Now, in the first place, a country where the population is not crowded, where the resources of the soil are more than sufficient for the inhabitants,—a country of recent origin, not burdened with the worn-out institutions and clumsy lumber4 of past ages,—ought not to be satisfied to do only as well as countries which have to struggle against all these evils.
It is a poor defence for America to say to older countries, “We are no worse than you are.” She ought to be infinitely5 better.
But it will appear that the institution of slavery has produced not only heathenish, degraded, miserable6 slaves, but it produces a class of white people who are, by universal admission, more heathenish, degraded, and miserable. The institution of slavery has accomplished7 the double feat8, in America, not only of degrading and brutalizing her black working classes, but of producing, notwithstanding a fertile soil and abundant room, a poor white population as degraded and brutal9 as ever existed in any of the most crowded districts of Europe.
The way that it is done can be made apparent in a few words. 1. The distribution of the land into large plantations12, and the consequent sparseness13 of settlement, make any system of common-school education impracticable. 2. The same cause operates with regard to the preaching of the gospel. 3. The degradation14 of the idea of labor15, which results inevitably16 from enslaving the working class, operates to a great extent in preventing respectable working men of the middling classes from settling or remaining in slave states. Where carpenters, blacksmiths and masons, are advertised every week with their own tools, or in company with horses, hogs18 and other cattle, there is necessarily such an estimate of the laboring19 class that intelligent, self-respecting mechanics, such as abound20 in the free states, must find much that is annoying and disagreeable. They may endure it for a time, but with much uneasiness; and they are glad of the first opportunity of emigration.
Then, again, the filling up of all branches of mechanics and agriculture with slave labor necessarily depresses free labor. Suppose, now, a family of poor whites in Carolina or Virginia, and the same family in Vermont or Maine; how different the influences that come over them! In Vermont or Maine, the children have the means of education at hand in public schools, and they have all around them in society avenues of success that require only industry to make them available. The boys have their choice among all the different trades, for which the organization of free society makes a steady demand. The girls, animated21 by the spirit of the land in which they are born, think useful labor no disgrace, and find, with true female ingenuity22, a hundred ways of adding to the family stock. If there be one member of a family in whom diviner gifts and higher longings23 seem a call for a more finished course of education, then cheerfully the whole family unites its productive industry to give that one the wider education which his wider genius demands; and thus have been given to the world such men as Roger Sherman and Daniel Webster.
185But take this same family and plant them in South Carolina or Virginia—how different the result! No common school opens its doors to their children; the only church, perhaps, is fifteen miles off, over a bad road. The whole atmosphere of the country in which they are born associates degradation and slavery with useful labor; and the only standard of gentility is ability to live without work. What branch of useful labor opens a way to its sons? Would he be a blacksmith?—The planters around him prefer to buy their blacksmiths in Virginia. Would he be a carpenter?—Each planter in his neighborhood owns one or two now. And so coopers and masons. Would he be a shoe-maker?—The plantation11 shoes are made in Lynn and Natick, towns of New England. In fact, between the free labor of the North and the slave labor of the South, there is nothing for a poor white to do. Without schools or churches, these miserable families grow up heathen on a Christian24 soil, in idleness, vice, dirt and discomfort25 of all sorts. They are the pest of the neighborhood, the scoff26 and contempt or pity even of the slaves. The expressive27 phrase, so common in the mouths of the negroes, of “poor white trash,” says all for this luckless race of beings that can be said. From this class spring a tribe of keepers of small groggeries, and dealers28, by a kind of contraband29 trade, with the negroes, in the stolen produce of plantations. Thriving and promising30 sons may perhaps hope to grow up into negro-traders, and thence be exalted31 into overseers of plantations. The utmost stretch of ambition is to compass money enough, by any of a variety of nondescript measures, to “buy a nigger or two,” and begin to appear like other folks. Woe32 betide the unfortunate negro man or woman, carefully raised in some good religious family, when an execution or the death of their proprietors33 throws them into the market, and they are bought by a master and mistress of this class! Oftentimes the slave is infinitely the superior, in every respect,—in person, manners, education and morals; but, for all that, the law guards the despotic authority of the owner quite as jealously.
From all that would appear, in the case of Souther, which we have recorded, he must have been one of this class. We have certain indications, in the evidence, that the two white witnesses, who spent the whole day in gaping34, unresisting survey of his diabolical35 proceedings36, were men of this order. It appears that the crime alleged37 against the poor victim was that of getting drunk and trading with these two very men, and that they were sent for probably by way of showing them “what a nigger would get by trading with them.” This circumstance at once marks them out as belonging to that band of half-contraband traders who spring up among the mean whites, and occasion owners of slaves so much inconvenience by dealing38 with their hands. Can any words so forcibly show what sort of white men these are, as the idea of their standing10 in stupid, brutal curiosity, a whole day, as witnesses in such a hellish scene?
Conceive the misery39 of the slave who falls into the hands of such masters! A clergyman, now dead, communicated to the writer the following anecdote41: In travelling in one of the Southern States, he put up for the night in a miserable log shanty42, kept by a man of this class. All was dirt, discomfort and utter barbarism. The man, his wife, and their stock of wild, neglected children, drank whiskey, loafed and predominated over the miserable man and woman who did all the work and bore all the caprices of the whole establishment. He—the gentleman—was not long in discovering that these slaves were in person, language, and in every respect, superior to their owners; and all that he could get of comfort in this miserable abode43 was owing to their ministrations. Before he went away, they contrived44 to have a private interview, and begged him to buy them. They told him that they had been decently brought up in a respectable and refined family, and that their bondage45 was therefore the more inexpressibly galling46. The poor creatures had waited on him with most assiduous care, tending his horse, brushing his boots, and anticipating all his wants, in the hope of inducing him to buy them. The clergyman said that he never so wished for money as when he saw the dejected visages with which they listened to his assurances that he was too poor to comply with their desires.
This miserable class of whites form, in all the Southern States, a material for the most horrible and ferocious47 of mobs. Utterly48 ignorant, and inconceivably brutal, they are like some blind, savage49 monster, which, when aroused, tramples51 heedlessly over everything in its way.
Singular as it may appear, though slavery is the cause of the misery and degradation of this class, yet they are the most vehement52 and ferocious advocates of slavery.
The reason is this. They feel the scorn 186of the upper classes, and their only means of consolation53 is in having a class below them, whom they may scorn in turn. To set the negro at liberty would deprive them of this last comfort; and accordingly no class of men advocate slavery with such frantic54 and unreasoning violence, or hate abolitionists with such demoniac hatred56. Let the reader conceive of a mob of men as brutal and callous57 as the two white witnesses of the Souther tragedy, led on by men like Souther himself, and he will have some idea of the materials which occur in the worst kind of Southern mobs.
The leaders of the community, those men who play on other men with as little care for them as a harper plays on a harp58, keep this blind, furious monster of the MOB, very much as an overseer keeps plantation-dogs, as creatures to be set on to any man or thing whom they may choose to have put down.
These leading men have used the cry of “abolitionism” over the mob, much as a huntsman uses the “set on” to his dogs. Whenever they have a purpose to carry, a man to put down, they have only to raise this cry, and the monster is wide awake, ready to spring wherever they shall send him.
Does a minister raise his voice in favor of the slave?—Immediately, with a whoop59 and hurra, some editor starts the mob on him, as an abolitionist. Is there a man teaching his negroes to read?—The mob is started upon him—he must promise to give it up, or leave the state. Does a man at a public hotel-table express his approbation61 of some anti-slavery work?—Up come the police, and arrest him for seditious language;[23] and on the heels of the police, thronging62 round the justice’s office, come the ever-ready mob,—men with clubs and bowie-knives, swearing that they will have his heart’s blood. The more respectable citizens in vain try to compose them; it is quite as hopeful to reason with a pack of hounds, and the only way is to smuggle63 the suspected person out of the state as quickly as possible. All these are scenes of common occurrence at the South. Every Southern man knows them to be so, and they know, too, the reason why they are so; but, so much do they fear the monster, that they dare not say what they know.
This brute64 monster sometimes gets beyond the power of his masters, and then results ensue most mortifying65 to the patriotism66 of honorable Southern men, but which they are powerless to prevent. Such was the case when the Honorable Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, with his daughter, visited the city of Charleston. The senator was appointed by the sovereign State of Massachusetts to inquire into the condition of her free colored citizens detained in South Carolina prisons. We cannot suppose that men of honor and education, in South Carolina, can contemplate67 without chagrin68 the fact that this honorable gentleman, the representative of a sister state, and accompanied by his daughter, was obliged to flee from South Carolina, because they were told that the constituted authorities would not be powerful enough to protect them from the ferocities of a mob. This is not the only case in which this mob power has escaped from the hands of its guiders and produced mortifying results. The scenes of Vicksburg, and the succession of popular whirlwinds which at that time flew over the south-western states, have been forcibly painted by the author of “The White Slave.”
They who find these popular outbreaks useful when they serve their own turns are sometimes forcibly reminded of the consequences
“Of letting rapine loose, and murder,
To go just so far, and no further;
And setting all the land on fire,
To burn just so high, and no higher.”
The statements made above can be substantiated69 by various documents,—mostly by the testimony70 of residents in slave states and by extracts from their newspapers.
Concerning the class of poor whites, Mr. William Gregg, of Charleston, South Carolina, in a pamphlet, called “Essays On Domestic Industry, or an Inquiry71 into the expediency72 of establishing Cotton Manufactories in South Carolina, 1845,” says, p. 22:
“Shall we pass unnoticed the thousands of poor, ignorant, degraded white people among us, who, in this land of plenty, live in comparative nakedness and starvation? Many a one is reared in proud South Carolina, from birth to manhood, who has never passed a month in which he has not, some part of the time, been stinted73 for meat. Many a mother is there who will tell you that her children are but scantily74 provided with bread, and much more scantily with meat; and, if they be clad with comfortable raiment, it is at the expense of these scanty75 allowances of food. These may be startling statements, but they are nevertheless true; and if not believed in Charleston, the members of our legislature who have traversed the state in electioneering campaigns can attest76 their truth.”
The Rev17. Henry Duffner, D.D., President of Lexington College, Va., himself a 187slave-holder, published in 1847 an address to the people of Virginia, showing that slavery is injurious to public welfare, in which he shows the influence of slavery in producing a decrease of the white population. He says:
It appears that, in the ten years from 1830 to 1840, Virginia lost by emigration no fewer than three hundred and seventy-five thousand of her people; of whom East Virginia lost three hundred and four thousand, and West Virginia seventy-one thousand. At this rate, Virginia supplies the West, every ten years, with a population equal in number to the population of the State of Mississippi in 1840. * * * * * She has sent—or, we should rather say, she has driven—from her soil at least one-third of all the emigrants78 who have gone from the old states to the new. More than another third have gone from the other old slave states. Many of these multitudes, who have left the slave states, have shunned79 the regions of slavery, and settled in the free countries of the West. These were generally industrious80 and enterprising white men, who found, by sad experience, that a country of slaves was not the country for them. It is a truth, a certain truth, that slavery drives free laborers—farmers, mechanics and all, and some of the best of them, too—out of the country, and fills their places with negroes. * * * * * Even the common mechanical trades do not flourish in a slave state. Some mechanical operations must, indeed, be performed in every civilised country; but the general rule in the South is, to import from abroad every fabricated thing that can be carried in ships, such as household furniture, boats, boards, laths, carts, ploughs, axes, and axe-helves; besides innumerable other things, which free communities are accustomed to make for themselves. What is most wonderful is, that the forests and iron mines of the South supply, in great part, the materials out of which these things are made. The Northern freemen come with their ships, carry home the timber and pig-iron, work them up, supply their own wants with a part, and then sell the rest at a good profit in the Southern markets. Now, although mechanics, by setting, up their shops in the South, could save all these freights and profits, yet so it is that Northern mechanics will not settle in the South, and the Southern mechanics are undersold by their Northern competitors.
In regard to education, Rev. Theodore Parker gives the following statistics, in his “Letters on Slavery,” p. 65:
In 1671, Sir William Berkely, Governor of Virginia, said, “I thank God that there are no free schools nor printing-presses (in Virginia), and I hope we shall not have them these hundred years.” In 1840, in the fifteen slave states and territories, there were at the various primary schools 201,085 scholars; at the various primary schools of the free states, 1,626,028. The State of Ohio alone had, at her primary schools, 17,524 more scholars than all the fifteen slave states. New York alone had 301,282 more.
In the slave states there are 1,368,325 free white children between the ages of five and twenty; in the free states, 3,536,689 such children. In the slave states, at schools and colleges, there are 301,172 pupils; in the free states, 2,212,444 pupils at schools or colleges. Thus, in the slave states, out of twenty-five free white children between five and twenty, there are not quite five at any school or college; while out of twenty-five such children in the free states, there are more than fifteen at school or college.
In the slave states, of the free white population that is over twenty years of age, there is almost one-tenth part that are unable to read and write; while in the free states there is not quite one in one hundred and fifty-six who is deficient81 to that degree.
In New England there are but few born therein, and more than twenty years of age, who are unable to read and write; but many foreigners arrive there with no education, and thus swell82 the number of the illiterate83, and diminish the apparent effect of her free institutions. The South has few such emigrants; the ignorance of the Southern States, therefore, is to be ascribed to other causes. The Northern men who settle in the slave-holding states have perhaps about the average culture of the North, and more than that of the South. The South, therefore, gains educationally from immigration, as the North loses.
Among the Northern States Connecticut, and among the Southern States South Carolina, are to a great degree free from disturbing influences of this character. A comparison between the two will show the relative effects of the respective institutions of the North and South. In Connecticut there are 163,843 free persons over twenty years of age; in South Carolina, but 111,663. In Connecticut there are but 526 persons over twenty who are unable to read and write, while in South Carolina there are 20,615 free white persons over twenty years of age unable to read and write. In South Carolina, out of each 626 free whites more than twenty years of age there are more than 58 wholly unable to read or write; out of that number of such persons in Connecticut, not quite two! More than the sixth part of the adult freemen of South Carolina are unable to read the vote which will be deposited at the next election. It is but fair to infer that at least one-third of the adults of South Carolina, if not of much of the South are unable to read and understand even a newspaper. Indeed, in one of the slave states this is not a matter of mere84 inference; for in 1837 Gov. Clarke, of Kentucky, declared in his message to the legislature that “one-third of the adult population were unable to write their names;” yet Kentucky has a “school-fund,” valued at $1,221,819, while South Carolina has none.
One sign of this want of ability even to read, in the slave states, is too striking to be passed by. The staple85 reading of the least-cultivated Americans is the newspapers, one of the lowest forms of literature, though one of the most powerful, read even by men who read nothing else. In the slave states there are published but 377 newspapers, and in the free 1135. These numbers do not express the entire difference in the case; for, as a general rule, the circulation of the Southern newspapers is 50 to 75 per cent. less than that of the North. Suppose, however, that each Southern newspaper has two-thirds the circulation of a Northern journal, we have then but 225 newspapers for the slave states! The more valuable journals—the monthlies and quarterlies—are published almost entirely86 in the free States.
The number of churches, the number and character of the clergy40 who labor for these churches, are other measures of the intellectual and moral condition of the people. The scientific character of the Southern clergy has been already touched on. Let us compare the more external facts.
188In 1830, South Carolina had a population of 581,185 souls; Connecticut, 297,675. In 1836, South Carolina had 364 ministers; Connecticut, 498.
In 1834, there were in the slave states but 82,532 scholars in the Sunday-schools; in the free states, 504,835; in the single State of New York, 161,768.
The fact of constant emigration from slave states is also shown by such extracts from papers as the following, from the Raleigh (N. C.) Register, quoted in the columns of the National Era:
THEY WILL LEAVE NORTH CAROLINA.
Our attention was arrested, on Saturday last, by quite a long train of wagons87, winding88 through our streets, which, upon inquiry, we found to belong to a party emigrating from Wayne county, in this state, to the “far West.” This is but a repetition of many similar scenes that we and others have witnessed during the past few years; and such spectacles will be still more frequently witnessed, unless something is done to retrieve89 our fallen fortunes at home.
If there be any one “consummation devoutly90 to be wished” in our policy, it is that our young men should remain at home, and not abandon their native state. From the early settlement of North Carolina, the great drain upon her prosperity has been the spirit of emigration, which has so prejudicially affected91 all the states of the South. Her sons, hitherto neglected (if we must say it) by an un-parental government, have wended their way, by hundreds upon hundreds, from the land of their fathers,—that land, too, to make it a paradise, wanting nothing but a market,—to bury their bones in the land of strangers. We firmly believe that this emigration is caused by the laggard92 policy of our people on the subject of internal improvement, for man is not prone93 by nature to desert the home of his affections.
The editor of the Era also quotes the following from the Greensboro (Ala.) Beacon94:
“An unusually large number of movers have passed through this village, within the past two or three weeks. On one day of last week, upwards95 of thirty wagons and other vehicles belonging to emigrants, mostly from Georgia and South Carolina, passed through on their way, most of them bound to Texas and Arkansas.”
This tide of emigration does not emanate96 from an overflowing97 population. Very far from it. Rather it marks an abandonment of a soil which, exhausted98 by injudicious culture, will no longer repay the labor of tillage. The emigrant77, turning his back upon the homes of his childhood, leaves a desolate99 region, it may be, and finds that he can indulge in his feelings of local attachment100 only at the risk of starvation.
How are the older states of the South to keep their population? We say nothing of an increase, but how are they to hold their own? It is useless to talk about strict construction, state rights, or Wilmot Provisos. Of what avail can such things be to a sterile101 desert, upon which people cannot subsist102?
In the columns of the National Era, Oct. 2, 1851, also is the following article, by its editor:
STAND YOUR GROUND.
A citizen of Guilford county, N. C., in a letter to the True Wesleyan, dated August 20th, 1851, writes:
“You may discontinue my paper for the present, as I am inclined to go Westward103, where I can enjoy religious liberty, and have my family in a free country. Mobocracy has the ascendency here, and there is no law. Brother Wilson had an appointment on Liberty Hill, on Sabbath, 24th inst. The mob came armed, according to mob law, and commenced operations on the meeting-house. They knocked all the weather-boarding off, destroying doors, windows, pulpit, and benches; and I have no idea that, if the mob was to kill a Wesleyan, or one of their friends, that they would be hung.
“There is more moving this fall to the far West than was ever known in one year. People do not like to be made slaves, and they are determined104 to go where it is no crime to plead the cause of the poor and oppressed. They have become alarmed at seeing the laws of God trampled105 under foot with impunity106, and that, too, by legislators, sworn officers of the peace, and professors of religion. And even ministers (so called) are justifying107 mobocracy. They think that such a course of conduct will lead to a dissolution of the union, and then every man will have to fight in defence of slavery, or be killed. This is an awful state of things, and, if the people were destitute108 of the Bible, and the various means of information which they possess, there might be some hope of reform. But there is but little hope, under existing circumstances.”
We hope the writer will reconsider his purpose. In his section of North Carolina there are very many anti-slavery men, and the majority of the people have no interest in what is called slave property. Let them stand their ground, and maintain the right of free discussion. How is the despotism of Slavery to be put down, if those opposed to it abandon their rights, and flee their country? Let them do as the indomitable Clay does in Kentucky, and they will make themselves respected.
The following is quoted, without comment, in the National Era, in 1851, from the columns of the Augusta Republic (Georgia).
FREEDOM OF SPEECH IN GEORGIA.
{ Warrenton (Ga.),
{ Thursday, July 10, 1851.
This day the citizens of the town and county met in the court-house at eight o’clock, A. M. On motion, Thomas F. Parsons, Esq., was called to the chair, and Mr. Wm. H. Pilcher requested to act as secretary.
The object of the meeting was stated by the chairman, as follows:
Whereas, our community has been thrown into confusion by the presence among us of one Nathan Bird Watson, who hails from New Haven109 (Conn.), and who has been promulgating110 abolition55 sentiments, publicly and privately111, among our people,—sentiments at war with our institutions, and intolerable in a slave community,—and also been detected in visiting suspicious negro houses, 189as we suppose for the purpose of inciting112 our slaves and free negro population to insurrection and insubordination.
The meeting having been organized, Wm. Gibson, Esq., offered the following resolution, which, after various expressions of opinion, was unanimously adopted, to wit:
Resolved, That a committee of ten be appointed by the chairman for the purpose of making arrangements to expel Nathan Bird Watson, an avowed113 abolitionist, who has been in our village for three or four weeks, by twelve o’clock this day, by the Georgia Railroad cars; and that it shall be the duty of said committee to escort the said Watson to Camak, for the purpose of shipment to his native land.
The following gentlemen were named as that committee:
William Gibson, E. Cody, J. M. Roberts, J. B. Huff, E. H. Pottle, E. A. Brinkley, John C. Jennings, George W. Dickson, A. B. Rogers, and Dr. R. W. Hubert.
On motion, the chairman was added to that committee.
It was, on motion,
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting, with a minute description of the said Watson, be forwarded to the publishers of the Augusta papers, with the request that they, and all other publishers of papers in the slave-holding states, publish the same for a sufficient length of time.
Description.—The said Nathan Bird Watson is a man of dark complexion114, hazel eyes, black hair, and wears a heavy beard; measures five feet eleven and three-quarter inches; has a quick step, and walks with his toes inclined inward, and a little stooped-shouldered; now wears a checked coat and white pants; says he is twenty-three years of age, but will pass for twenty-five or thirty.
On motion, the meeting was adjourned115.
Thomas F. Parsons, Chairman.
William H. Pilcher, Secretary.
This may be regarded as a specimen116 of that kind of editorial halloo which is designed to rouse and start in pursuit of a man the bloodhounds of the mob.
The following is copied by the National Era from the Richmond Times:
LYNCH LAW.
On the 13th inst. the vigilance committee of the county of Grayson, in this state, arrested a man named John Cornutt [a friend and follower117 of Bacon, the Ohio abolitionist], and, after examining the evidence against him, required him to renounce118 his abolition sentiments. This Cornutt refused to do; thereupon, he was stripped, tied to a tree, and whipped. After receiving a dozen stripes, he caved in, and promised, not only to recant, but to sell his property in the county [consisting of land and negroes], and leave the state. Great excitement prevailed throughout the country, and the Wytheville Republican of the 20th instant states that the vigilance committee of Grayson were in hot pursuit of other obnoxious119 persons.
On this outrage120 the Wytheville Republican makes the following comments:
Laying aside the white man, humanity to the negro, the slave, demands that these abolitionists be dealt with summarily, and above the law.
On Saturday, the 13th, we learn that the committee of vigilance of that county, to the number of near two hundred, had before them one John Cornutt, a citizen, a friend and backer of Bacon, and promulgator121 of his abolition doctrines122. They required him to renounce abolitionism, and promise obedience123 to the laws. He refused. They stripped him, tied him to a tree, and appealed to him again to renounce, and promise obedience to the laws. He refused. The rod was brought; one, two, three, and on to twelve, on the bare back, and he cried out; he promised—and, more, he said he would sell and leave.
This Mr. Cornutt owns land, negroes and money, say fifteen to twenty thousand dollars. He has a wife, but no white children. He has among his negroes some born on his farm, of mixed blood. He is believed to be a friend of the negro, even to amalgamation124. He intends to set his negroes free, and make them his heirs. It is hoped he will retire to Ohio, and there finish his operations of amalgamation and emancipation125.
The vigilance committees were after another of Bacon’s men on Thursday; we have not heard whether they caught him, nor what followed. There are not more than six of his followers126 that adhere; the rest have renounced127 him, and are much outraged128 at his imposition.
Mr. Cornutt appealed for redress129 to the law. The result of his appeal is thus stated in the Richmond (Va.) Times, quoted by the National Era:
MORE TROUBLE IN GRAYSON.
The clerk of Grayson County Court having, on the 1st inst. (the first day of Judge Brown’s term) tendered his resignation, and there being no applicant130 for the office, and it being publicly stated at the bar that no one would accept said appointment, Judge Brown found himself unable to proceed with business, and accordingly adjourned the court until the first day of the next term.
Immediately upon the adjournment131 of the court, a public meeting of the citizens of the county was held, when resolutions were adopted expressive of the determination of the people to maintain the stand recently taken; exhorting132 the committees of vigilance to increased activity in ferreting out all persons tinctured with abolitionism in the county, and offering a reward of one hundred dollars for the apprehension133 and delivery of one Jonathan Roberts to any one of the committees of vigilance.
We have a letter from a credible134 correspondent in Carroll county, which gives to the affair a still more serious aspect. Trusting that there may be some error about it, we have no comments to make until the facts are known with certainty. Our correspondent, whose letter bears date the 13th inst., says:
“I learn, from an authentic135 source, that the Circuit Court that was to sit in Grayson county during last week was dissolved by violence. The circumstances were these. After the execution of the negroes in that county, some time ago, who had been excited to rebellion by a certain Methodist preacher, by the name of Bacon, of 190which you have heard, the citizens held a meeting, and instituted a sort of inquisition, to find out, if possible, who were the accomplices136 of said Bacon. Suspicion soon rested on a man by the name of Cornutt, and, on being charged with being an accomplice137, he acknowledged the fact, and declared his intention of persevering138 in the cause; upon which he was severely139 lynched. Cornutt then instituted suit against the parties, who afterwards held a meeting and passed resolutions, notifying the court and lawyers not to undertake the case, upon pain of a coat of tar60 and feathers. The court, however, convened140 at the appointed time; and, true to their promise, a band of armed men marched around the court-house, fired their guns by platoons, and dispersed141 the court in confusion. There was no blood shed. This county and the county of Wythe have held meetings and passed resolutions sustaining the movement of the citizens of Grayson.”
Is it any wonder that people emigrate from states where such things go on?
The following accounts will show what ministers of the gospel will have to encounter who undertake faithfully to express their sentiments in slave states. The first is an article by Dr. Bailey, of the Era of April 3, 1852:
LYNCHING IN KENTUCKY.
The American Baptist, of Utica, New York, publishes letters from the Rev. Edward Matthews, giving an account of his barbarous treatment in Kentucky.
Mr. Matthews, it seems, is an agent of the American Free Mission Society, and, in the exercise of his agency, visited that state, and took occasion to advocate from the pulpit anti-slavery sentiments. Not long since, in the village of Richmond, Madison county, he applied143 to several churches for permission to lecture on the moral and religious condition of the slaves, but was unsuccessful. February 1st, in the evening, he preached to the colored congregation of that place, after which he was assailed144 by a mob, and driven from the town. Returning in a short time, he left a communication respecting the transaction at the office of the Richmond Chronicle, and again departed; but had not gone far before he was overtaken by four men, who seized him, and led him to an out-of-the-way place, where they consulted as to what they should do with him. They resolved to duck him, ascertaining145 first that he could swim. Two of them took him and threw him into a pond, as far as they could, and, on his rising to the surface, bade him come out. He did so, and, on his refusing to promise never to come to Richmond, they flung him in again. This operation was repeated four times, when he yielded. They next demanded of him a promise that he would leave Kentucky, and never return again. He refused to give it, and they threw him in the water six times more, when, his strength failing, and they threatening to whip him, he gave the pledge required, and left the state.
We do not know anything about Mr. Matthews, or his mode of promulgating his views. The laws in Kentucky for the protection of what is called “slave property” are stringent146 enough, and nobody can doubt the readiness of public sentiment to enforce their heaviest penalties against offenders147. If Mr. Matthews violated the law, he should have been tried by the law; and he would have been, had he committed an illegal act. No charge of the kind is made against him.
He was, then, the victim of Lynch law, administered in a ruffianly manner, and without provocation148; and the parties concerned in the transaction, whatever their position in society, were guilty of conduct as cowardly as it was brutal.
As to the manner in which Mr. Matthews has conducted himself in Kentucky we know nothing. We transfer to our columns the following extract from an editorial in the Journal and Messenger of Cincinnati, a Baptist paper, and which, it may be presumed, speaks intelligently on the subject:
“Mr. Matthews is likewise a Baptist minister, whose ostensible149 mission is one of love. If he has violated that mission, or any law, he is amenable150 to God and law, and not to LAWLESS VIOLENCE. His going to Kentucky is a matter of conscience to him, in which he has a right to indulge. Many good anti-slavery men would question the wisdom of such a step. None would doubt his RIGHT. Many, as a matter of taste and propriety151, cannot admire the way in which he is reputed to do his work. But they believe he is conscientious152, and they know that ‘oppression maketh even a wise man mad.’ We do not think, in obedience to Christ’s commands, he sufficiently153 counted the cost. For no one in his position should go to Kentucky to agitate154 the question of slavery, unless he EXPECTS TO DIE. No man in this position, which Mr. Matthews occupies, can do it, without falling a martyr155. Liberty of speech and thought is not, cannot be, enjoyed in slave states. Slavery could not exist for a moment, if it did. It is, doubtless, the duty of the Christian not to surrender his life cheaply, for the sake of being a martyr. This would be an unholy motive156. It is his duty to preserve it until the last moment. So Christ enjoins158. It is no mark of cowardice159 to flee. ‘When they persecute160 you in one city, flee into another,’ said the Saviour161. But he did not say, Give a pledge that you will not exercise your rights. Hence, he nor his disciples162 never did it. But it is a question, after one has deliberated, and conscientiously163 entered a community in the exercise of his constitutional and religious rights, whether he should give a pledge, under the influence of a love of life, never to return. If he does, he has not counted the cost. A Christian should be as conscientious in pledging solemnly not to do what he has an undoubted right to do, as he is in laboring for the emancipation of the slave.”
The following is from the National Era, July 10, 1851.
Mr. McBride wished to form a church of non-slaveholders.
CASE OF REV. JESSE M’BRIDE.
This missionary164, it will be remembered, was expelled lately from the State of North Carolina.
We give below his letter detailing the conduct of the mob. His letter is dated Guilford, May 6. After writing that he is suffering from temporary illness, he proceeds:
“I would have kept within doors this day, but 191for the fact that I mistrusted a mob would be out to disturb my congregation, though such a hint had not been given me by a human being. About six o’clock this morning I crawled into my carriage and drove eighteen miles, which brought me to my meeting place, eight miles east of Greensboro’,—the place I gave an account of a few weeks since,—where some seven or eight persons gave their names to go into the organization of a Wesleyan Methodist church. Well, sure enough, just before meeting time (twelve o’clock) I was informed that a pack of rioters were on hand, and that they had sworn I should not fulfil my appointment this day. As they had heard nothing of this before, the news came upon some of my friends like a clap of thunder from a clear sky; they scarcely knew what to do. I told them I should go to meeting or die in the attempt, and, like ‘good soldiers,’ they followed. Just before I got to the arbor165, I saw a man leave the crowd and approach me at the left of my path. As I was about to pass, he said:
“‘Mr. McBride, here’s a letter for you.’
“I took the letter, put it into my pocket, and said, ‘I have not time to read it until after meeting.’
“‘No, you must read it now.’
“Seeing that I did not stop, he said, ‘I want to speak to you,’ beckoning166 with his hand, and turning, expecting me to follow.
“‘I will talk to you after meeting,’ said I, pulling out my watch; ‘you see I have no time to spare—it is just twelve.’
“As I went to go in at the door of the stand, a man who had taken his seat on the step rose up, placed his hand on me, and said, in a very excited tone,
“‘Mr. McBride, you can’t go in here!’
“Without offering any resistance, or saying a word, I knelt down outside the stand, on the ground, and prayed to my ‘Father;’ plead His promises, such as, ‘When the enemy comes in like a flood, I will rear up a standard against him’; ‘I am a present help in trouble;’ ‘I will fight all your battles for you;’ prayed for grace, victory, my enemies, &c. Rose perfectly167 calm. Meantime my enemies cursed and swore some, but most of the time they were rather quiet. Mr. Hiatt, a slave-holder and merchant from Greensboro’, said,
“‘You can’t preach here to-day; we have come to prevent you. We think you are doing harm—violating our laws,’ &c.
“‘From what authority do you thus command and prevent me from preaching? Are you authorized168 by the civil authority to prevent me?’
“‘No, sir.’
“’ Has God sent you, and does he enjoin157 it on you as a duty to stop me?’
“‘I am unacquainted with Him.’
“‘Well,’acquaint now thyself with Him, and be at peace,’ and he will give you a more honorable business than stopping men from preaching his gospel. The judgment-day is coming on, and I summon you there, to give an account of this day’s conduct. And now, gentlemen, if I have violated the laws of North Carolina, by them I am willing to be judged, condemned169, and punished; to go to the whipping-post, pillory170 or jail, or even to hug the stake. But, gentlemen, you are not generally a pack of ignoramuses; your good sense teaches you the impropriety of your course; you know that you are doing wrong; you know that it is not right to trample50 all law, both human and divine, in the dust, out of professed171 love for it. You must see that your course will lead to perfect anarchy172 and confusion. The time may come when Jacob Hiatt may be in the minority, when his principles may be as unpopular as Jesse McBride’s are now. What then? Why, if your course prevails, he must be lynched—whipped, stoned, tarred and feathered, dragged from his own house, or his house burned over his head, and he perish in the ruins. The persons became food for the beasts they threw Daniel to; the same fire that was kindled173 for the ‘Hebrew children’ consumed those who kindled it; Haman stretched the same rope he prepared for Mordecai. Yours is a dangerous course, and you must reap a retribution, either here or hereafter. We will sing a hymn174,’ said I.
“‘O yes,’ said H., ‘you may sing.’
“‘The congregation will please assist me, as I am quite unwell;’ and I lined off the hymn, ‘Father, I stretch my hands to thee,’ &c., rioters and all helping175 to sing. All seemed in good humor, and I almost forgot their errand. When we closed, I said, ‘Let us pray.’
“‘G—d d——n it, that’s not singing!’ said one of the company, who stood back pretty well.
“While we invoked176 the divine blessing177, I think many could say, ‘It is good for us to be here.’ Before I rose from my knees, after the friends rose, I delivered an exhortation178 of some ten or fifteen minutes, in which I urged the brethren to steadfastness179, prayer, &c., some of the mob crying, ‘Lay hold of him!’ ‘Drag him out!’ ‘Stop him!’ &c.
“My voice being nearly drowned by the tumult180, I left off. I was then called to have some conversation with H., who repeated some of the charges he preferred at first,—said I was bringing on insurrection, causing disturbance181, &c.; wishing me to leave the state; said he had some slaves, and he himself was the most of a slave of any of them, had harder times than they had, and he would like to be shut of them, and that he was my true friend.
“‘As to your friendship, Mr. H., you have acted quite friendly, remarkably182 so—fully as much so as Judas when he kissed the Saviour. As to your having to be so much of a slave, I am sorry for you; you ought to be freed. As to insurrection, I am decidedly opposed to it, have no sympathy with it whatever. As to raising disturbance and leaving the state, I left a little motherless daughter in Ohio, over whom I wished to have an oversight183 and care. When I left, I only expected to remain in North Carolina one year; but the people dragged me up before the court under the charge of felony, put me in bonds, and kept me; and now would you have me leave my securities to suffer, have me lie and deceive the court?’
“‘O! if you will leave, your bail142 will not have to suffer; that can, I think, be settled without much trouble,’ said Mr H.
“‘They shall not have trouble on my account,’ said I.
“After talking with Mr. H. and one or two more on personal piety184, &c., I went to the arbor, took my seat in the door of the stand for a minute; then rose, and, after referring to a few texts of Scripture185, to show that all those who will live godly shall suffer persecution186, I inquired, 1st, What is persecution? 2ndly, noticed the fact, ‘shall suffer;’ gave a synoptical history of persecution, 192by showing that Abel was the first martyr for the right—the Israelites’ sufferings. The prophets were stoned, were sawn asunder187, were tempted188, were slain189 with the sword, had to wander in deserts, mountains, dens190 and caves of the earth, were driven from their houses, given to ferocious beasts, lashed191 to the stake, and destroyed in different ways. Spoke2 of John the Baptist; showed how he was persecuted192, and what the charge. Christ was persecuted for doing what John was persecuted for not doing. Spoke of the sufferings of the apostles, and their final death; of Luther and his coadjutors; of the Wesleys and early Methodists; of Fox and the early Quakers; of the early settlers in the colonies of the United States. Noticed why the righteous were persecuted, the advantages thereof to the righteous themselves, and how they should treat their persecutors—with kindness, &c. Spoke, I suppose, some half an hour, and dismissed. Towards the close, some of the rioters got quite angry, and yelled, ‘Stop him!’ ‘Pull him out!’ ‘The righteous were never persecuted for d——d abolitionism,’ &c. Some of them paid good attention to what I said. And thus we spent the time from twelve to three o’clock, and thus the meeting passed by.
“Brother dear, I am more and more confirmed in the righteousness of our cause. I would rather, much rather, die for good principles, than to have applause and honor for propagating false theories and abominations. You perhaps would like to know how I feel. Happy, most of the time; a religion that will not stand persecution will not take us to heaven. Blessed be God, that I have not, thus far, been suffered to deny Him. Sometimes I have thought that I was nearly home. I generally feel a calmness of soul, but sometimes my enjoyments193 are rapturous. I have had a great burden of prayer for the dear flock; help me pray for them. Thank God, I have not heard of one of them giving up or turning; and I believe some, if not most of them, would go to the stake rather than give back. I forgot to say I read a part of the fifth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles to the rioters, commencing at the 17th verse. I told them, if their institutions were of God, I could not harm them; that if our cause was of God, they could not stop it—that they could kill me, but they could not kill the truth. Though I talked plainly, I talked and felt kindly194 to them.
“I have had to write in such haste, and being fatigued195 and unwell, my letter is disconnected. I meant to give you a copy of the letter of the mob. Here it is:
“‘Mr. McBride:
“‘We, the subscribers, very and most respectfully request you not to attempt to fulfil your appointment at this place. If you do, you will surely be interrupted.
[Signed by 32 persons.]
“‘May 6, 1851.’
“Some were professors of religion—Presbyterians, Episcopal Methodists, and Methodist Protestants. One of the latter was an ‘exhorter.’ I understand some of the crowd were negro-traders
“Farewell, J. McBride.”
23. The writer is describing here a scene of recent occurrence in a slave state, of whose particulars she has the best means of knowledge. The work in question was “Uncle Tom’s Cabin.”
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1
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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4
lumber
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| n.木材，木料；v.以破旧东西堆满；伐木；笨重移动 | |
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5
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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sparseness
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| n.稀疏，稀少 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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longings
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| 渴望，盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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scoff
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| n.嘲笑，笑柄，愚弄；v.嘲笑，嘲弄，愚弄，狼吞虎咽 | |
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expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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28
dealers
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| n.商人( dealer的名词复数 )；贩毒者；毒品贩子；发牌者 | |
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contraband
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| n.违禁品，走私品 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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gaping
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| adj.口的；张口的；敞口的；多洞穴的v.目瞪口呆地凝视( gape的现在分词 )；张开，张大 | |
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diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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41
anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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42
shanty
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| n.小屋，棚屋；船工号子 | |
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43
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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44
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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50
trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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tramples
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| 踩( trample的第三人称单数 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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53
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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55
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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56
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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harp
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| n.竖琴；天琴座 | |
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59
whoop
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| n.大叫，呐喊，喘息声；v.叫喊，喘息 | |
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60
tar
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| n.柏油，焦油；vt.涂或浇柏油/焦油于 | |
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approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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thronging
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的现在分词 ) | |
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smuggle
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| vt.私运；vi.走私 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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mortifying
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| adj.抑制的，苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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69
substantiated
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| v.用事实支持（某主张、说法等），证明，证实( substantiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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71
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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72
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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stinted
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| v.限制，节省（stint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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74
scantily
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| adv.缺乏地；不充足地；吝啬地；狭窄地 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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76
attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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emigrant
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| adj.移居的，移民的；n.移居外国的人，移民 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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79
shunned
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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81
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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82
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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83
illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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84
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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85
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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86
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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87
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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88
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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89
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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90
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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91
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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92
laggard
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| n.落后者；adj.缓慢的，落后的 | |
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93
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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94
beacon
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| n.烽火，（警告用的）闪火灯，灯塔 | |
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95
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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96
emanate
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| v.发自，来自，出自 | |
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97
overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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98
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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99
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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100
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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101
sterile
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| adj.不毛的，不孕的，无菌的，枯燥的，贫瘠的 | |
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102
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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103
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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104
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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105
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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106
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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107
justifying
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| 证明…有理( justify的现在分词 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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108
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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109
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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110
promulgating
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的现在分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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111
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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112
inciting
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| 刺激的，煽动的 | |
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113
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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114
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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115
adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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117
follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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118
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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119
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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120
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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121
promulgator
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| n.颁布者，公布者 | |
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122
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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123
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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124
amalgamation
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| n.合并，重组；；汞齐化 | |
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125
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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126
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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127
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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128
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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129
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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130
applicant
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| n.申请人，求职者，请求者 | |
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131
adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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132
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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133
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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134
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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135
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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136
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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137
accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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138
persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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139
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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140
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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141
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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142
bail
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| v.舀（水），保释；n.保证金，保释，保释人 | |
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143
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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144
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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145
ascertaining
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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146
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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147
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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148
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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149
ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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150
amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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151
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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152
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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153
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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154
agitate
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| vi.(for,against)煽动，鼓动；vt.搅动 | |
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155
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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156
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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157
enjoin
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| v.命令；吩咐；禁止 | |
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158
enjoins
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| v.命令( enjoin的第三人称单数 ) | |
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159
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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160
persecute
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| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
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161
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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162
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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163
conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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164
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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165
arbor
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| n.凉亭；树木 | |
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166
beckoning
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| adj.引诱人的，令人心动的v.（用头或手的动作）示意，召唤( beckon的现在分词 ) | |
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167
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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168
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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169
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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170
pillory
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| n.嘲弄；v.使受公众嘲笑；将…示众 | |
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171
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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172
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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173
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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174
hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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175
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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176
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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177
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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178
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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179
steadfastness
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| n.坚定，稳当 | |
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180
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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181
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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182
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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183
oversight
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| n.勘漏，失察，疏忽 | |
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184
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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185
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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186
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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187
asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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188
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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189
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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190
dens
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| n.牙齿，齿状部分；兽窝( den的名词复数 )；窝点；休息室；书斋 | |
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191
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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192
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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193
enjoyments
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| 愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 )； 令人愉快的事物； 享有； 享受 | |
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194
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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195
fatigued
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| adj. 疲乏的 | |
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