The author of “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” that writer states, has committed false-witness against thousands and millions of her fellow-men.
She has done it [he says] by attaching to them as slaveholders, in the eyes of the world, the guilt5 of the abuses of an institution of which they are absolutely guiltless. Her story is so devised as to present slavery in three dark aspects: first, the cruel treatment of the slaves; second, the separation of families; and, third, their want of religious instruction.
To show the first, she causes a reward to be offered for the recovery of a runaway7 slave, “dead or alive,” when no reward with such an alternative was ever heard of, or dreamed of, south of Mason and Dixon’s line, and it has been decided8 over and over again in Southern courts that “a slave who is merely flying away cannot be killed.” She puts such language as this into the mouth of one of her speakers:—“The master who goes furthest and does the worst only uses within limits the power that the law gives him;” when, in fact, the civil code of the very state where it is represented the language was uttered—Louisiana—declares that
“The slave is entirely10 subject to the will of his master, who may correct and chastise11 him, though not with unusual rigor12, nor so as to maim13 or mutilate him, or to expose him to the danger of loss of life, or to cause his death.”
And provides for a compulsory14 sale
“When the master shall be convicted of cruel treatment of his slaves, and the judge shall deem proper to pronounce, besides the penalty established for such cases, that the slave be sold at public auction15, in order to place him out of the reach of the power which the master has abused.”
“If any person whatsoever16 shall wilfully17 kill his slave, or the slave of another person, the said person, being convicted thereof, shall be tried and condemned19 agreeably to the laws.”
In the General Court of Virginia, last year, in the case of Souther v. the Commonwealth20, it was held that the killing21 of a slave by his master and 68owner, by wilful18 and excessive whipping, is murder in the first degree, though it may not have been the purpose of the master and owner to kill the slave! And it is not six months since Governor Johnston, of Virginia, pardoned a slave who killed his master, who was beating him with brutal22 severity.
And yet, in the face of such laws and decisions as these, Mrs. Stowe winds up a long series of cruelties upon her other black personages, by causing her faultless hero, Tom, to be literally23 whipped to death in Louisiana, by his master, Legree; and these acts, which the laws make criminal, and punish as such, she sets forth24 in the most repulsive25 colors, to illustrate26 the institution of slavery!
So, too, in reference to the separation of children from their parents. A considerable part of the plot is made to hinge upon the selling, in Louisiana, of the child Eliza, “eight or nine years old,” away from her mother; when, had its inventor looked in the statute27-book of Louisiana, she would have found the following language:
“Every person is expressly prohibited from selling separately from their mothers the children who shall not have attained28 the full age of ten years.”
“Be it further enacted29, That if any person or persons shall sell the mother of any slave child or children under the age of ten years, separate from said child or children, or shall, the mother living, sell any slave child or children of ten years of age, or under, separate from said mother, said person or persons shall be fined not less than one thousand nor more than two thousand dollars, and be imprisoned30 in the public jail for a period of not less than six months nor more than one year.”
The privation of religious instruction, as represented by Mrs. Stowe, is utterly31 unfounded in fact. The largest churches in the union consist entirely of slaves. The first African church in Louisville, which numbers fifteen hundred persons, and the first African church in Augusta, which numbers thirteen hundred, are specimens32. On multitudes of the large plantations33 in the different parts of the South the ordinances35 of the gospel are as regularly maintained, by competent ministers, as in any other communities, north or south. A larger proportion of the slave population are in communion with some Christian36 church, than of the white population in any part of the country. A very considerable portion of every southern congregation, either in city or country, is sure to consist of blacks; whereas, of our northern churches, not a colored person is to be seen in one out of fifty.
The peculiar37 falsity of this whole book consists in making exceptional or impossible cases the representatives of the system. By the same process which she has used, it would not be difficult to frame a fatal argument against the relation of husband and wife, or parent and child, or of guardian38 and ward6; for thousands of wives and children and wards39 have been maltreated, and even murdered. It is wrong, unpardonably wrong, to impute40 to any relation of life those enormities which spring only out of the worst depravity of human nature. A ridiculously extravagant41 spirit of generalization42 pervades43 this fiction from beginning to end. The Uncle Tom of the authoress is a perfect angel, and her blacks generally are half angels; her Simon Legree is a perfect demon44, and her whites generally are half demons45. She has quite a peculiar spite against the clergy46; and, of the many she introduces at different times into the scenes, all, save an insignificant47 exception, are Pharisees or hypocrites. One who could know nothing of the United States and its people, except by what he might gather from this book, would judge that it was some region just on the confines of the infernal world. We do not say that Mrs. Stowe was actuated by wrong motives48 in the preparation of this work, but we do say that she has done a wrong which no ignorance can excuse and no penance49 can expiate50.
A much-valued correspondent of the author, writing from Richmond, Virginia, also uses the following language:
I will venture this morning to make a few suggestions which have occurred to me in regard to future editions of your work, “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” which I desire should have all the influence of which your genius renders it capable, not only abroad, but in the local sphere of slavery, where it has been hitherto repudiated51. Possessing already the great requisites52 of artistic53 beauty and of sympathetic affection, it may yet be improved in regard to accuracy of statement without being at all enfeebled. For example, you do less than justice to the formalized laws of the Southern States, while you give more credit than is due to the virtue54 of public or private sentiment in restricting the evil which the laws permit.
I enclose the following extracts from a southern paper:
“‘I’ll manage that ar; they’s young in the business, and must spect to work cheap,’ said Marks, as he continued to read. ‘Thar’s three on ‘em easy cases, ‘cause all you’ve got to do is to shoot ‘em, or swear they is shot; they couldn’t, of course, charge much for that.’”
“The reader will observe that two charges against the South are involved in this precious discourse;—one that it is the habit of Southern masters to offer a reward, with the alternative of ‘dead or alive,’ for their fugitive55 slaves; and the other, that it is usual for pursuers to shoot them. Indeed, we are led to infer that, as the shooting is the easier mode of obtaining the reward, it is the more frequently employed in such cases. Now, when a Southern master offers a reward for his runaway slave, it is because he has lost a certain amount of property, represented by the negro which he wishes to recover. What man of Vermont, having an ox or an ass56 that had gone astray, would forthwith offer half the full value of the animal, not for the carcass, which might be turned to some useful purpose, but for the unavailing satisfaction of its head? Yet are the two cases exactly parallel? With regard to the assumption that 69men are permitted to go about, at the South, with double-barrelled guns, shooting down runaway negroes, in preference to apprehending58 them, we can only say that it is as wicked and wilful as it is ridiculous. Such Thugs there may have been as Marks and Loker, who have killed negroes in this unprovoked manner; but, if they have escaped the gallows59, they are probably to be found within the walls of our state penitentiaries60, where they are comfortably provided for at public expense. The laws of the Southern States, which are designed, as in all good governments, for the protection of persons and property, have not been so loosely framed as to fail of their object where person and property are one.
“The law with regard to the killing of runaways61 is laid down with so much clearness and precision by a South Carolina judge, that we cannot forbear quoting his dictum, as directly in point. In the case of Witsell v. Earnest and Parker, Colcock J. delivered the opinion of the court:
Jan. term, 1818 1 Nott & McCord’s S. C. Rep. 182.
“‘By the statute of 1740, any white man may apprehend57, and moderately correct, any slave who may be found out of the plantation34 at which he is employed; and if the slave assaults the white person, he may be killed; but a slave who is merely flying away cannot be killed. Nor can the defendants62 be justified63 by the common law, if we consider the negro as a person; for they were not clothed with the authority of the law to apprehend him as a felon64, and without such authority he could not be killed.’
“‘It’s commonly supposed that the property interest is a sufficient guard in these cases. If people choose to ruin their possessions, I don’t know what’s to be done. It seems the poor creature was a thief and a drunkard; and so there won’t be much hope to get up sympathy for her.’
“‘It is perfectly65 outrageous,—it is horrid66, Augustine! It will certainly bring down vengeance67 upon you.’
“‘My dear cousin, I didn’t do it, and I can’t help it; I would, if I could. If low-minded, brutal people will act like themselves, what am I to do? They have absolute control; they are irresponsible despots. There would be no use in interfering68; there is no law, that amounts to anything practically, for such a case. The best we can do is to shut our eyes and ears, and let it alone. It’s the only resource left us.’
“In a subsequent part of the same conversation, St. Clare says:
“‘For pity’s sake, for shame’s sake, because we are men born of women, and not savage69 beasts, many of us do not, and dare not,—we would scorn to use the full power which our savage laws put into our hands. And he who goes furthest and does the worst only uses within limits the power that the law gives him.’
“Mrs. Stowe tells us, through St. Clare, that ‘there is no law that amounts to anything’ in such cases, and that he who goes furthest in severity towards his slave,—that is, to the deprivation70 of an eye or a limb, or even the destruction of life,—‘only uses within limits the power that the law gives him.’ This is an awful and tremendous charge, which, lightly and unwarrantably made, must subject the maker71 to a fearful accountability. Let us see how the matter stands upon the statute-book of Louisiana. By referring to the civil code of that state, chapter 3d, article 173, the reader will find this general declaration:
“‘The slave is entirely subject to the will of his master, who may correct and chastise him, though not with unusual rigor, nor so as to maim or mutilate him, or to expose him to the danger of loss of life, or to cause his death.’
“On a subsequent page of the same volume and chapter, article 192, we find provision made for the slave’s protection against his master’s cruelty, in the statement that one of two cases, in which a master can be compelled to sell his slave, is
“‘When the master shall be convicted of cruel treatment of his slave, and the judge shall deem proper to pronounce, besides the penalty established for such cases, that the slave shall be sold at public auction, in order to place him out of the reach of the power which the master has abused.’
“A code thus watchful72 of the negro’s safety in life and limb confines not its guardianship73 to inhibitory clauses, but proscribes74 extreme penalties in case of their infraction75. In the Code Noir (Black Code) of Louisiana, under head of Crimes and Offences, No. 55, § xvi., it is laid down, that
“‘If any person whatsoever shall wilfully kill his slave, or the slave of another person, the said person, being convicted thereof, shall be tried and condemned agreeably to the laws.’
“And because negro testimony76 is inadmissible in the courts of the state, and therefore the evidence of such crimes might be with difficulty supplied, it is further provided that,
Code Noir. Crimes and Offences, 56, xvii.
“‘If any slave be mutilated, beaten or ill-treated, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, when no one shall be present, in such case the owner, or other person having the management of said slave thus mutilated, shall be deemed responsible and guilty of the said offence, and shall be prosecuted77 without further evidence, unless the said owner, or other person so as aforesaid, can prove the contrary by means of good and sufficient evidence, or can clear himself by his own oath, which said oath every court, under the cognizance of which such offence shall have been examined and tried, is by this act authorized78 to administer.’
“Enough has been quoted to establish the utter falsity of the statement, made by our authoress through St. Clare, that brutal masters are ‘irresponsible despots,’—at least in Louisiana. It would extend our review to a most unreasonable79 length, should we undertake to give the law, with regard to the murder of slaves, as it stands in each of the Southern States. The crime is a rare one, and therefore the reporters have had few cases to record. We may refer, however, to two. In Fields v. the State of Tennessee, the plaintiff in error was indicted80 in the circuit court of Maury county for the murder of a negro slave. He pleaded not guilty; and at the trial was found guilty of wilful and felonious slaying81 of the slave. From this sentence he prosecuted his writ4 of error, which was disallowed82, the court affirming the original judgment83. The opinion of the court, as given by Peck J., overflows84 with the spirit of enlightened humanity. He concludes thus:
1 Yerger’s Tenn. Rep. 156.
“‘It is well said by one of the judges of North Carolina, that the master has a right to exact the labor85 of his slave; that far, the rights of the slave are suspended; but this gives the master no right over the life of his slave. I add to the saying of the judge, that law which says thou shalt not kill, protects the slave; and he is within its very letter. Law, reason, Christianity, and common humanity, all point but one way.’
7 Grattan’s Rep. 673.
“In the General Court of Virginia, June term, 1851, in Souther v. the Commonwealth, it was held that ‘the killing of a slave by his master and owner, by wilful and excessive whipping, is murder in the first degree; though it may not have been the purpose of the master and owner to kill the slave.’ The writer shows, also, an ignorance of the law of contracts, as it affects slavery in the South, in making George’s master take him from the factory against the proprietor86’s consent. George, by virtue of the contract of hiring, had become the property of the proprietor for the time being, and his master could no more have taken him away forcibly than the owner of a house in Massachusetts can dispossess his lessee87, at any moment, from mere9 whim88 or caprice. There is no court in Kentucky where the hirer’s rights, in this regard, would not be enforced.
“‘No. Father bought her once, in one of his trips to New Orleans, and brought her up as a present to mother. She was about eight or nine years old, then. Father would never tell mother what he gave for her; but, the other day, in looking over his old papers, we came across the bill of sale. He paid an extravagant sum for her, to be sure. I suppose, on account of her extraordinary beauty.’
“George sat with his back to Cassy, and did not see the absorbed expression of her countenance89, as he was giving these details.
“At this point in the story, she touched his arm, and, with a face perfectly white with interest, said, ‘Do you know the names of the people he bought her of?’
“‘A man of the name of Simmons, I think, was the principal in the transaction. At least, I think that was the name in the bill of sale.’
“‘O, my God!’ said Cassy, and fell insensible on the floor of the cabin.”
“Of course Eliza turns out to be Cassy’s child, and we are soon entertained with the family meeting in Montreal, where George Harris is living, five or six years after the opening of the story, in great comfort.
“Now, the reader will perhaps be surprised to know that such an incident as the sale of Cassy apart from Eliza, upon which the whole interest of the foregoing narrative90 hinges, never could have taken place in Louisiana, and that the bill of sale for Eliza would not have been worth the paper it was written on. Observe. George Shelby states that Eliza was eight or nine years old at the time his father purchased her in New Orleans. Let us again look at the statute-book of Louisiana.
“In the Code Noir we find it set down that
“‘Every person is expressly prohibited from selling separately from their mothers the children who shall not have attained the full age of ten years.’
“And this humane91 provision is strengthened by a statute, one clause of which runs as follows:
“‘Be it further enacted, That if any person or persons shall sell the mother of any slave child or children under the age of ten years, separate from said child or children, or shall, the mother living, sell any slave child or children of ten years of age, or under, separate from said mother, such person or persons shall incur92 the penalty of the sixth section of this act.’
“This penalty is a fine of not less than one thousand nor more than two thousand dollars, and imprisonment93 in the public jail for a period of not less than six months nor more than one year.—Vide Acts of Louisiana, 1 Session, 9th Legislature, 1828, 1829, No. 24, Section 16.”
The author makes here a remark. Scattered94 through all the Southern States are slaveholders who are such only in name. They have no pleasure in the system, they consider it one of wrong altogether, and they hold the legal relation still, only because not yet clear with regard to the best way of changing it, so as to better the condition of those held. Such are most earnest advocates for state emancipation95, and are friends of anything, written in a right spirit, which tends in that direction. From such the author ever receives criticisms with pleasure.
She has endeavored to lay before the world, in the fullest manner, all that can be objected to her work, that both sides may have an opportunity of impartial96 hearing.
When writing “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” though entirely unaware97 and unexpectant of the importance which would be attached to its statements and opinions, the author of that work was anxious, from love of consistency98, to have some understanding of the laws of the slave system. She had on hand for reference, while writing, the Code Noir of Louisiana, and a sketch100 of the laws relating to slavery in the different states, by Judge Stroud, of Philadelphia. This work, professing101 to have been compiled with great care from the latest editions of the statute-books of the several states, the author supposed to be a sufficient guide for the writing of a work of fiction.[3] As the accuracy of those statements which relate to the slave-laws has been particularly contested, a more especial inquiry102 has been made in this direction. Under the guidance and with the assistance of legal gentlemen of high standing99, the writer has proceeded to examine the statements of Judge Stroud with regard to statute-law, and to follow them up with some inquiry into the decisions of courts. The result has been an increasing conviction on her part that the impressions first derived103 from Judge Stroud’s work were correct; and the author now can only give the words of St. Clare, as the best possible expression of the sentiments and opinion which this course of reading has awakened104 in her mind.
This cursed business, accursed of God and man,—what is it? Strip it of all its ornament105, run it down to the root and nucleus106 of the whole, and what is it? Why, because my brother Quashy is ignorant and weak, and I am intelligent and strong,—because I know how, and can do it,—therefore I may steal all he has, keep it, and give him only such and so much as suits my fancy! Whatever is too hard, too dirty, too disagreeable for me, I may set Quashy to doing. Because I don’t like work, Quashy shall work. Because the sun burns me, Quashy shall stay in the sun. Quashy shall earn the money, and I will spend it. Quashy shall lie down in every puddle107, that I may walk over dry shod. Quashy shall do my will, and not his, all the days of his mortal life, and have such a chance of getting to heaven at last as I find convenient. This I take to be about what slavery is. I defy anybody on earth to read our slave-code, as it stands in our law-books, and make anything else of it. Talk of the abuses of slavery! Humbug108! The thing itself is the essence of all abuse. And the only reason why the land don’t sink under it, like Sodom and Gomorrah, is because it is used in a way infinitely109 better than it is. For pity’s sake, for shame’s sake, because we are men born of women, and not savage beasts, many of us do not, and dare not,—we would scorn to use the full power which our savage laws put into our hands. And he who goes the furthest, and does the worst, only uses within limits the power that the law gives him!
The author still holds to the opinion that slavery in itself, as legally defined in law-books and expressed in the records of courts, is the SUM AND ESSENCE OF ALL ABUSE; and she still clings to the hope that there are many men at the South infinitely better than their laws; and after the reader has read all the extracts which she has to make, for the sake of a common humanity they will hope the same. The author must state, with regard to some passages which she must quote, that the language of certain enactments110 was so incredible that she would not take it on the authority of any compilation111 whatever, but copied it with her own hand from the latest edition of the statute-book where it stood and still stands.
3. In this connection it may be well to state that the work of Judge Stroud is now out of print, but that a work of the same character is in course of preparation by William I. Bowditch, Esq., of Boston, which will bring the subject out, by the assistance of the latest editions of statutes112, and the most recent decisions of courts.
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enquirer
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concise
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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writ
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guilt
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ward
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runaway
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decided
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mere
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entirely
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chastise
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rigor
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maim
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compulsory
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auction
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whatsoever
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wilfully
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wilful
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condemned
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commonwealth
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brutal
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literally
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guardian
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impute
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extravagant
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generalization
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pervades
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demon
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demons
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46
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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48
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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49
penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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50
expiate
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| v.抵补，赎罪 | |
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51
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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52
requisites
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| n.必要的事物( requisite的名词复数 ) | |
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53
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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54
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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ass
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| n.驴；傻瓜，蠢笨的人 | |
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57
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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apprehending
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的现在分词 )； 理解 | |
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59
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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60
penitentiaries
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| n.监狱( penitentiary的名词复数 ) | |
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runaways
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| （轻而易举的）胜利( runaway的名词复数 ) | |
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defendants
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| 被告( defendant的名词复数 ) | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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64
felon
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| n.重罪犯；adj.残忍的 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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deprivation
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| n.匮乏；丧失；夺去，贫困 | |
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maker
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| n.制造者，制造商 | |
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watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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guardianship
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| n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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proscribes
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的第三人称单数 ) | |
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infraction
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| n.违反；违法 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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indicted
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| 控告，起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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slaying
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| 杀戮。 | |
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disallowed
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| v.不承认（某事物）有效( disallow的过去式和过去分词 )；不接受；不准；驳回 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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overflows
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| v.溢出，淹没( overflow的第三人称单数 )；充满；挤满了人；扩展出界，过度延伸 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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lessee
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| n.（房地产的）租户 | |
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whim
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| n.一时的兴致，突然的念头；奇想，幻想 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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92
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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96
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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102
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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103
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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104
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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105
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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106
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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107
puddle
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| n.(雨)水坑，泥潭 | |
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108
humbug
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| n.花招，谎话，欺骗 | |
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109
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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110
enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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111
compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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112
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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