54
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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55
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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56
tune
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| n.调子；和谐，协调；v.调音，调节，调整 | |
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57
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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58
eastwards
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| adj.向东方（的），朝东（的）；n.向东的方向 | |
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59
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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wrangled
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| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
flickering
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| adj.闪烁的，摇曳的，一闪一闪的 | |
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62
puckered
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| v.（使某物）起褶子或皱纹( pucker的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63
grudged
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| 怀恨（grudge的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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64
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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65
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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66
frailty
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| n.脆弱；意志薄弱 | |
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67
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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68
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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69
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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70
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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71
collapsed
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| adj.倒塌的 | |
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72
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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73
foam
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| v./n.泡沫，起泡沫 | |
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cogent
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| adj.强有力的，有说服力的 | |
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75
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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76
twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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77
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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