Meanwhile in Victoria’s private life many changes and developments had taken place. With the marriages of her elder children her family circle widened; grandchildren appeared; and a multitude of new domestic interests sprang up. The death of King Leopold in 1865 had removed the predominant figure of the older generation, and the functions he had performed as the centre and adviser2 of a large group of relatives in Germany and in England devolved upon Victoria. These functions she discharged with unremitting industry, carrying on an enormous correspondence, and following with absorbed interest every detail in the lives of the ever-ramifying cousinhood. And she tasted to the full both the joys and the pains of family affection. She took a particular delight in her grandchildren, to whom she showed an indulgence which their parents had not always enjoyed, though, even to her grandchildren, she could be, when the occasion demanded it, severe. The eldest3 of them, the little Prince Wilhelm of Prussia, was a remarkably4 headstrong child; he dared to be impertinent even to his grandmother; and once, when she told him to bow to a visitor at Osborne, he disobeyed her outright5. This would not do: the order was sternly repeated, and the naughty boy, noticing that his grandmama had suddenly turned into a most terrifying lady, submitted his will to hers, and bowed very low indeed.
It would have been well if all the Queen’s domestic troubles could have been got over as easily. Among her more serious distresses6 was the conduct of the Prince of Wales. The young man was now independent and married; he had shaken the parental7 yoke8 from his shoulders; he was positively9 beginning to do as he liked. Victoria was much perturbed10, and her worst fears seemed to be justified11 when in 1870 he appeared as a witness in a society divorce case. It was clear that the heir to the throne had been mixing with people of whom she did not at all approve. What was to be done? She saw that it was not only her son that was to blame — that it was the whole system of society; and so she despatched a letter to Mr. Delane, the editor of The Times, asking him if he would “frequently WRITE articles pointing out the IMMENSE danger and evil of the wretched frivolity13 and levity14 of the views and lives of the Higher Classes.” And five years later Mr. Delane did write an article upon that very subject. Yet it seemed to have very little effect.
Ah! if only the Higher Classes would learn to live as she lived in the domestic sobriety of her sanctuary15 at Balmoral! For more and more did she find solace16 and refreshment17 in her Highland18 domain19; and twice yearly, in the spring and in the autumn, with a sigh of relief, she set her face northwards, in spite of the humble20 protests of Ministers, who murmured vainly in the royal ears that to transact21 the affairs of State over an interval22 of six hundred miles added considerably23 to the cares of government. Her ladies, too, felt occasionally a slight reluctance24 to set out, for, especially in the early days, the long pilgrimage was not without its drawbacks. For many years the Queen’s conservatism forbade the continuation of the railway up Deeside, so that the last stages of the journey had to be accomplished25 in carriages. But, after all, carriages had their good points; they were easy, for instance, to get in and out of, which was an important consideration, for the royal train remained for long immune from modern conveniences, and when it drew up, on some border moorland, far from any platform, the highbred dames26 were obliged to descend27 to earth by the perilous28 foot-board, the only pair of folding steps being reserved for Her Majesty29’s saloon. In the days of crinolines such moments were sometimes awkward; and it was occasionally necessary to summon Mr. Johnstone, the short and sturdy Manager of the Caledonian Railway, who, more than once, in a high gale30 and drenching31 rain with great difficulty “pushed up”— as he himself described it — some unlucky Lady Blanche or Lady Agatha into her compartment32. But Victoria cared for none of these things. She was only intent upon regaining33, with the utmost swiftness, her enchanted34 Castle, where every spot was charged with memories, where every memory was sacred, and where life was passed in an incessant35 and delightful36 round of absolutely trivial events.
And it was not only the place that she loved; she was equally attached to “the simple mountaineers,” from whom, she said, “she learnt many a lesson of resignation and faith.” Smith and Grant and Ross and Thompson — she was devoted37 to them all; but, beyond the rest, she was devoted to John Brown. The Prince’s gillie had now become the Queen’s personal attendant — a body servant from whom she was never parted, who accompanied her on her drives, waited on her during the day, and slept in a neighbouring chamber38 at night. She liked his strength, his solidity, the sense he gave her of physical security; she even liked his rugged39 manners and his rough unaccommodating speech. She allowed him to take liberties with her which would have been unthinkable from anybody else. To bully40 the Queen, to order her about, to reprimand her — who could dream of venturing upon such audacities41? And yet, when she received such treatment from John Brown, she positively seemed to enjoy it. The eccentricity42 appeared to be extraordinary; but, after all, it is no uncommon43 thing for an autocratic dowager to allow some trusted indispensable servant to adopt towards her an attitude of authority which is jealously forbidden to relatives or friends: the power of a dependent still remains44, by a psychological sleight-of-hand, one’s own power, even when it is exercised over oneself. When Victoria meekly45 obeyed the abrupt46 commands of her henchman to get off her pony47 or put on her shawl, was she not displaying, and in the highest degree, the force of her volition48? People might wonder; she could not help that; this was the manner in which it pleased her to act, and there was an end of it. To have submitted her judgment49 to a son or a Minister might have seemed wiser or more natural; but if she had done so, she instinctively50 felt, she would indeed have lost her independence. And yet upon somebody she longed to depend. Her days were heavy with the long process of domination. As she drove in silence over the moors51 she leaned back in the carriage, oppressed and weary; but what a relief — John Brown was behind on the rumble52, and his strong arm would be there for her to lean upon when she got out.
He had, too, in her mind, a special connection with Albert. In their expeditions the Prince had always trusted him more than anyone; the gruff, kind, hairy Scotsman was, she felt, in some mysterious way, a legacy53 from the dead. She came to believe at last — or so it appeared — that the spirit of Albert was nearer when Brown was near. Often, when seeking inspiration over some complicated question of political or domestic import, she would gaze with deep concentration at her late husband’s bust54. But it was also noticed that sometimes in such moments of doubt and hesitation55 Her Majesty’s looks would fix themselves upon John Brown.
Eventually, the “simple mountaineer” became almost a state personage. The influence which he wielded56 was not to be overlooked. Lord Beaconsfield was careful, from time to time, to send courteous58 messages to “Mr. Brown” in his letters to the Queen, and the French Government took particular pains to provide for his comfort during the visits of the English Sovereign to France. It was only natural that among the elder members of the royal family he should not have been popular, and that his failings — for failings he had, though Victoria would never notice his too acute appreciation61 of Scotch62 whisky — should have been the subject of acrimonious63 comment at Court. But he served his mistress faithfully, and to ignore him would be a sign of disrespect to her biographer. For the Queen, far from making a secret of her affectionate friendship, took care to publish it to the world. By her orders two gold medals were struck in his honour; on his death, in 1883, a long and eulogistic64 obituary65 notice of him appeared in the Court Circular; and a Brown memorial brooch — of gold, with the late gillie’s head on one side and the royal monogram66 on the other — was designed by Her Majesty for presentation to her Highland servants and cottagers, to be worn by them on the anniversary of his death, with a mourning scarf and pins. In the second series of extracts from the Queen’s Highland Journal, published in 1884, her “devoted personal attendant and faithful friend” appears upon almost every page, and is in effect the hero of the book. With an absence of reticence67 remarkable68 in royal persons, Victoria seemed to demand, in this private and delicate matter, the sympathy of the whole nation; and yet — such is the world — there were those who actually treated the relations between their Sovereign and her servant as a theme for ribald jests.
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The busy years hastened away; the traces of Time’s unimaginable touch grew manifest; and old age, approaching, laid a gentle hold upon Victoria. The grey hair whitened; the mature features mellowed69; the short firm figure amplified70 and moved more slowly, supported by a stick. And, simultaneously71, in the whole tenour of the Queen’s existence an extraordinary transformation72 came to pass. The nation’s attitude towards her, critical and even hostile as it had been for so many years, altogether changed; while there was a corresponding alteration73 in the temper of — Victoria’s own mind.
Many causes led to this result. Among them were the repeated strokes of personal misfortune which befell the Queen during a cruelly short space of years. In 1878 the Princess Alice, who had married in 1862 the Prince Louis of Hesse–Darmstadt, died in tragic74 circumstances. In the following year the Prince Imperial, the only son of the Empress Eugenie, to whom Victoria, since the catastrophe75 of 1870, had become devotedly76 attached, was killed in the Zulu War. Two years later, in 1881, the Queen lost Lord Beaconsfield, and, in 1883, John Brown. In 1884 the Prince Leopold, Duke of Albany, who had been an invalid77 from birth, died prematurely78, shortly after his marriage. Victoria’s cup of sorrows was indeed overflowing79; and the public, as it watched the widowed mother weeping for her children and her friends, displayed a constantly increasing sympathy.
An event which occurred in 1882 revealed and accentuated80 the feelings of the nation. As the Queen, at Windsor, was walking from the train to her carriage, a youth named Roderick Maclean fired a pistol at her from a distance of a few yards. An Eton boy struck up Maclean’s arm with an umbrella before the pistol went off; no damage was done, and the culprit was at once arrested. This was the last of a series of seven attempts upon the Queen — attempts which, taking place at sporadic81 intervals82 over a period of forty years, resembled one another in a curious manner. All, with a single exception, were perpetrated by adolescents, whose motives83 were apparently84 not murderous, since, save in the case of Maclean, none of their pistols was loaded. These unhappy youths, who, after buying their cheap weapons, stuffed them with gunpowder85 and paper, and then went off, with the certainty of immediate86 detection, to click them in the face of royalty87, present a strange problem to the psychologist. But, though in each case their actions and their purposes seemed to be so similar, their fates were remarkably varied88. The first of them, Edward Oxford89, who fired at Victoria within a few months of her marriage, was tried for high treason, declared to be insane, and sent to an asylum90 for life. It appears, however, that this sentence did not commend itself to Albert, for when, two years later, John Francis committed the same of fence, and was tried upon the same charge, the Prince propounced that there was no insanity91 in the matter. “The wretched creature,” he told his father, was “not out of his mind, but a thorough scamp.” “I hope,” he added, “his trial will be conducted with the greatest strictness.” Apparently it was; at any rate, the jury shared the view of the Prince, the plea of insanity was, set aside, and Francis was found guilty of high treason and condemned92 to death; but, as there was no proof of an intent to kill or even to wound, this sentence, after a lengthened93 deliberation between the Home Secretary and the Judges, was commuted94 for one of transportation for life. As the law stood, these assaults, futile95 as they were, could only be treated as high treason; the discrepancy96 between the actual deed and the tremendous penalties involved was obviously grotesque97; and it was, besides, clear that a jury, knowing that a verdict of guilty implied a sentence of death, would tend to the alternative course, and find the prisoner not guilty but insane — a conclusion which, on the face of it, would have appeared to be the more reasonable. In 1842, therefore, an Act was passed making any attempt to hurt the Queen a misdemeanor, punishable by transportation for seven years, or imprisonment98, with or without hard labour, for a term not exceeding three years — the misdemeanant, at the discretion99 of the Court, “to be publicly or privately100 whipped, as often, and in such manner and form, as the Court shall direct, not exceeding thrice.” The four subsequent attempts were all dealt with under this new law; William Bean, in 1842, was sentenced to eighteen months’ imprisonment; William Hamilton, in 1849, was transported for seven years; and, in 1850, the same sentence was passed upon Lieutenant101 Robert Pate102, who struck the Queen on the head with his cane103 in Piccadilly. Pate, alone among these delinquents104, was of mature years; he had held a commission in the Army, dressed himself as a dandy, and was, the Prince declared, “manifestly deranged105.” In 1872 Arthur O’Connor, a youth of seventeen, fired an unloaded pistol at the Queen outside Buckingham Palace; he was immediately seized by John Brown, and sentenced to one year’s imprisonment and twenty strokes of the birch rod. It was for his bravery upon this occasion that Brown was presented with one of his gold medals. In all these cases the jury had refused to allow the plea of insanity; but Roderick Maclean’s attempt in 1882 had a different issue. On this occasion the pistol was found to have been loaded, and the public indignation, emphasised as it was by Victoria’s growing popularity, was particularly great. Either for this or for some other reason the procedure of the last forty years was abandoned, and Maclean was tried for high treason. The result was what might have been expected: the jury brought in a verdict of “not guilty, but insane”; and the prisoner was sent to an asylum during Her Majesty’s pleasure. Their verdict, however, produced a remarkable consequence. Victoria, who doubtless carried in her mind some memory of Albert’s disapproval106 of a similar verdict in the case of Oxford, was very much annoyed. What did the jury mean, she asked, by saying that Maclean was not guilty? It was perfectly107 clear that he was guilty — she had seen him fire off the pistol herself. It was in vain that Her Majesty’s constitutional advisers108 reminded her of the principle of English law which lays down that no man can be found guilty of a crime unless he be proved to have had a criminal intention. Victoria was quite unconvinced. “If that is the law,” she said, “the law must be altered:” and altered it was. In 1883 an Act was passed changing the form of the verdict in cases of insanity, and the confusing anomaly remains upon the Statute109 Book to this day.
But it was not only through the feelings — commiserating110 or indignant — of personal sympathy that the Queen and her people were being drawn111 more nearly together; they were beginning, at last, to come to a close and permanent agreement upon the conduct of public affairs. Mr. Gladstone’s second administration (1880–85) was a succession of failures, ending in disaster and disgrace; liberalism fell into discredit112 with the country, and Victoria perceived with joy that her distrust of her Ministers was shared by an ever-increasing number of her subjects. During the crisis in the Sudan, the popular temper was her own. She had been among the first to urge the necessity of an expedition to Khartoum, and, when the news came of the catastrophic death of General Gordon, her voice led the chorus of denunciation which raved113 against the Government. In her rage, she despatched a fulminating telegram to Mr. Gladstone, not in the usual cypher, but open; and her letter of condolence to Miss Gordon, in which she attacked her Ministers for breach114 of faith, was widely published. It was rumoured115 that she had sent for Lord Hartington, the Secretary of State for War, and vehemently116 upbraided118 him. “She rated me,” he was reported to have told a friend, “as if I’d been a footman.” “Why didn’t she send for the butler?” asked his friend. “Oh,” was the reply, “the butler generally manages to keep out of the way on such occasions.”
But the day came when it was impossible to keep out of the way any longer. Mr. Gladstone was defeated, and resigned. Victoria, at a final interview, received him with her usual amenity119, but, besides the formalities demanded by the occasion, the only remark which she made to him of a personal nature was to the effect that she supposed Mr. Gladstone would now require some rest. He remembered with regret how, at a similar audience in 1874, she had expressed her trust in him as a supporter of the throne; but he noted120 the change without surprise. “Her mind and opinions,” he wrote in his diary afterwards, “have since that day been seriously warped121.”
Such was Mr. Gladstone’s view,; but the majority of the nation by no means agreed with him; and, in the General Election of 1886, they showed decisively that Victoria’s politics were identical with theirs by casting forth122 the contrivers of Home Rule — that abomination of desolation — into outer darkness, and placing Lord Salisbury in power. Victoria’s satisfaction was profound. A flood of new unwonted hopefulness swept over her, stimulating123 her vital spirits with a surprising force. Her habit of life was suddenly altered; abandoning the long seclusion124 which Disraeli’s persuasions125 had only momentarily interrupted, she threw herself vigorously into a multitude of public activities. She appeared at drawing-rooms, at concerts, at reviews; she laid foundation-stones; she went to Liverpool to open an international exhibition, driving through the streets in her open carriage in heavy rain amid vast applauding crowds. Delighted by the welcome which met her everywhere, she warmed to her work. She visited Edinburgh, where the ovation126 of Liverpool was repeated and surpassed. In London, she opened in high state the Colonial and Indian Exhibition at South Kensington. On this occasion the ceremonial was particularly magnificent; a blare of trumpets127 announced the approach of Her Majesty; the “Natiohal Anthem” followed; and the Queen, seated on a gorgeous throne of hammered gold, replied with her own lips to the address that was presented to her. Then she rose, and, advancing upon the platform with regal port, acknowledged the acclamations of the great assembly by a succession of curtseys, of elaborate and commanding grace.
Next year was the fiftieth of her reign60, and in June the splendid anniversary was celebrated129 in solemn pomp. Victoria, surrounded by the highest dignitaries of her realm, escorted by a glittering galaxy130 of kings and princes, drove through the crowded enthusiasm of the capital to render thanks to God in Westminster Abbey. In that triumphant131 hour the last remaining traces of past antipathies132 and past disagreements were altogether swept away. The Queen was hailed at once as the mother of her people and as the embodied133 symbol of their imperial greatness; and she responded to the double sentiment with all the ardour of her spirit. England and the people of England, she knew it, she felt it, were, in some wonderful and yet quite simple manner, hers. Exultation134, affection, gratitude135, a profound sense of obligation, an unbounded pride — such were her emotions; and, colouring and intensifying136 the rest, there was something else. At last, after so long, happiness — fragmentary, perhaps, and charged with gravity, but true and unmistakable none the less — had returned to her. The unaccustomed feeling filled and warmed her consciousness. When, at Buckingham Palace again, the long ceremony over, she was asked how she was, “I am very tired, but very happy,” she said.
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And so, after the toils137 and tempests of the day, a long evening followed — mild, serene138, and lighted with a golden glory. For an unexampled atmosphere of success and adoration139 invested the last period of Victoria’s life. Her triumph was the summary, the crown, of a greater triumph — the culminating prosperity of a nation. The solid splendour of the decade between Victoria’s two jubilees140 can hardly be paralleled in the annals of England. The sage59 counsels of Lord Salisbury seemed to bring with them not only wealth and power, but security; and the country settled down, with calm assurance, to the enjoyment142 of an established grandeur143. And — it was only natural — Victoria settled down too. For she was a part of the establishment — an essential part as it seemed — a fixture144 — a magnificent, immovable sideboard in the huge saloon of state. Without her the heaped-up banquet of 1890 would have lost its distinctive145 quality — the comfortable order of the substantial unambiguous dishes, with their background of weighty glamour146, half out of sight.
Her own existence came to harmonise more and more with what was around her. Gradually, imperceptibly, Albert receded147. It was not that he was forgotten — that would have been impossible — but that the void created by his absence grew less agonising, and even, at last, less obvious. At last Victoria found it possible to regret the bad weather without immediately reflecting that her “dear Albert always said we could not alter it, but must leave it as it was;” she could even enjoy a good breakfast without considering how “dear Albert” would have liked the buttered eggs. And, as that figure slowly faded, its place was taken, inevitably148, by Victoria’s own. Her being, revolving149 for so many years round an external object, now changed its motion and found its centre in itself. It had to be so: her domestic position, the pressure of her public work, her indomitable sense of duty, made anything else impossible. Her egotism proclaimed its rights. Her age increased still further the surrounding deference150; and her force of character, emerging at length in all its plenitude, imposed absolutely upon its environment by the conscious effort of an imperious will.
Little by little it was noticed that the outward vestiges151 of Albert’s posthumous152 domination grew less complete. At Court the stringency153 of mourning was relaxed. As the Queen drove through the Park in her open carriage with her Highlanders behind her, nursery-maids canvassed154 eagerly the growing patch of violet velvet155 in the bonnet156 with its jet appurtenances on the small bowing head.
It was in her family that Victoria’s ascendancy157 reached its highest point. All her offspring were married; the number of her descendants rapidly increased; there were many marriages in the third generation; and no fewer than thirty-seven of her great-grandchildren were living at the time of her death. A picture of the period displays the royal family collected together in one of the great rooms at Windsor — a crowded company of more than fifty persons, with the imperial matriarch in their midst. Over them all she ruled with a most potent158 sway. The small concerns of the youngest aroused her passionate159 interest; and the oldest she treated as if they were children still. The Prince of Wales, in particular, stood in tremendous awe160 of his mother. She had steadily161 refused to allow him the slightest participation162 in the business of government; and he had occupied himself in other ways. Nor could it be denied that he enjoyed himself — out of her sight; but, in that redoubtable163 presence, his abounding164 manhood suffered a miserable165 eclipse. Once, at Osborne, when, owing to no fault of his, he was too late for a dinner party, he was observed standing166 behind a pillar and wiping the sweat from his forehead, trying to nerve himself to go up to the Queen. When at last he did so, she gave him a stiff nod, whereupon he vanished immediately behind another pillar, and remained there until the party broke up. At the time of this incident the Prince of Wales was over fifty years of age.
It was inevitable167 that the Queen’s domestic activities should occasionally trench168 upon the domain of high diplomacy169; and this was especially the case when the interests of her eldest daughter, the Crown Princess of Prussia, were at stake. The Crown Prince held liberal opinions; he was much influenced by his wife; and both were detested170 by Bismarck, who declared with scurrilous171 emphasis that the Englishwoman and her mother were a menace to the Prussian State. The feud172 was still further intensified173 when, on the death of the old Emperor (1888), the Crown Prince succeeded to the throne. A family entanglement174 brought on a violent crisis. One of the daughters of the new Empress had become betrothed175 to Prince Alexander of Battenberg, who had lately been ejected from the throne of Bulgaria owing to the hostility176 of the Tsar. Victoria, as well as the Empress, highly approved of the match. Of the two brothers of Prince Alexander, the elder had married another of her grand-daughters, and the younger was the husband of her daughter, the Princess Beatrice; she was devoted to the handsome young man; and she was delighted by the prospect177 of the third brother — on the whole the handsomest, she thought, of the three — also becoming a member of her family. Unfortunately, however, Bismarck was opposed to the scheme. He perceived that the marriage would endanger the friendship between Germany and Russia, which was vital to his foreign policy, and he announced that it must not take place. A fierce struggle between the Empress and the Chancellor178 followed. Victoria, whose hatred179 of her daughter’s enemy was unbounded, came over to Charlottenburg to join in the fray180. Bismarck, over his pipe and lager, snorted out his alarm. The Queen of England’s object, he said, was clearly political — she wished to estrange181 Germany and Russia — and very likely she would have her way. “In family matters,” he added, “she is not used to contradiction;” she would “bring the parson with her in her travelling bag and the bridegroom in her trunk, and the marriage would come off on the spot.” But the man of blood and iron was not to be thwarted182 so easily, and he asked for a private interview with the Queen. The details of their conversation are unknown; but it is certain that in the course of it Victoria was forced to realise the meaning of resistance to that formidable personage, and that she promised to use all her influence to prevent the marriage. The engagement was broken off; and in the following year Prince Alexander of Battenberg united himself to Fraulein Loisinger, an actress at the court theatre of Darmstad.
But such painful incidents were rare. Victoria was growing very old; with no Albert to guide her, with no Beaconsfield to enflame her, she was willing enough to abandon the dangerous questions of diplomacy to the wisdom of Lord Salisbury, and to concentrate her energies upon objects which touched her more nearly and over which she could exercise an undisputed control. Her home — her court — the monuments at Balmoral — the livestock183 at Windsor — the organisation184 of her engagements — the supervision185 of the multitudinous details of her daily routine — such matters played now an even greater part in her existence than before. Her life passed in an extraordinary exactitude. Every moment of her day was mapped out beforehand; the succession of her engagements was immutably186 fixed187; the dates of her journeys — to Osborne, to Balmoral, to the South of France, to Windsor, to London — were hardly altered from year to year. She demanded from those who surrounded her a rigid188 precision in details, and she was preternaturally quick in detecting the slightest deviation189 from the rules which she had laid down. Such was the irresistible190 potency191 of her personality, that anything but the most implicit192 obedience193 to her wishes was felt to be impossible; but sometimes somebody was unpunctual; and unpunctuality was one of the most heinous194 of sins. Then her displeasure — her dreadful displeasure — became all too visible. At such moments there seemed nothing surprising in her having been the daughter of a martinet195.
But these storms, unnerving as they were while they lasted, were quickly over, and they grew more and more exceptional. With the return of happiness a gentle benignity196 flowed from the aged197 Queen. Her smile, once so rare a visitant to those saddened features, flitted over them with an easy alacrity198; the blue eyes beamed; the whole face, starting suddenly from its pendulous199 expressionlessness, brightened and softened200 and cast over those who watched it an unforgettable charm. For in her last years there was a fascination201 in Victoria’s amiability202 which had been lacking even from the vivid impulse of her youth. Over all who approached her — or very nearly all — she threw a peculiar203 spell. Her grandchildren adored her; her ladies waited upon her with a reverential love. The honour of serving her obliterated204 a thousand inconveniences — the monotony of a court existence, the fatigue205 of standing, the necessity for a superhuman attentiveness206 to the minutia207: of time and space. As one did one’s wonderful duty one could forget that one’s legs were aching from the infinitude of the passages at Windsor, or that one’s bare arms were turning blue in the Balmoral cold.
What, above all, seemed to make such service delightful was the detailed208 interest which the Queen took in the circumstances of those around her. Her absorbing passion for the comfortable commonplaces, the small crises, the recurrent sentimentalities, of domestic life constantly demanded wider fields for its activity; the sphere of her own family, vast as it was, was not enough; she became the eager confidante of the household affairs of her ladies; her sympathies reached out to the palace domestics; even the housemaids and scullions — so it appeared — were the objects of her searching inquiries209, and of her heartfelt solicitude210 when their lovers were ordered to a foreign station, or their aunts suffered from an attack of rheumatism211 which was more than usually acute.
Nevertheless the due distinctions of rank were immaculately preserved. The Queen’s mere128 presence was enough to ensure that; but, in addition, the dominion212 of court etiquette213 was paramount214. For that elaborate code, which had kept Lord Melbourne stiff upon the sofa and ranged the other guests in silence about the round table according to the order of precedence, was as punctiliously215 enforced as ever. Every evening after dinner, the hearth-rug, sacred to royalty, loomed216 before the profane217 in inaccessible218 glory, or, on one or two terrific occasions, actually lured219 them magnetically forward to the very edge of the abyss. The Queen, at the fitting moment, moved towards her guests; one after the other they were led up to her; and, while dialogue followed dialogue in constraint220 and embarrassment221, the rest of the assembly stood still, without a word. Only in one particular was the severity of the etiquette allowed to lapse222. Throughout the greater part of the reign the rule that ministers must stand during their audiences with the Queen had been absolute. When Lord Derby, the Prime Minister, had an audience of Her Majesty after a serious illness, he mentioned it afterwards, as a proof of the royal favour, that the Queen had remarked “How sorry she was she could not ask him to be seated.” Subsequently, Disraeli, after an attack of gout and in a moment of extreme expansion on the part of Victoria, had been offered a chair; but he had thought it wise humbly223 to decline the privilege. In her later years, however, the Queen invariably asked Mr. Gladstone and Lord Salisbury to sit down.
Sometimes the solemnity of the evening was diversified224 by a concert, an opera, or even a play. One of the most marked indications of Victoria’s enfranchisement225 from the thraldom226 of widowhood had been her resumption — after an interval of thirty years — of the custom of commanding dramatic companies from London to perform before the Court at Windsor. On such occasions her spirits rose high. She loved acting227; she loved a good plot; above all, she loved a farce228. Engrossed229 by everything that passed upon the stage she would follow, with childlike innocence230, the unwinding of the story; or she would assume an air of knowing superiority and exclaim in triumph, “There! You didn’t expect that, did you?” when the denouement231 came. Her sense of humour was of a vigorous though primitive232 kind. She had been one of the very few persons who had always been able to appreciate the Prince Consort233’s jokes; and, when those were cracked no more, she could still roar with laughter, in the privacy of her household, over some small piece of fun — some oddity of an ambassador, or some ignorant Minister’s faux pas. When the jest grew subtle she was less pleased; but, if it approached the confines of the indecorous, the danger was serious. To take a liberty called down at once Her Majesty’s most crushing disapprobation; and to say something improper234 was to take the greatest liberty of all. Then the royal lips sank down at the corners, the royal eyes stared in astonished protrusion235, and in fact, the royal countenance236 became inauspicious in the highest degree. The transgressor237 shuddered238 into silence, while the awful “We are not amused” annihilated239 the dinner table. Afterwards, in her private entourage, the Queen would observe that the person in question was, she very much feared, “not discreet240”; it was a verdict from which there was no appeal.
In general, her aesthetic241 tastes had remained unchanged since the days of Mendelssohn, Landseer, and Lablache. She still delighted in the roulades of Italian opera; she still demanded a high standard in the execution of a pianoforte duet. Her views on painting were decided242; Sir Edwin, she declared, was perfect; she was much impressed by Lord Leighton’s manners; and she profoundly distrusted Mr. Watts243. From time to time she ordered engraved244 portraits to be taken of members of the royal family; on these occasions she would have the first proofs submitted to her, and, having inspected them with minute particularity, she would point out their mistakes to the artists, indicating at the same time how they might be corrected. The artists invariably discovered that Her Majesty’s suggestions were of the highest value. In literature her interests were more restricted. She was devoted to Lord Tennyson; and, as the Prince Consort had admired George Eliot, she perused245 “Middlemarch:” she was disappointed. There is reason to believe, however, that the romances of another female writer, whose popularity among the humbler classes of Her Majesty’s subjects was at one time enormous, secured, no less, the approval of Her Majesty. Otherwise she did not read very much.
Once, however, the Queen’s attention was drawn to a publication which it was impossible for her to ignore. “The Greville Memoirs246,” filled with a mass of historical information of extraordinary importance, but filled also with descriptions, which were by no means flattering, of George IV, William IV, and other royal persons, was brought out by Mr. Reeve. Victoria read the book, and was appalled247. It was, she declared, a “dreadful and really scandalous book,” and she could not say “how HORRIFIED248 and INDIGNANT” she was at Greville’s “indiscretion, indelicacy, ingratitude249 towards friends, betrayal of confidence and shameful250 disloyalty towards his Sovereign.” She wrote to Disraeli to tell him that in her opinion it was “VERY IMPORTANT that the book should be severely251 censured252 and discredited253.” “The tone in which he speaks of royalty,” she added, “is unlike anything one sees in history even, and is most reprehensible254.” Her anger was directed with almost equal vehemence255 against Mr. Reeve for his having published “such an abominable256 book,” and she charged Sir Arthur Helps to convey to him her deep displeasure. Mr. Reeve, however, was impenitent257. When Sir Arthur told him that, in the Queen’s opinion, “the book degraded royalty,” he replied: “Not at all; it elevates it by the contrast it offers between the present and the defunct258 state of affairs.” But this adroit259 defence failed to make any impression upon Victoria; and Mr. Reeve, when he retired260 from the public service, did not receive the knighthood which custom entitled him to expect. Perhaps if the Queen had known how many caustic261 comments upon herself Mr. Reeve had quietly suppressed in the published Memoirs, she would have been almost grateful to him; but, in that case, what would she have said of Greville? Imagination boggles at the thought. As for more modern essays upon the same topic, Her Majesty, it is to be feared, would have characterised them as “not discreet.”
But as a rule the leisure hours of that active life were occupied with recreations of a less intangible quality than the study of literature or the appreciation of art. Victoria was a woman not only of vast property but of innumerable possessions. She had inherited an immense quantity of furniture, of ornaments262, of china, of plate, of valuable objects of every kind; her purchases, throughout a long life, made a formidable addition to these stores; and there flowed in upon her, besides, from every quarter of the globe, a constant stream of gifts. Over this enormous mass she exercised an unceasing and minute supervision, and the arrangement and the contemplation of it, in all its details, filled her with an intimate satisfaction. The collecting instinct has its roots in the very depths of human nature; and, in the case of Victoria, it seemed to owe its force to two of her dominating impulses — the intense sense, which had always been hers, of her own personality, and the craving263 which, growing with the years, had become in her old age almost an obsession264, for fixity, for solidity, for the setting up of palpable barriers against the outrages265 of change and time. When she considered the multitudinous objects which belonged to her, or, better still, when, choosing out some section of them as the fancy took her, she actually savoured the vivid richness of their individual qualities, she saw herself deliciously reflected from a million facets266, felt herself magnified miraculously267 over a boundless268 area, and was well pleased. That was just as it should be; but then came the dismaying thought — everything slips away, crumbles269, vanishes; Sevres dinner-services get broken; even golden basins go unaccountably astray; even one’s self, with all the recollections and experiences that make up one’s being, fluctuates, perishes, dissolves . . . But no! It could not, should not be so! There should be no changes and no losses! Nothing should ever move — neither the past nor the present — and she herself least of all! And so the tenacious270 woman, hoarding271 her valuables, decreed their immortality273 with all the resolution of her soul. She would not lose one memory or one pin.
She gave orders that nothing should be thrown away — and nothing was. There, in drawer after drawer, in wardrobe after wardrobe, reposed274 the dresses of seventy years. But not only the dresses — the furs and the mantles275 and subsidiary frills and the muffs and the parasols and the bonnets276 — all were ranged in chronological277 order, dated and complete. A great cupboard was devoted to the dolls; in the china room at Windsor a special table held the mugs of her childhood, and her children’s mugs as well. Mementoes of the past surrounded her in serried278 accumulations. In every room the tables were powdered thick with the photographs of relatives; their portraits, revealing them at all ages, covered the walls; their figures, in solid marble, rose up from pedestals, or gleamed from brackets in the form of gold and silver statuettes. The dead, in every shape — in miniatures, in porcelain279, in enormous life-size oil-paintings — were perpetually about her. John Brown stood upon her writing-table in solid gold. Her favourite horses and dogs, endowed with a new durability280, crowded round her footsteps. Sharp, in silver gilt281, dominated the dinner table; Boy and Boz lay together among unfading flowers, in bronze. And it was not enough that each particle of the past should be given the stability of metal or of marble: the whole collection, in its arrangement, no less than its entity282, should be immutably fixed. There might be additions, but there might never be alterations283. No chintz might change, no carpet, no curtain, be replaced by another; or, if long use at last made it necessary, the stuffs and the patterns must be so identically reproduced that the keenest eye might not detect the difference. No new picture could be hung upon the walls at Windsor, for those already there had been put in their places by Albert, whose decisions were eternal. So, indeed, were Victoria’s. To ensure that they should be the aid of the camera was called in. Every single article in the Queen’s possession was photographed from several points of view. These photographs were submitted to Her Majesty, and when, after careful inspection284, she had approved of them, they were placed in a series of albums, richly bound. Then, opposite each photograph, an entry was made, indicating the number of the article, the number of the room in which it was kept, its exact position in the room and all its principal characteristics. The fate of every object which had undergone this process was henceforth irrevocably sealed. The whole multitude, once and for all, took up its steadfast285 station. And Victoria, with a gigantic volume or two of the endless catalogue always beside her, to look through, to ponder upon, to expatiate286 over, could feel, with a double contentment, that the transitoriness of this world had been arrested by the amplitude287 of her might.
Thus the collection, ever multiplying, ever encroaching upon new fields of consciousness, ever rooting itself more firmly in the depths of instinct, became one of the dominating influences of that strange existence. It was a collection not merely of things and of thoughts, but of states of mind and ways of living as well. The celebration of anniversaries grew to be an important branch of it — of birthdays and marriage days and death days, each of which demanded its appropriate feeling, which, in its turn, must be itself expressed in an appropriate outward form. And the form, of course — the ceremony of rejoicing or lamentation288 — was stereotyped289 with the rest: it was part of the collection. On a certain day, for instance, flowers must be strewn on John Brown’s monument at Balmoral; and the date of the yearly departure for Scotland was fixed by that fact. Inevitably it was around the central circumstance of death — death, the final witness to human mutability — that these commemorative cravings clustered most thickly. Might not even death itself be humbled290, if one could recall enough — if one asserted, with a sufficiently291 passionate and reiterated292 emphasis, the eternity293 of love? Accordingly, every bed in which Victoria slept had attached to it, at the back, on the right-hand side, above the pillow, a photograph of the head and shoulders of Albert as he lay dead, surmounted294 by a wreath of immortelles. At Balmoral, where memories came crowding so closely, the solid signs of memory appeared in surprising profusion295. Obelisks296, pyramids, tombs, statues, cairns, and seats of inscribed297 granite298, proclaimed Victoria’s dedication299 to the dead. There, twice a year, on the days that followed her arrival, a solemn pilgrimage of inspection and meditation300 was performed. There, on August 26 — Albert’s birthday — at the foot of the bronze statue of him in Highland dress, the Queen, her family, her Court, her servants, and her tenantry, met together and in silence drank to the memory of the dead. In England the tokens of remembrance pullulated hardly less. Not a day passed without some addition to the multifold assemblage — a gold statuette of Ross, the piper — a life-sized marble group of Victoria and Albert, in medieval costume, inscribed upon the base with the words: “Allured to brighter worlds and led the way-” a granite slab301 in the shrubbery at Osborne, informing the visitor of “Waldmann: the very favourite little dachshund of Queen Victoria; who brought him from Baden, April 1872; died, July 11, 1881.”
At Frogmore, the great mausoleum, perpetually enriched, was visited almost daily by the Queen when the Court was at Windsor. But there was another, a more secret and a hardly less holy shrine302. The suite303 of rooms which Albert had occupied in the Castle was kept for ever shut away from the eyes of any save the most privileged. Within those precincts everything remained as it had been at the Prince’s death; but the mysterious preoccupation of Victoria had commanded that her husband’s clothing should be laid afresh, each evening, upon the bed, and that, each evening, the water should be set ready in the basin, as if he were still alive; and this incredible rite12 was performed with scrupulous304 regularity305 for nearly forty years.
Such was the inner worship; and still the flesh obeyed the spirit; still the daily hours of labour proclaimed Victoria’s consecration306 to duty and to the ideal of the dead. Yet, with the years, the sense of self-sacrifice faded; the natural energies of that ardent307 being discharged themselves with satisfaction into the channel of public work; the love of business which, from her girlhood, had been strong within her, reasserted itself in all its vigour308, and, in her old age, to have been cut off from her papers and her boxes would have been, not a relief, but an agony to Victoria. Thus, though toiling309 Ministers might sigh and suffer, the whole process of government continued, till the very end, to pass before her. Nor was that all; ancient precedent310 had made the validity of an enormous number of official transactions dependent upon the application of the royal sign-manual; and a great proportion of the Queen’s working hours was spent in this mechanical task. Nor did she show any desire to diminish it. On the contrary, she voluntarily resumed the duty of signing commissions in the army, from which she had been set free by Act of Parliament, and from which, during the years of middle life, she had abstained311. In no case would she countenance the proposal that she should use a stamp. But, at last, when the increasing pressure of business made the delays of the antiquated312 system intolerable, she consented that, for certain classes of documents, her oral sanction should be sufficient. Each paper was read aloud to her, and she said at the end “Approved.” Often, for hours at a time, she would sit, with Albert’s bust in front of her, while the word “Approved” issued at intervals from her lips. The word came forth with a majestic313 sonority314; for her voice now — how changed from the silvery treble of her girlhood — was a contralto, full and strong.
iv
The final years were years of apotheosis315. In the dazzled imagination of her subjects Victoria soared aloft towards the regions of divinity through a nimbus of purest glory. Criticism fell dumb; deficiencies which, twenty years earlier, would have been universally admitted, were now as universally ignored. That the nation’s idol316 was a very incomplete representative of the nation was a circumstance that was hardly noticed, and yet it was conspicuously317 true. For the vast changes which, out of the England of 1837, had produced the England of 1897, seemed scarcely to have touched the Queen. The immense industrial development of the period, the significance of which had been so thoroughly318 understood by Albert, meant little indeed to Victoria. The amazing scientific movement, which Albert had appreciated no less, left Victoria perfectly cold. Her conception of the universe, and of man’s place in it, and of the stupendous problems of nature and philosophy remained, throughout her life, entirely319 unchanged. Her religion was the religion which she had learnt from the Baroness320 Lehzen and the Duchess of Kent. Here, too, it might have been supposed that Albert’s views might have influenced her. For Albert, in matters of religion, was advanced. Disbelieving altogether in evil spirits, he had had his doubts about the miracle of the Gaderene Swine. Stockmar, even, had thrown out, in a remarkable memorandum321 on the education of the Prince of Wales, the suggestion that while the child “must unquestionably be brought up in the creed272 of the Church of England,” it might nevertheless be in accordance with the spirit of the times to exclude from his religious training the inculcation of a belief in “the supernatural doctrines322 of Christianity.” This, however, would have been going too far; and all the royal children were brought up in complete orthodoxy. Anything else would have grieved Victoria, though her own conceptions of the orthodox were not very precise. But her nature, in which imagination and subtlety323 held so small a place, made her instinctively recoil324 from the intricate ecstasies325 of High Anglicanism; and she seemed to feel most at home in the simple faith of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. This was what might have been expected; for Lehzen was the daughter of a Lutheran pastor326, and the Lutherans and the Presbyterians have much in common. For many years Dr. Norman Macleod, an innocent Scotch minister, was her principal spiritual adviser; and, when he was taken from her, she drew much comfort from quiet chats about life and death with the cottagers at Balmoral. Her piety327, absolutely genuine, found what it wanted in the sober exhortations328 of old John Grant and the devout329 saws of Mrs. P. Farquharson. They possessed330 the qualities, which, as a child of fourteen, she had so sincerely admired in the Bishop331 of Chester’s “Exposition of the Gospel of St. Matthew;” they were “just plain and comprehensible and full of truth and good feeling.” The Queen, who gave her name to the Age of Mill and of Darwin, never got any further than that.
From the social movements of her time Victoria was equally remote. Towards the smallest no less than towards the greatest changes she remained inflexible332. During her youth and middle age smoking had been forbidden in polite society, and so long as she lived she would not withdraw her anathema333 against it. Kings might protest; bishops334 and ambassadors, invited to Windsor, might be reduced, in the privacy of their bedrooms, to lie full-length upon the floor and smoke up the chimney — the interdict335 continued! It might have been supposed that a female sovereign would have lent her countenance to one of the most vital of all the reforms to which her epoch336 gave birth — the emancipation337 of women — but, on the contrary, the mere mention of such a proposal sent the blood rushing to her head. In 1870, her eye having fallen upon the report of a meeting in favour of Women’s Suffrage338, she wrote to Mr. Martin in royal rage —“The Queen is most anxious to enlist339 everyone who can speak or write to join in checking this mad, wicked folly340 of ‘Woman’s Rights,’ with all its attendant horrors, on which her poor feeble sex is bent341, forgetting every sense of womanly feeling and propriety342. Lady — ought to get a GOOD WHIPPING. It is a subject which makes the Queen so furious that she cannot contain herself. God created men and women different — then let them remain each in their own position. Tennyson has some beautiful lines on the difference of men and women in ‘The Princess.’ Woman would become the most hateful, heartless, and disgusting of human beings were she allowed to unsex herself; and where would be the protection which man was intended to give the weaker sex? The Queen is sure that Mrs. Martin agrees with her.” The argument was irrefutable; Mrs. Martin agreed; and yet the canker spread.
In another direction Victoria’s comprehension of the spirit of her age has been constantly asserted. It was for long the custom for courtly historians and polite politicians to compliment the Queen upon the correctness of her attitude towards the Constitution. But such praises seem hardly to be justified by the facts. In her later years Victoria more than once alluded343 with regret to her conduct during the Bedchamber crisis, and let it be understood that she had grown wiser since. Yet in truth it is difficult to trace any fundamental change either in her theory or her practice in constitutional matters throughout her life. The same despotic and personal spirit which led her to break off the negotiations344 with Peel is equally visible in her animosity towards Palmerston, in her threats of abdication345 to Disraeli, and in her desire to prosecute346 the Duke of Westminster for attending a meeting upon Bulgarian atrocities347. The complex and delicate principles of the Constitution cannot be said to have come within the compass of her mental faculties348; and in the actual developments which it underwent during her reign she played a passive part. From 1840 to 1861 the power of the Crown steadily increased in England; from 1861 to 1901 it steadily declined. The first process was due to the influence of the Prince Consort, the second to that of a series of great Ministers. During the first Victoria was in effect a mere accessory; during the second the threads of power, which Albert had so laboriously349 collected, inevitably fell from her hands into the vigorous grasp of Mr. Gladstone, Lord Beaconsfield, and Lord Salisbury. Perhaps, absorbed as she was in routine, and difficult as she found it to distinguish at all clearly between the trivial and the essential, she was only dimly aware of what was happening. Yet, at the end of her reign, the Crown was weaker than at any other time in English history. Paradoxically enough, Victoria received the highest eulogiums for assenting350 to a political evolution, which, had she completely realised its import, would have filled her with supreme351 displeasure.
Nevertheless it must not be supposed that she was a second George III. Her desire to impose her will, vehement117 as it was, and unlimited352 by any principle, was yet checked by a certain shrewdness. She might oppose her Ministers with extraordinary violence, she might remain utterly353 impervious354 to arguments and supplications; the pertinacity355 of her resolution might seem to be unconquerable; but, at the very last moment of all, her obstinacy356 would give way. Her innate357 respect and capacity for business, and perhaps, too, the memory of Albert’s scrupulous avoidance of extreme courses, prevented her from ever entering an impasse358. By instinct she understood when the facts were too much for her, and to them she invariably yielded. After all, what else could she do?
But if, in all these ways, the Queen and her epoch were profoundly separated, the points of contact between them also were not few. Victoria understood very well the meaning and the attractions of power and property, and in such learning the English nation, too, had grown to be more and more proficient359. During the last fifteen years of the reign — for the short Liberal Administration of 1892 was a mere interlude imperialism360 was the dominant1 creed of the country. It was Victoria’s as well. In this direction, if in no other, she had allowed her mind to develop. Under Disraeli’s tutelage the British Dominions361 over the seas had come to mean much more to her than ever before, and, in particular, she had grown enamoured of the East. The thought of India fascinated her; she set to, and learnt a little Hindustani; she engaged some Indian servants, who became her inseparable attendants, and one of whom, Munshi Abdul Karim, eventually almost succeeded to the position which had once been John Brown’s. At the same time, the imperialist temper of the nation invested her office with a new significance exactly harmonising with her own inmost proclivities362. The English polity was in the main a common-sense structure, but there was always a corner in it where common-sense could not enter — where, somehow or other, the ordinary measurements were not applicable and the ordinary rules did not apply. So our ancestors had laid it down, giving scope, in their wisdom, to that mystical element which, as it seems, can never quite be eradicated363 from the affairs of men. Naturally it was in the Crown that the mysticism of the English polity was concentrated — the Crown, with its venerable antiquity364, its sacred associations, its imposing365 spectacular array. But, for nearly two centuries, common-sense had been predominant in the great building, and the little, unexplored, inexplicable366 corner had attracted small attention. Then, with the rise of imperialism, there was a change. For imperialism is a faith as well as a business; as it grew, the mysticism in English public life grew with it; and simultaneously a new importance began to attach to the Crown. The need for a symbol — a symbol of England’s might, of England’s worth, of England’s extraordinary and mysterious destiny — became felt more urgently than ever before. The Crown was that symbol: and the Crown rested upon the head of Victoria. Thus it happened that while by the end of the reign the power of the sovereign had appreciably367 diminished, the prestige of the sovereign had enormously grown.
Yet this prestige was not merely the outcome of public changes; it was an intensely personal matter, too. Victoria was the Queen of England, the Empress of India, the quintessential pivot368 round which the whole magnificent machine was revolving — but how much more besides! For one thing, she was of a great age — an almost indispensable qualification for popularity in England. She had given proof of one of the most admired characteristics of the race — persistent369 vitality370. She had reigned371 for sixty years, and she was not out. And then, she was a character. The outlines of her nature were firmly drawn, and, even through the mists which envelop372 royalty, clearly visible. In the popular imagination her familiar figure filled, with satisfying ease, a distinct and memorable373 place. It was, besides, the kind of figure which naturally called forth the admiring sympathy of the great majority of the nation. Goodness they prized above every other human quality; and Victoria, who had said that she would be good at the age of twelve, had kept her word. Duty, conscience, morality — yes! in the light of those high beacons57 the Queen had always lived. She had passed her days in work and not in pleasure — in public responsibilities and family cares. The standard of solid virtue374 which had been set up so long ago amid the domestic happiness of Osborne had never been lowered for an instant. For more than half a century no divorced lady had approached the precincts of the Court. Victoria, indeed, in her enthusiasm for wifely fidelity375, had laid down a still stricter ordinance376: she frowned severely upon any widow who married again. Considering that she herself was the offspring of a widow’s second marriage, this prohibition377 might be regarded as an eccentricity; but, no doubt, it was an eccentricity on the right side. The middle classes, firm in the triple brass378 of their respectability, rejoiced with a special joy over the most respectable of Queens. They almost claimed her, indeed, as one of themselves; but this would have been an exaggeration. For, though many of her characteristics were most often found among the middle classes, in other respects — in her manners, for instance — Victoria was decidedly aristocratic. And, in one important particular, she was neither aristocratic nor middle-class: her attitude toward herself was simply regal.
Such qualities were obvious and important; but, in the impact of a personality, it is something deeper, something fundamental and common to all its qualities, that really tells. In Victoria, it is easy to discern the nature of this underlying379 element: it was a peculiar sincerity380. Her truthfulness381, her single-mindedness, the vividness of her emotions and her unrestrained expression of them, were the varied forms which this central characteristic assumed. It was her sincerity which gave her at once her impressiveness, her charm, and her absurdity382. She moved through life with the imposing certitude of one to whom concealment383 was impossible — either towards her surroundings or towards herself. There she was, all of her — the Queen of England, complete and obvious; the world might take her or leave her; she had nothing more to show, or to explain, or to modify; and, with her peerless carriage, she swept along her path. And not only was concealment out of the question; reticence, reserve, even dignity itself, as it sometimes seemed, might be very well dispensed384 with. As Lady Lyttelton said: “There is a transparency in her truth that is very striking — not a shade of exaggeration in describing feelings or facts; like very few other people I ever knew. Many may be as true, but I think it goes often along with some reserve. She talks all out; just as it is, no more and no less.” She talked all out; and she wrote all out, too. Her letters, in the surprising jet of their expression, remind one of a turned-on tap. What is within pours forth in an immediate, spontaneous rush. Her utterly unliterary style has at least the merit of being a vehicle exactly suited to her thoughts and feelings; and even the platitude385 of her phraseology carries with it a curiously386 personal flavour. Undoubtedly387 it was through her writings that she touched the heart of the public. Not only in her “Highland Journals” where the mild chronicle of her private proceedings388 was laid bare without a trace either of affectation or of embarrassment, but also in those remarkable messages to the nation which, from time to time, she published in the newspapers, her people found her very close to them indeed. They felt instinctively Victoria’s irresistible sincerity, and they responded. And in truth it was an endearing trait.
The personality and the position, too — the wonderful combination of them — that, perhaps, was what was finally fascinating in the case. The little old lady, with her white hair and her plain mourning clothes, in her wheeled chair or her donkey-carriage — one saw her so; and then — close behind — with their immediate suggestion of singularity, of mystery, and of power — the Indian servants. That was the familiar vision, and it was admirable; but, at chosen moments, it was right that the widow of Windsor should step forth apparent Queen. The last and the most glorious of such occasions was the Jubilee141 of 1897. Then, as the splendid procession passed along, escorting Victoria through the thronged389 re-echoing streets of London on her progress of thanksgiving to St. Paul’s Cathedral, the greatness of her realm and the adoration of her subjects blazed out together. The tears welled to her eyes, and, while the multitude roared round her, “How kind they are to me! How kind they are!” she repeated over and over again. That night her message flew over the Empire: “From my heart I thank my beloved people. May God bless them!” The long journey was nearly done. But the traveller, who had come so far, and through such strange experiences, moved on with the old unfaltering step. The girl, the wife, the aged woman, were the same: vitality, conscientiousness390, pride, and simplicity391 were hers to the latest hour.
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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parental
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| adj.父母的；父的；母的 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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perturbed
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| adj.烦燥不安的v.使（某人）烦恼，不安( perturb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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frivolity
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| n.轻松的乐事，兴高采烈；轻浮的举止 | |
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levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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solace
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| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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refreshment
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| n.恢复，精神爽快，提神之事物；（复数）refreshments:点心，茶点 | |
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highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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19
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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20
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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21
transact
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| v.处理；做交易；谈判 | |
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22
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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23
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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24
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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25
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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26
dames
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| n.（在英国）夫人（一种封号），夫人（爵士妻子的称号）( dame的名词复数 )；女人 | |
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27
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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28
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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29
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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30
gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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31
drenching
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| n.湿透v.使湿透( drench的现在分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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32
compartment
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| n.卧车包房，隔间；分隔的空间 | |
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33
regaining
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| 复得( regain的现在分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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34
enchanted
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| adj. 被施魔法的，陶醉的，入迷的 动词enchant的过去式和过去分词 | |
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35
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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36
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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37
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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38
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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39
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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40
bully
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| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
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41
audacities
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| n.大胆( audacity的名词复数 )；鲁莽；胆大妄为；鲁莽行为 | |
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42
eccentricity
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| n.古怪，反常，怪癖 | |
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43
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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44
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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45
meekly
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| adv.温顺地，逆来顺受地 | |
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46
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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47
pony
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| adj.小型的；n.小马 | |
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48
volition
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| n.意志；决意 | |
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49
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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50
instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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51
moors
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| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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52
rumble
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| n.隆隆声；吵嚷；v.隆隆响；低沉地说 | |
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53
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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54
bust
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| vt.打破；vi.爆裂；n.半身像；胸部 | |
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55
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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56
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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57
beacons
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| 灯塔( beacon的名词复数 )； 烽火； 指路明灯； 无线电台或发射台 | |
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58
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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59
sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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60
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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61
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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62
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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63
acrimonious
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| adj.严厉的，辛辣的，刻毒的 | |
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64
eulogistic
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| adj.颂扬的，颂词的 | |
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65
obituary
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| n.讣告，死亡公告；adj.死亡的 | |
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66
monogram
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| n.字母组合 | |
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67
reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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68
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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69
mellowed
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| （使）成熟( mellow的过去式和过去分词 )； 使色彩更加柔和，使酒更加醇香 | |
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70
amplified
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| 放大，扩大( amplify的过去式和过去分词 )； 增强； 详述 | |
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71
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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72
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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73
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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74
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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75
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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76
devotedly
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| 专心地； 恩爱地； 忠实地； 一心一意地 | |
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77
invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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78
prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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79
overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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80
accentuated
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| v.重读( accentuate的过去式和过去分词 )；使突出；使恶化；加重音符号于 | |
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81
sporadic
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| adj.偶尔发生的 [反]regular；分散的 | |
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82
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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83
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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84
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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85
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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86
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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87
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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88
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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89
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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90
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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91
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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92
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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93
lengthened
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| （时间或空间）延长，伸长( lengthen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
commuted
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| 通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 )； 减（刑）； 代偿 | |
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95
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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96
discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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97
grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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98
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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99
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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100
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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101
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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102
pate
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| n.头顶；光顶 | |
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103
cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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104
delinquents
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| n.（尤指青少年）有过失的人，违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
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105
deranged
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| adj.疯狂的 | |
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106
disapproval
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| n.反对，不赞成 | |
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107
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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108
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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109
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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110
commiserating
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| v.怜悯，同情( commiserate的现在分词 ) | |
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111
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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112
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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113
raved
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| v.胡言乱语( rave的过去式和过去分词 )；愤怒地说；咆哮；痴心地说 | |
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114
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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115
rumoured
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| adj.谣传的；传说的；风 | |
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116
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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117
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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118
upbraided
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| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
amenity
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| n.pl.生活福利设施，文娱康乐场所；（不可数）愉快，适意 | |
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120
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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121
warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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122
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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123
stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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124
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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125
persuasions
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| n.劝说，说服（力）( persuasion的名词复数 )；信仰 | |
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126
ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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127
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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128
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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129
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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130
galaxy
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| n.星系；银河系；一群(杰出或著名的人物) | |
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131
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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132
antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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133
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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134
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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135
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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136
intensifying
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的现在分词 )；增辉 | |
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137
toils
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| 网 | |
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138
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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139
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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140
jubilees
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| n.周年纪念( jubilee的名词复数 ) | |
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141
jubilee
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| n.周年纪念；欢乐 | |
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142
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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143
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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144
fixture
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| n.固定设备；预定日期；比赛时间；定期存款 | |
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145
distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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146
glamour
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| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
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147
receded
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的过去式和过去分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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148
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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149
revolving
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| adj.旋转的，轮转式的；循环的v.（使）旋转( revolve的现在分词 )；细想 | |
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150
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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151
vestiges
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| 残余部分( vestige的名词复数 )； 遗迹； 痕迹； 毫不 | |
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152
posthumous
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| adj.遗腹的；父亡后出生的；死后的，身后的 | |
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153
stringency
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| n.严格，紧迫，说服力；严格性；强度 | |
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154
canvassed
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| v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的过去式和过去分词 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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155
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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156
bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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157
ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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158
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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159
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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160
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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161
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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162
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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163
redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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164
abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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165
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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166
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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167
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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168
trench
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| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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169
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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170
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
scurrilous
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| adj.下流的，恶意诽谤的 | |
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172
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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173
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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174
entanglement
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| n.纠缠，牵累 | |
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175
betrothed
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|
| n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
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176
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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177
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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178
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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179
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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180
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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181
estrange
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| v.使疏远，离间，使离开 | |
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182
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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183
livestock
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| n.家畜，牲畜 | |
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184
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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185
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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186
immutably
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| adv.不变地，永恒地 | |
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187
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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188
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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189
deviation
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| n.背离，偏离；偏差，偏向；离题 | |
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190
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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191
potency
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| n. 效力，潜能 | |
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192
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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193
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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194
heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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195
martinet
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| n.要求严格服从纪律的人 | |
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196
benignity
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| n.仁慈 | |
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197
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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198
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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199
pendulous
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| adj.下垂的；摆动的 | |
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200
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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201
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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202
amiability
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| n.和蔼可亲的，亲切的，友善的 | |
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203
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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204
obliterated
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| v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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205
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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206
attentiveness
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| [医]注意 | |
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207
minutia
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| n.微枝末节，细节 | |
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208
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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209
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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210
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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211
rheumatism
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| n.风湿病 | |
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212
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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213
etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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214
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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215
punctiliously
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216
loomed
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| v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的过去式和过去分词 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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217
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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218
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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219
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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220
constraint
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| n.(on)约束，限制；限制(或约束)性的事物 | |
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221
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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222
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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223
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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224
diversified
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|
| adj.多样化的，多种经营的v.使多样化，多样化( diversify的过去式和过去分词 )；进入新的商业领域 | |
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225
enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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226
thraldom
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| n.奴隶的身份，奴役，束缚 | |
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227
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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228
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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229
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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230
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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231
denouement
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| n.结尾，结局 | |
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232
primitive
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|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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233
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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234
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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235
protrusion
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| n.伸出，突出 | |
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236
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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237
transgressor
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| n.违背者 | |
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238
shuddered
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| v.战栗( shudder的过去式和过去分词 )；发抖；（机器、车辆等）突然震动；颤动 | |
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239
annihilated
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|
| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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240
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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241
aesthetic
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| adj.美学的，审美的，有美感 | |
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242
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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243
watts
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| （电力计量单位）瓦，瓦特( watt的名词复数 ) | |
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244
engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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245
perused
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| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的过去式和过去分词 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
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246
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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247
appalled
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| v.使惊骇，使充满恐惧( appall的过去式和过去分词)adj.惊骇的；丧胆的 | |
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248
horrified
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| a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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249
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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250
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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251
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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252
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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253
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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254
reprehensible
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| adj.该受责备的 | |
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255
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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256
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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257
impenitent
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| adj.不悔悟的，顽固的 | |
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258
defunct
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| adj.死亡的；已倒闭的 | |
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259
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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260
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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261
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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262
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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263
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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264
obsession
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| n.困扰，无法摆脱的思想(或情感) | |
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265
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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266
facets
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| n.（宝石或首饰的）小平面( facet的名词复数 )；（事物的）面；方面 | |
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267
miraculously
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| ad.奇迹般地 | |
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268
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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269
crumbles
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| 酥皮水果甜点( crumble的名词复数 ) | |
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270
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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271
hoarding
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| n.贮藏；积蓄；临时围墙；囤积v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的现在分词 ) | |
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272
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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273
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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274
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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275
mantles
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| vt.&vi.覆盖（mantle的第三人称单数形式） | |
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276
bonnets
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| n.童帽( bonnet的名词复数 )；（烟囱等的）覆盖物；（苏格兰男子的）无边呢帽；（女子戴的）任何一种帽子 | |
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277
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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278
serried
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| adj.拥挤的；密集的 | |
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279
porcelain
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| n.瓷；adj.瓷的，瓷制的 | |
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280
durability
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| n.经久性，耐用性 | |
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281
gilt
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| adj.镀金的；n.金边证券 | |
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282
entity
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| n.实体，独立存在体，实际存在物 | |
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283
alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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284
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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285
steadfast
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| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
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286
expatiate
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| v.细说，详述 | |
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287
amplitude
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| n.广大；充足；振幅 | |
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288
lamentation
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| n.悲叹，哀悼 | |
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289
stereotyped
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| adj.(指形象、思想、人物等)模式化的 | |
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290
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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291
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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292
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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293
eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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294
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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295
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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296
obelisks
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| n.方尖石塔，短剑号，疑问记号( obelisk的名词复数 ) | |
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297
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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298
granite
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| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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299
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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300
meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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301
slab
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| n.平板，厚的切片；v.切成厚板，以平板盖上 | |
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302
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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303
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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304
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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305
regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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306
consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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307
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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308
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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309
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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310
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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311
abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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312
antiquated
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|
| adj.陈旧的，过时的 | |
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313
majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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314
sonority
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| n.响亮，宏亮 | |
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315
apotheosis
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| n.神圣之理想；美化；颂扬 | |
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316
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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317
conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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318
thoroughly
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|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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319
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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320
baroness
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| n.男爵夫人，女男爵 | |
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321
memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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322
doctrines
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|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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323
subtlety
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| n.微妙，敏锐，精巧；微妙之处，细微的区别 | |
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324
recoil
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| vi.退却，退缩，畏缩 | |
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325
ecstasies
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| 狂喜( ecstasy的名词复数 )； 出神； 入迷； 迷幻药 | |
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326
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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327
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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328
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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329
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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330
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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331
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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332
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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333
anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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334
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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335
interdict
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| v.限制；禁止；n.正式禁止；禁令 | |
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336
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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337
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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338
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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339
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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340
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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341
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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342
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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343
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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344
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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345
abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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346
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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347
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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348
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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349
laboriously
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| adv.艰苦地；费力地；辛勤地；（文体等）佶屈聱牙地 | |
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350
assenting
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| 同意，赞成( assent的现在分词 ) | |
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351
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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352
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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353
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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354
impervious
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|
| adj.不能渗透的，不能穿过的，不易伤害的 | |
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355
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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356
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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357
innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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358
impasse
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| n.僵局；死路 | |
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359
proficient
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| adj.熟练的，精通的；n.能手，专家 | |
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360
imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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361
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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362
proclivities
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| n.倾向，癖性( proclivity的名词复数 ) | |
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363
eradicated
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| 画着根的 | |
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364
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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365
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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366
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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367
appreciably
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| adv.相当大地 | |
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368
pivot
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| v.在枢轴上转动；装枢轴，枢轴；adj.枢轴的 | |
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369
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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370
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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371
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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372
envelop
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| vt.包，封，遮盖；包围 | |
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373
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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374
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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375
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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376
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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377
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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378
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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379
underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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380
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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381
truthfulness
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| n. 符合实际 | |
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382
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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383
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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384
dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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385
platitude
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| n.老生常谈，陈词滥调 | |
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386
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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387
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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388
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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389
thronged
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|
| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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390
conscientiousness
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| 责任心 | |
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391
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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