The Arabs loved him openly: indeed, these chance meetings made clear how to the tribes the Sherif and his sons were heroic. Sherif Hussein (Sayidna as they called him) was outwardly so clean and gentle-mannered as to seem weak; but this appearance hid a crafty7 policy, deep ambition, and an un-Arabian foresight8, strength of character and obstinacy9. His interest in natural history reinforced his sporting instincts, and made him (when he pleased) a fair copy of a Beduin prince, while his Circassian mother had endowed him with qualities foreign to both Turk and Arab, and he displayed considerable astuteness10 in turning now one, now another of his inherited assets to present advantage.
Yet the school of Turkish politics was so ignoble11 that not even the best could graduate from it unaffected. Hussein when young had been honest, outspoken12 . . . and he learned not merely to suppress his speech, but to use speech to conceal5 his honest purpose. The art, over-indulged, became a vice13 from which he could not free himself. In old age ambiguity14 covered his every communication. Lake a cloud it hid his decision of character, his worldly wisdom, his cheerful strength. Many denied him such qualities: but history gave proof.
One instance of his worldly wisdom was the upbringing of his sons. The Sultan had made them live in Constantinople to receive a Turkish education. Sherif Hussein saw to it that the education was general and good. When they came back to the Hejaz as young effendis in European clothes with Turkish manners, the father ordered them into Arab dress; and, to rub up their Arabic, gave them Meccan companions and sent them out into the wilds, with the Camel Corps15, to patrol the pilgrim roads.
The young men thought it might be an amusing trip, but were dashed when their father forbade them special food, bedding, or soft-padded saddles. He would not let them back to Mecca, but kept them out for months in all seasons guarding the roads by day and by night, handling every variety of man, and learning fresh methods of riding and fighting. Soon they hardened, and became self-reliant, with that blend of native intelligence and vigour16 which so often comes in a crossed stock. Their formidable family group was admired and efficient, but curiously17 isolated18 in their world. They were natives of no country, lovers of no private plot of ground. They had no real confidants or ministers; and no one of them seemed open to another, or to the father, of whom they stood in awe19.
The debate after supper was an animated20 one. In my character as a Syrian I made sympathetic reference to the Arab leaders who had been executed in Damascus by Jemal Pasha. They took me up sharply: the published papers had disclosed that these men were in touch with foreign Governments, and ready to accept French or British suzerainty as the price of help. This was a crime against Arab nationality, and Jemal had only executed the implied sentence. Feisal smiled, almost winked21, at me. ‘You see,’ he explained, ‘we are now of necessity tied to the British. We are delighted to be their friends, grateful for their help, expectant of our future profit. But we are not British subjects. We would be more at ease if they were not such disproportionate allies.’
I told a story of Abdulla el Raashid, on the way up to Hamra. He had groaned22 to me of the British sailors coming ashore23 each day at Rabegh. ‘Soon they will stay nights, and then they will live here always, and take the country.’ To cheer him I had spoken of millions of Englishmen now ashore in France, and of the French not afraid.
Whereat he had turned on me scornfully, asking if I meant to compare France with the land of Hejazi?
Feisal mused24 a little and said, I am not a Hejazi by upbringing; and yet, by God, I am jealous for it. And though I know the British do not want it, yet what can I say, when they took the Sudan, also not wanting it? They hunger for desolate25 lands, to build them up; and so, perhaps, one day Arabia will seem to them precious. Your good and my good, perhaps they are different, and either forced good or forced evil will make a people cry with pain. Does the ore admire the flame which transforms it? There is no reason for offence, but a people too weak are clamant over their little own. Our race will have a cripple’s temper till it has found its feet.’
The ragged26, lousy tribesmen who had eaten with us astonished me by their familiar understanding of intense political nationality, an abstract idea they could hardly have caught from the educated classes of the Hejaz towns, from those Hindus, Javanese, Bokhariots, Sudanese, Turks, out of sympathy with Arab ideals, and indeed just then suffering A little from the force of local sentiment, springing too high after its sudden escape from Turkish control. Sherif Hussein had had the worldly wisdom to base his precepts27 on the instinctive28 belief of the Arabs that they were of the salt of the earth and self-sufficient. Then, enabled by his alliance with us to back his doctrine29 by arms and money, he was assured of success.
Of course, this success was not level throughout. The great body of Sherifs, eight hundred or nine hundred of them, understood his nationalist doctrine and were his missionaries30, successful missionaries thanks to the revered31 descent from the Prophet, which gave them the power to hold men’s minds, and to direct their courses into the willing quietness of eventual32 obedience33.
The tribes had followed the smoke of their racial fanaticism34. The towns might sigh for the cloying35 inactivity of Ottoman rule: the tribes were convinced that they had made a free and Arab Government, and that each of them was It. They were independent and would enjoy themselves — a conviction and resolution which might have led to anarchy36, if they had not made more stringent37 the family tie, and the bonds of kin-responsibility. But this entailed38 a negation39 of central power. The Sherif might have legal sovereignty abroad, if he hiked the high-sounding toy; but home affairs were to be customary. The problem of the foreign theorists — Is Damascus to rule the Hejaz, or can Hejaz rule Damascus?’ did not trouble them at all, for they would not have it set. The Semites’ idea of nationality was the independence of clans40 and villages, and their ideal of national union was episodic combined resistance to an intruder. Constructive41 policies, an organized state, an extended empire, were not so much beyond their sight as hateful in it. They were fighting to get rid of Empire, not to win it.
The feeling of the Syrians and Mesopotamians in these Arab armies was indirect. They believed that by fighting in the local ranks, even here in Hejaz, they were vindicating42 the general rights of all Arabs to national existence; and without envisaging43 one State, or even a confederation of States, they were definitely looking northward44, wishing to add an autonomous45 Damascus and Bagdad to the Arab family. They were weak in material resources, and even after success would be, since their world was agricultural and pastoral, without minerals, and could never be strong in modern armaments. Were it otherwise, we should have had to pause before evoking46 in the strategic centre of the Middle East new national movements of such abounding47 vigour.
Of religious fanaticism there was little trace. The Sherif refused in round terms to give a religious twist to his rebellion. His fighting creed48 was nationality. The tribes knew that the Turks were Moslems, and thought that the Germans were probably true friends of Islam. They knew that the British were Christians50, and that the British were their allies. In the circumstances, their religion would not have been of much help to them, and they had put it aside. ‘Christian49 fights Christian, so why should not Mohammedans do the same? What we want is a Government which speaks our own language of Arabic and will let us live in peace. Also we hate those Turks.’
点击收听单词发音
1 discord | |
n.不和,意见不合,争论,(音乐)不和谐 | |
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2 mettle | |
n.勇气,精神 | |
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3 tact | |
n.机敏,圆滑,得体 | |
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4 machinery | |
n.(总称)机械,机器;机构 | |
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5 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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6 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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7 crafty | |
adj.狡猾的,诡诈的 | |
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8 foresight | |
n.先见之明,深谋远虑 | |
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9 obstinacy | |
n.顽固;(病痛等)难治 | |
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10 astuteness | |
n.敏锐;精明;机敏 | |
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11 ignoble | |
adj.不光彩的,卑鄙的;可耻的 | |
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12 outspoken | |
adj.直言无讳的,坦率的,坦白无隐的 | |
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13 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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14 ambiguity | |
n.模棱两可;意义不明确 | |
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15 corps | |
n.(通信等兵种的)部队;(同类作的)一组 | |
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16 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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17 curiously | |
adv.有求知欲地;好问地;奇特地 | |
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18 isolated | |
adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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19 awe | |
n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
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20 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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21 winked | |
v.使眼色( wink的过去式和过去分词 );递眼色(表示友好或高兴等);(指光)闪烁;闪亮 | |
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22 groaned | |
v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 );发牢骚;抱怨;受苦 | |
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23 ashore | |
adv.在(向)岸上,上岸 | |
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24 mused | |
v.沉思,冥想( muse的过去式和过去分词 );沉思自语说(某事) | |
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25 desolate | |
adj.荒凉的,荒芜的;孤独的,凄凉的;v.使荒芜,使孤寂 | |
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26 ragged | |
adj.衣衫褴褛的,粗糙的,刺耳的 | |
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27 precepts | |
n.规诫,戒律,箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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28 instinctive | |
adj.(出于)本能的;直觉的;(出于)天性的 | |
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29 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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30 missionaries | |
n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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31 revered | |
v.崇敬,尊崇,敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32 eventual | |
adj.最后的,结局的,最终的 | |
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33 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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34 fanaticism | |
n.狂热,盲信 | |
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35 cloying | |
adj.甜得发腻的 | |
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36 anarchy | |
n.无政府状态;社会秩序混乱,无秩序 | |
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37 stringent | |
adj.严厉的;令人信服的;银根紧的 | |
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38 entailed | |
使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 ); 需要; 限定继承; 使必需 | |
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39 negation | |
n.否定;否认 | |
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40 clans | |
宗族( clan的名词复数 ); 氏族; 庞大的家族; 宗派 | |
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41 constructive | |
adj.建设的,建设性的 | |
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42 vindicating | |
v.澄清(某人/某事物)受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的现在分词 );表明或证明(所争辩的事物)属实、正当、有效等;维护 | |
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43 envisaging | |
想像,设想( envisage的现在分词 ) | |
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44 northward | |
adv.向北;n.北方的地区 | |
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45 autonomous | |
adj.自治的;独立的 | |
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46 evoking | |
产生,引起,唤起( evoke的现在分词 ) | |
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47 abounding | |
adj.丰富的,大量的v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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48 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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49 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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50 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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