It is a well-known fact that the influence of the clergy is looked upon by our statesmen as a most serious element in making up their political combinations; and that that influence is so great, that no statesman would ever undertake to carry a measure against which all the clergy of the country should unite. Such a degree of power, though it be only a power of opinion, argument and example, is not without its dangers to the purity of any body of men. To be courted by political partisans5 is always a dangerous thing for the integrity and spirituality of men who profess6 to be governed by principles which are not of this world. The possession, too, of so great a power as we have described, involves a most weighty responsibility; since, if the clergy do possess the power to rectify7 any great national immorality8, the fact of its not being 194done seems in some sort to bring the sin of the omission9 to their door.
We have spoken, thus far, of the clergy alone; but in America, where the clergyman is, in most denominations10, elected by the church, and supported by its voluntary contributions, the influence of the church and that of the clergy are, to a very great extent, identical. The clergyman is the very ideal and expression of the church. They choose him, and retain him, because he expresses more perfectly12 than any other man they can obtain, their ideas of truth and right. The clergyman is supported, in all cases, by his church, or else he cannot retain his position in it. The fact of his remaining there is generally proof of identity of opinion, since if he differed very materially from them, they have the power to withdraw from him and choose another.
The influence of a clergyman, thus retained by the free consent of the understanding and heart of his church, is in some respects greater even than that of a papal priest. The priest can control only by a blind spiritual authority, to which, very often, the reason demurs13, while it yields an outward assent14; but the successful free minister takes captive the affections of the heart by his affections, overrules the reasoning powers by superior strength of reason, and thus, availing himself of affection, reason, conscience, and the entire man, possesses a power, from the very freedom of the organization, greater than can ever result from blind spiritual despotism. If a minister cannot succeed in doing this to some good extent in a church, he is called unsuccessful; and he who realizes this description most perfectly has the highest and most perfect kind of power, and expresses the idea of a successful American minister.
In speaking, therefore, of this subject, we shall speak of the church and the clergy as identical, using the word church in the American sense of the word, for that class of men, of all denominations, who are organized in bodies distinct from nominal15 Christians16, as professing18 to be actually controlled by the precepts19 of Christ.
What, then, is the influence of the church on this great question of slavery?
Certain things are evident on the very face of the matter.
1. It has not put an end to it.
2. It has not prevented the increase of it.
3. It has not occasioned the repeal21 of the laws which forbid education to the slave.
4. It has not attempted to have laws passed forbidding the separation of families and legalizing the marriage of slaves.
5. It has not stopped the internal slavetrade.
6. It has not prevented the extension of this system, with all its wrongs, over new territories.
With regard to these assertions it is presumed there can be no difference of opinion.
What, then, have they done?
In reply to this, it can be stated,
1. That almost every one of the leading denominations have, at some time, in their collective capacity, expressed a decided23 disapprobation of the system, and recommended that something should be done with a view to its abolition25.
2. One denomination11 of Christians has pursued such a course as entirely, and in fact, to free every one of its members from any participation26 in slave-holding. We refer to the Quakers. The course by which this result has been effected will be shown by a pamphlet soon to be issued by the poet J. G. Whittier, one of their own body.
3. Individual members, in all denominations, animated27 by the spirit of Christianity, have in various ways entered their protest against it.
It will be well now to consider more definitely and minutely the sentiments which some leading ecclesiastical bodies in the church have expressed on this subject.
It is fair that the writer should state the sources from which the quotations28 are drawn29. Those relating to the action of Southern judicatories are principally from a pamphlet compiled by the Hon. James G. Birney, and entitled “The Church the Bulwark30 of Slavery.” The writer addressed a letter to Mr. Birney, in which she inquired the sources from which he compiled. His reply was, in substance, as follows: That the pamphlet was compiled from original documents, or files of newspapers, which had recorded these transactions at the time of their occurrence. It was 195compiled and published in England, in 1842, with a view of leading the people there to understand the position of the American church and clergy. Mr. Birney says that, although the statements have long been before the world, he has never known one of them to be disputed; that, knowing the extraordinary nature of the sentiments, he took the utmost pains to authenticate31 them.
We will first present those of the Southern States.
1. The Presbyterian Church.
HARMONY PRESBYTERY, OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
Whereas, sundry32 persons in Scotland and England, and others in the north, east and west of our country, have denounced slavery as obnoxious33 to the laws of God, some of whom have presented before the General Assembly of our church, and the Congress of the nation, memorials and petitions, with the avowed34 object of bringing into disgrace slave-holders, and abolishing the relation of master and slave: And whereas, from the said proceedings35, and the statements, reasonings and circumstances connected therewith, it is most manifest that those persons “know not what they say, nor whereof they affirm;” and with this ignorance discover a spirit of self-righteousness and exclusive sanctity, &c., therefore,
1. Resolved, That as the kingdom of our Lord is not of this world, His church, as such, has no right to abolish, alter, or affect any institution or ordinance36 of men, political or civil, &c.
2. Resolved, That slavery has existed from the days of those good old slave-holders and patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob (who are now in the kingdom of heaven), to the time when the apostle Paul sent a runaway37 home to his master Philemon, and wrote a Christian17 and fraternal letter to this slave-holder, which we find still stands in the canon of the Scriptures38; and that slavery has existed ever since the days of the apostle, and does now exist.
3. Resolved, That as the relative duties of master and slave are taught in the Scriptures, in the same manner as those of parent and child, and husband and wife, the existence of slavery itself is not opposed to the will of God; and whosoever has a conscience too tender to recognize this relation as lawful39 is “righteous over much,” is “wise above what is written,” and has submitted his neck to the yoke40 of men, sacrificed his Christian liberty of conscience, and leaves the infallible word of God for the fancies and doctrines42 of men.
THE CHARLESTON union PRESBYTERY.
It is a principle which meets the views of this body, that slavery, as it exists among us, is a political institution, with which ecclesiastical judicatories have not the smallest right to interfere43; and in relation to which, any such interference, especially at the present momentous44 crisis, would be morally wrong, and fraught45 with the most dangerous and pernicious consequences. The sentiments which we maintain, in common with Christians at the South of every denomination, are sentiments which so fully46 approve themselves to our consciences, are so identified with our solemn convictions of duty, that we should maintain them under any circumstances.
Resolved, That in the opinion of this Presbytery, the holding of slaves, so far from being a SIN in the sight of God, is nowhere condemned48 in his holy word; that it is in accordance with the example, or consistent with the precepts, of patriarchs, apostles and prophets, and that it is compatible with the most fraternal regard to the best good of those servants whom God may have committed to our charge.
The New-school Presbyterian Church in Petersburgh, Virginia, Nov. 16, 1838, passed the following:
Whereas, the General Assembly did, in the year 1818, pass a law which contains provisions for slaves irreconcilable49 with our civil institutions, and solemnly declaring slavery to be sin against God—a law at once offensive and insulting to the whole Southern community,
1. Resolved, That, as slave-holders, we cannot consent longer to remain in connection with any church where there exists a statute50 conferring the right upon slaves to arraign51 their masters before the judicatory of the church—and that, too, for the act of selling them without their consent first had been obtained.
2. Resolved, That, as the Great Head of the church has recognized the relation of master and slave, we conscientiously52 believe that slavery is not a sin against God, as declared by the General Assembly.
This sufficiently54 indicates the opinion of the Southern Presbyterian Church. The next extracts will refer to the opinions of Baptist Churches. In 1835 the Charleston Baptist Association addressed a memorial to the Legislature of South Carolina, which contains the following:
The undersigned would further represent that the said association does not consider that the Holy Scriptures have made the fact of slavery a question of morals at all. The Divine Author of our holy religion, in particular, found slavery a part of the existing institutions of society; with which, if not sinful, it was not his design to intermeddle, but to leave them entirely to the control of men. Adopting this, therefore, as one of the allowed arrangements of society, he made it the province of his religion only to prescribe the reciprocal duties of the relation. The question, it is believed, is purely57 one of political economy. It amounts, in effect, to this,—Whether the operatives of a country shall be bought and sold, and themselves become property, as in this state; or whether they shall be hirelings, and their labor58 only become property, as in some other states. In other words, whether an employer may buy the whole time of laborers60 at once, of those who have a right to dispose of it, with a permanent relation of protection and care over them; or whether he shall be restricted to buy it in certain portions only, subject to their control, and with no such permanent relation of care and protection. The right of masters to dispose of the time of their slaves has been distinctly recognized by the Creator of all things, who is surely at liberty to vest the right of property over any object in whomsoever he pleases. That the lawful 196possessor should retain this right at will, is no more against the laws of society and good morals, than that he should retain the personal endowments with which his Creator has blessed him, or the money and lands inherited from his ancestors, or acquired by his industry. And neither society nor individuals have any more authority to demand a relinquishment61, without an equivalent, in the one case, than in the other.
As it is a question purely of political economy, and one which in this country is reserved to the cognizance of the state governments severally, it is further believed, that the State of South Carolina alone has the right to regulate the existence and condition of slavery within her territorial62 limits; and we should resist to the utmost every invasion of this right, come from what quarter and under whatever pretence63 it may.
The Methodist Church is, in some respects, peculiarly situated65 upon this subject, because its constitution and book of discipline contain the most vehement66 denunciations against slavery of which language is capable, and the most stringent67 requisitions that all members shall be disciplined for the holding of slaves; and these denunciations and requisitions have been re?ffirmed by its General Conference.
It seemed to be necessary, therefore, for the Southern Conference to take some notice of this fact, which they did, with great coolness and distinctness, us follows:
THE GEORGIA ANNUAL CONFERENCE.
Resolved, unanimously, That, whereas there is a clause in the discipline of our church which states that we are as much as ever convinced of the great evil of slavery; and whereas the said clause has been perverted68 by some, and used in such a manner as to produce the impression that the Methodist Episcopal Church believed slavery to be a moral evil:—
Therefore Resolved, That it is the sense of the Georgia Annual Conference that slavery, as it exists in the United States, is not a moral evil.
Resolved, That we view slavery as a civil and domestic institution, and one with which, as ministers of Christ, we have nothing to do, further than to ameliorate the condition of the slave by endeavoring to impart to him and his master the benign69 influences of the religion of Christ, and aiding both on their way to heaven.
On motion, it was Resolved, unanimously, That the Georgia Annual Conference regard with feelings of profound respect and approbation24 the dignified70 course pursued by our several superintendents71, or bishops72, in suppressing the attempts that have been made by various individuals to get up and protract74 an excitement in the churches and country on the subject of abolitionism.
Resolved, further, That they shall have our cordial and zealous75 support in sustaining them in the ground they have taken.
SOUTH CAROLINA CONFERENCE.
The Rev20. W. Martin introduced resolutions similar to those of the Georgia Conference.
The Rev. W. Capers76, D.D., after expressing his conviction that “the sentiment of the resolutions was universally held, not only by the ministers of that conference, but of the whole South;” and after stating that the only true doctrine41 was, “it belongs to C?sar, and not to the church,” offered the following as a substitute:
Whereas, we hold that the subject of slavery in these United States is not one proper for the action of the church, but is exclusively appropriate to the civil authorities,
Therefore Resolved, That this conference will not intermeddle with it, further than to express our regret that it has ever been introduced, in any form, into any one of the judicatures of the church.
Brother Martin accepted the substitute.
Brother Betts asked whether the substitute was intended as implying that slavery, as it exists among us, was not a moral evil? He understood it as equivalent to such a declaration.
Brother Capers explained that his intention was to convey that sentiment fully and unequivocally; and that he had chosen the form of the substitute for the purpose, not only of reproving some wrong doings at the North, but with reference also to the General Conference. If slavery were a moral evil (that is, sinful), the church would be bound to take cognizance of it; but our affirmation is, that it is not a matter for her jurisdiction77, but is exclusively appropriate to the civil government, and of course not sinful.
The substitute was then unanimously adopted.
In 1836, an Episcopal clergyman in North Carolina, of the name of Freeman, preached, in the presence of his bishop73 (Rev. Levi. S. Ives, D.D., a native of a free state), two sermons on the rights and duties of slave-holders. In these he essayed to justify78 from the Bible the slavery both of white men and negroes, and insisted that “without a new revelation from heaven, no man was authorized79 to pronounce slavery WRONG.” The sermons were printed in a pamphlet, prefaced with a letter to Mr. Freeman from the Bishop of North Carolina, declaring that he had “listened with most unfeigned pleasure” to his discourses80, and advised their publication, as being “urgently called for at the present time.”
“The Protestant Episcopal Society for the advancement81 of Christianity (!) in South Carolina” thought it expedient82 to republish Mr. Freeman’s pamphlet as a religious tract55![24]
Afterwards, when the addition of the new State of Texas made it important to organize the Episcopal Church there, this Mr. Freeman was made Bishop of Texas.
197The question may now arise,—it must arise to every intelligent thinker in Christendom,—Can it be possible that American slavery, as defined by its laws, and the decisions of its courts, including all the horrible abuses that the laws recognize and sanction, is considered to be a right and proper institution? Do these Christians merely recognize the relation of slavery, in the abstract, as one that, under proper legislation, might be made a good one, or do they justify it as it actually exists in America?
It is a fact that there is a large party at the South who justify not only slavery in the abstract, but slavery just as it exists in America, in whole and in part, and even its worst abuses.
There are four legalized parts or results of the system, which are of especial atrocity84.
They are,—
1. The prohibition85 of the testimony86 of colored people in cases of trial.
2. The forbidding of education.
3. The internal slave-trade.
4. The consequent separation of families.
We shall bring evidence to show that every one of these practices has been either defended on principle, or recognized without condemnation87, by decisions of judicatories of churches, or by writings of influential88 clergymen, without any expression of dissent89 being made to their opinions by the bodies to which they belong.
In the first place, the exclusion90 of colored testimony in the church. In 1840, the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church passed the following resolution: “That it is inexpedient and unjustifiable for any preacher to permit colored persons to give testimony against white persons in any state where they are denied that privilege by law.”
This was before the Methodist Church had separated on the question of slavery, as they subsequently did, into Northern and Southern Conferences. Both Northern and Southern members voted for this resolution.
After this was passed, the conscience of many Northern ministers was aroused, and they called for a reconsideration. The Southern members imperiously demanded that it should remain as a compromise and test of union. The spirit of the discussion may be inferred from one extract.
Mr. Peck, of New York, who moved the reconsideration of the resolution, thus expressed himself:
That resolution (said he) was introduced under peculiar64 circumstances, during considerable excitement, and he went for it as a peace-offering to the South, without sufficiently reflecting upon the precise import of its phraseology; but, after a little deliberation, he was sorry; and he had been sorry but once, and that was all the time; he was convinced that, if that resolution remain upon the journal, it would be disastrous91 to the whole Northern church.
Rev. Dr. A. J. Few, of Georgia, the mover of the original resolution, then rose. The following are extracts from his speech. The Italics are the writers.
Look at it! What do you declare to us, in taking this course? Why, simply, as much as to say, “We cannot sustain you in the condition which you cannot avoid!” We cannot sustain you in the necessary conditions of slave-holding; one of its necessary conditions being the rejection92 of negro testimony! If it is not sinful to hold slaves, under all circumstances, it is not sinful to hold them in the only condition, and under the only circumstances, which they can be held. The rejection of negro testimony is one of the necessary circumstances under which slave-holding can exist; indeed, it is utterly93 impossible for it to exist without it; therefore it is not sinful to hold slaves in the condition and under the circumstances which they are held at the South, inasmuch as they can be held under no other circumstances. * * * If you believe that slave-holding is necessarily sinful, come out with the abolitionists, and honestly say so. If you believe that slave-holding is necessarily sinful, you believe we are necessarily sinners; and, if so, come out and honestly declare it, and let us leave you. * * * We want to know distinctly, precisely94 and honestly, the position which you take. We cannot be tampered95 with by you any longer. We have had enough of it. We are tired of your sickly sympathies. * * * If you are not opposed to the principles which it involves, unite with us, like honest men, and go home, and boldly meet the consequences. We say again, you are responsible for this state of things; for it is you who have driven us to the alarming point where we find ourselves. * * * You have made that resolution absolutely necessary to the quiet of the South! But you now revoke96 that resolution! And you pass the Rubicon! Let me not be misunderstood. I say, you pass the Rubicon! If you revoke, you revoke the principle which that resolution involves, and you array the whole South against you, and we must separate! * * * If you accord to the principles which it involves, arising from the necessity of the case, stick by it, “though the heavens perish!” But, if you persist on reconsideration, I ask in what light will your course be regarded in the South? What will be the conclusion, there, in reference to it? Why, that you cannot sustain us as long as we hold slaves! It will declare, in the face of the sun, “We cannot sustain you, gentlemen, while you retain your slaves!” Your opposition97 to the resolution is based upon your opposition to slavery; you cannot, therefore, maintain your consistency98, unless you come out with the abolitionists, and condemn47 us at once and forever; or else refuse to reconsider.
198The resolution was therefore left in force, with another resolution appended to it, expressing the undiminished regard of the General Conference for the colored population.
It is quite evident that it was undiminished, for the best of reasons. That the colored population were not properly impressed with this last act of condescension99, appears from the fact that “the official members of the Sharp-street and Asbury Colored Methodist Church in Baltimore” protested and petitioned against the motion. The following is a passage from their address:
The adoption100 of such a resolution, by our highest ecclesiastical judicatory,—a judicatory composed of the most experienced and wisest brethren in the church, the choice selection of twenty-eight Annual Conferences,—has inflicted101, we fear, an irreparable injury upon eighty thousand souls for whom Christ died—souls, who, by this act of your body, have been stripped of the dignity of Christians, degraded in the scale of humanity, and treated as criminals, for no other reason than the color of their skin! Your resolution has, in our humble102 opinion, virtually declared, that a mere83 physical peculiarity103, the handiwork of our all-wise and benevolent104 Creator, is prima facie evidence of incompetency105 to tell the truth, or is an unerring indication of unworthiness to bear testimony against a fellow-being whose skin is denominated white. * * *
Brethren, out of the abundance of the heart we have spoken. Our grievance106 is before you! If you have any regard for the salvation107 of the eighty thousand immortal108 souls committed to your care; if you would not thrust beyond the pale of the church twenty-five hundred souls in this city, who have felt determined109 never to leave the church that has nourished and brought them up; if you regard us as children of one common Father, and can, upon reflection, sympathize with us as members of the body of Christ,—if you would not incur110 the fearful, the tremendous responsibility of offending not only one, but many thousands of his “little ones,” we conjure111 you to wipe from your journal the odious112 resolution which is ruining our people.
“A Colored Baltimorean,” writing to the editor of Zion’s Watchman, says:
The address was presented to one of the secretaries, a delegate of the Baltimore Conference, and subsequently given by him to the bishops. How many of the members of the conference saw it, I know not. One thing is certain, it was not read to the conference.
With regard to the second head,—of defending the laws which prevent the slave from being taught to read and write,—we have the following instance.
In the year 1835, the Chillicothe Presbytery, Ohio, addressed a Christian remonstrance113 to the presbytery of Mississippi on the subject of slavery, in which they specifically enumerated114 the respects in which they considered it to be unchristian. The eighth resolution was as follows:
That any member of our church, who shall advocate or speak in favor of such laws as have been or may yet be enacted115, for the purpose of keeping the slaves in ignorance, and preventing them from learning to read the word of God, is guilty of a great sin, and ought to be dealt with as for other scandalous crimes.
This remonstrance was answered by Rev. James Smylie, stated clerk of the Mississippi Presbytery, and afterwards of the Amity117 Presbytery of Louisiana, in a pamphlet of eighty-seven pages, in which he defended slavery generally and particularly, in the same manner in which all other abuses have always been defended—by the word of God. The tenth section of this pamphlet is devoted118 to the defence of this law. He devotes seven pages of fine print to this object. He says (p. 63):
There are laws existing in both states, Mississippi and Louisiana, accompanied with heavy penal119 sanctions, prohibiting the teaching of the slaves to read, and meeting the approbation of the religious part of the reflecting community.
He adds, still further:
The laws preventing the slaves from learning to read are a fruitful source of much ignorance and immorality among the slaves. The printing, publishing, and circulating of abolition and emancipatory121 principles in those states, was the cause of the passage of those laws.
He then goes on to say that the ignorance and vice122 which are the consequence of those laws do not properly belong to those who made the laws, but to those whose emancipating123 doctrines rendered them necessary. Speaking of these consequences of ignorance and vice, he says:
Upon whom must they be saddled? If you will allow me to answer the question, I will answer by saying, Upon such great and good men as John Wesley, Jonathan Edwards, Bishop Porteus, Paley, Horsley, Scott, Clark, Wilberforce, Sharpe, Clarkson, Fox, Johnson, Burke, and other great and good men, who, without examining the word of God, have concluded that it is a true maxim124 that slavery is in itself sinful.
He then illustrates125 the necessity of these laws by the following simile126. He supposes that the doctrine had been promulgated127 that the authority of parents was an unjust usurpation128, and that it was getting a general hold of society; that societies were being formed for the emancipation129 of children from the control of their parents; that all books 199were beginning to be pervaded130 by this sentiment; and that, under all these influences, children were becoming restless and fractious. He supposes that, under these circumstances, parents meet and refer the subject to legislators. He thus describes the dilemma131 of the legislators:
These meet, and they take the subject seriously and solemnly into consideration. On the one hand, they perceive that, if their children had access to these doctrines, they were ruined forever. To let them have access to them was unavoidable, if they taught them to read. To prevent their being taught to read was cruel, and would prevent them from obtaining as much knowledge of the laws of Heaven as otherwise they might enjoy. In this sad dilemma, sitting and consulting in a legislative132 capacity, they must, of two evils, choose the least. With indignant feelings towards those, who, under the influence of “seducing spirits,” had sent and were sending among them “doctrines of devils,” but with aching hearts towards their children, they resolved that their children should not be taught to read, until the storm should be overblown; hoping that Satan’s being let loose will be but for a little season. And during this season they will have to teach them orally, and thereby133 guard against their being contaminated by these wicked doctrines.
So much for that law.
Now, as for the internal slave-trade,—the very essence of that trade is the buying and selling of human beings for the mere purposes of gain.
A master who has slaves transmitted to him, or a master who buys slaves with the purpose of retaining them on his plantation134 or in his family, can be supposed to have some object in it besides the mere purpose of gain. He may be supposed, in certain cases, to have some regard to the happiness or well-being135 of the slave. The trader buys and sells for the mere purpose of gain.
Concerning this abuse the Chillicothe Presbytery, in the document to which we have alluded136, passed the following resolution:
Resolved, That the buying, selling, or holding of a slave, for the sake of gain, is a heinous137 sin and scandal, requiring the cognizance of the judicatories of the church.
In the reply from which we have already quoted, Mr. Smylie says (p. 13):
If the buying, selling and holding of a slave for the sake of gain, is, as you say, a heinous sin and scandal, then verily three-fourths of all Episcopalians, Methodists, Baptists and Presbyterians, in the eleven states of the union, are of the devil.
Again:
To question whether slave-holders or slave-buyers are of the devil, seems to me like calling in question whether God is or is not a true witness; that is, provided it is God’s testimony, and not merely the testimony of the Chillicothe Presbytery, that it is a “heinous sin and scandal” to buy, sell and hold slaves.
Again (p. 21):
If language can convey a clear and definite meaning at all, I know not how it can more plainly or unequivocally present to the mind any thought or idea, than the twenty-fifth chapter of Leviticus clearly and unequivocally establishes the fact that slavery was sanctioned by God himself, and that buying, selling, holding and bequeathing slaves, as property, are regulations which are established by himself.
What language can more explicitly138 show, not that God winked140 at slavery merely, but that, to say the least, he gave a written permit to the Hebrews, then the best people in the world, to buy, hold and bequeath, men and women, to perpetual servitude! What, now, becomes of the position of the Chillicothe Presbytery? * * * * Is it, indeed, a fact, that God once gave a written permission to his own dear people [“ye shall buy”] to do that which is in itself sinful? Nay141, to do that which the Chillicothe Presbytery says “is a heinous sin and scandal”?
God resolves that his own children may, or rather “shall,” “buy, possess and hold,” bond-men and bond-women, in bondage142, forever. But the Chillicothe Presbytery resolves that “buying, selling, or holding slaves, for the sake of gain, is a heinous sin and scandal.”
We do not mean to say that Mr. Smylie had the internal slave-trade directly in his mind in writing these sentences; but we do say that no slave-trader would ask for a more explicit139 justification143 of his trade than this.
Lastly, in regard to that dissolution of the marriage relation, which is the necessary consequence of this kind of trade, the following decisions have been made by judicatories of the church.
The Savannah River (Baptist) Association, in 1835, in reply to the question,
Whether, in a case of involuntary separation, of such a character as to preclude144 all prospect145 of future intercourse146, the parties ought to be allowed to marry again?
answered,
That such a separation, among persons situated as our slaves are, is civilly a separation by death, and they believe that, in the sight of God, it would be so viewed. To forbid second marriages, in such cases, would be to expose the parties, not only to stronger hardships and strong temptation, but to church censure147, for acting148 in obedience149 to their masters, who cannot be expected to acquiesce150 in a regulation at variance151 with justice to the slaves, and to the spirit of that command which regulates marriage among Christians. The slaves are not free agents, and a dissolution by death, is 200not more entirely without their consent, and beyond their control, than by such separation.
At the Shiloh Baptist Association, which met at Gourdvine, a few years since, the following query152, says the Religious Herald153, was presented from Hedgman church, viz:
Is a servant, whose husband or wife has been sold by his or her master into a distant country, to be permitted to marry again?
The query was referred to a committee, who made the following report; which, after discussion, was adopted:
That, in view of the circumstances in which servants in this country are placed, the committee are unanimous in the opinion that it is better to permit servants thus circumstanced to take another husband or wife.
The Reverend Charles C. Jones, who was an earnest and indefatigable154 laborer59 for the good of the slave, and one who, it would be supposed, would be likely to feel strongly on this subject, if any one would, simply remarks, in estimating the moral condition of the negroes, that, as husband and wife are subject to all the vicissitudes155 of property, and may be separated by division of estate, debts, sales or removals, &c. &c., the marriage relation naturally loses much of its sacredness, and says:
It is a contract of convenience, profit or pleasure, that may be entered into and dissolved at the will of the parties, and that without heinous sin, or injury to the property interests of any one.
In this sentence he is expressing, as we suppose, the common idea of slaves and masters of the nature of this institution, and not his own. We infer this from the fact that he endeavors in his catechism to impress on the slave the sacredness and perpetuity of the relation. But, when the most pious156 and devoted men that the South has, and those professing to spend their lives for the service of the slave, thus calmly, and without any reprobation157, contemplate158 this state of things as a state with which Christianity does not call on them to interfere, what can be expected of the world in general?
It is to be remarked, with regard to the sentiments of Mr. Smylie’s pamphlet, that they are endorsed159 in the appendix by a document in the name of two presbyteries, which document, though with less minuteness of investigation160, takes the same ground with Mr. Smylie. This Rev. James Smylie was one who, in company with the Rev. John L. Montgomery, was appointed by the synod of Mississippi, in 1839, to write or compile a catechism for the instruction of the negroes.
Mr. Jones says, in his “History of the Religious Instruction of the Negroes” (p. 83): “The Rev. James Smylie and the Rev. C. Blair are engaged in this good work (of enlightening the negroes) systematically161 and constantly in Mississippi.” The former clergyman is characterized as an “aged and indefatigable father.” “His success in enlightening the negroes has been very great. A large proportion of the negroes in his old church can recite both Williston’s and the Westminster Catechism very accurately162.” The writer really wishes that it were in her power to make copious163 extracts from Mr. Smylie’s pamphlet. A great deal could be learned from it as to what style of mind, and habits of thought, and modes of viewing religious subjects, are likely to grow up under such an institution. The man is undoubtedly164 and heartily165 sincere in his opinions, and appears to maintain them with a most abounding166 and triumphant167 joyfulness168, as the very latest improvement in theological knowledge. We are tempted22 to present a part of his Introduction, simply for the light it gives us on the style of thinking which is to be found on our south-western waters:
In presenting the following review to the public, the author was not entirely or mainly influenced by a desire or hope to correct the views of the Chillicothe Presbytery. He hoped the publication would be of essential service to others, as well as to the presbytery.
From his intercourse with religious societies of all denominations, in Mississippi and Louisiana, he was aware that the abolition maxim, namely, that slavery is in itself sinful, had gained on and entwined itself among the religious and conscientious53 scruples169 of many in the community so far as not only to render them unhappy, but to draw off the attention from the great and important duty of a householder to his household. The eye of the mind, resting on slavery itself as a corrupt170 fountain, from which, of necessity, nothing but corrupt streams could flow, was incessantly171 employed in search of some plan by which, with safety, the fountain could, in some future time, be entirely dried up; never reflecting, or dreaming, that slavery, in itself considered, was an innoxious relation, and that the whole error rested in the neglect of the relative duties of the relation.
If there be a consciousness of guilt116 resting on the mind, it is all the same, as to the effect, whether the conscience is or is not right. Although the word of God alone ought to be the guide of conscience, yet it is not always the case. Hence, conscientious scruples sometimes exist for neglecting to do that which the word of God condemns172.
201The Bornean who neglects to kill his father, and to eat him with his dates, when he has become old, is sorely tortured by the wringings of a guilty conscience, when his filial tenderness and sympathy have gained the ascendency over his apprehended173 duty of killing174 his parent. In like manner, many a slave-holder, whose conscience is guided, not by the word of God, but by the doctrines of men, is often suffering the lashes175 of a guilty conscience, even when he renders to his slave “that which is just and equal,” according to the Scriptures, simply because he does not emancipate176 his slave, irrespective of the benefit or injury done by such an act.
“How beautiful upon the mountains,” in the apprehension177 of the reviewer, “would be the feet of him that would bring” to the Bornean “the glad tidings” that his conduct, in sparing the life of his tender and affectionate parent, was no sin! * * * * Equally beautiful and delightful178, does the reviewer trust, will it be, to an honest, scrupulous179 and conscientious slave-holder, to learn, from the word of God, the glad tidings that slavery itself is not sinful. Released now from an incubus180 that paralyzed his energies in discharge of duty towards his slaves, he goes forth181 cheerfully to energetic action. It is not now as formerly182, when he viewed slavery as in itself sinful. He can now pray, with the hope of being heard, that God will bless his exertions183 to train up his slaves “in the nurture184 and admonition of the Lord:” whereas, before, he was retarded185 by this consideration,—“If I regard iniquity186 in my heart, the Lord will not hear me.” Instead of hanging down his head, moping and brooding over his condition, as formerly, without action, he raises his head, and moves on cheerfully, in the plain path of duty.
He is no more tempted to look askance at the word of God, and saying, “Hast thou found me, O mine enemy,” come to “filch from me” my slaves, which, “while not enriching” them, “leaves me poor indeed?” Instead of viewing the word of God, as formerly, come with whips and scorpions187 to chastise188 him into paradise, he feels that its “ways are ways of pleasantness, and its paths peace.” Distinguishing now between the real word of God and what are only the doctrines and commandments of men, the mystery is solved, which was before insolvable, namely, “The statutes189 of the Lord are right, rejoicing the heart.”
If you should undertake to answer such a man by saying that his argument proves too much,—that neither Christ nor his apostles bore any explicit testimony against the gladiatorial shows and the sports of the arena190, and, therefore, it would be right to get them up in America,—the probability seems to be that he would heartily assent to it, and think, on the whole, that it might be a good speculation191. As a further specimen192 of the free-and-easy facetiousness193 which seems to be a trait in this production, see, on p. 58, where the Latin motto Facilis descensus Averni sed revocare, &c., receives the following quite free and truly Western translation, which, he good-naturedly says, is given for the benefit of those who do not understand Latin,—“It is easy to go to the devil, but the devil to get back.”
Some uncharitable people might, perhaps, say that the preachers of such doctrines are as likely as anybody to have an experimental knowledge on this point. The idea of this jovial194 old father instructing a class of black “Sams” and young “Topsys” in the mysteries of the Assembly’s Catechism is truly picturesque195!
That Mr. Smylie’s opinions on the subject of slavery have been amply supported and carried out by leading clergymen in every denomination, we might give volumes of quotations to show.
A second head, however, is yet to be considered, with regard to the influence of the Southern church and clergy.
It is well known that the Southern political community have taken their stand upon the position that the institution of slavery shall not be open to discussion. In many of the slave states stringent laws exist, subjecting to fine and imprisonment196, and even death, any who speak or publish anything upon the subject, except in its favor. They have not only done this with regard to citizens of slave states, but they have shown the strongest disposition197 to do it with regard to citizens of free states; and when these discussions could not be repelled198 by regular law, they have encouraged the use of illegal measures. In the published letters and speeches of Horace Mann the following examples are given (p. 467). In 1831 the Legislature of Georgia offered five thousand dollars to any one who would arrest and bring to trial and conviction, in Georgia, a citizen of Massachusetts, named William Lloyd Garrison199. This law was approved by W. Lumpkin, Governor, Dec. 26, 1831. At a meeting of slave-holders held at Sterling200, in the same state, September 4, 1835, it was formally recommended to the governor to offer, by proclamation, five thousand dollars reward for the apprehension of any one of ten persons, citizens, with one exception, of New York and Massachusetts, whose names were given. The Milledgeville (Ga.) Federal union of February 1st, 1836, contained an offer of ten thousand dollars for the arrest and kidnapping of the Rev. A. A. Phelps, of New York. The committee of vigilance of the parish of East Feliciana offered, in the Louisville Journal of Oct. 15, 1835, fifty thousand dollars to any person who would deliver into their hands Arthur Tappan, of New York. At a public meeting at Mount Meigs, Alabama, Aug. 20213, 1836, the Hon. Bedford Ginress in the chair, a reward of fifty thousand dollars was offered for the apprehension of the same Arthur Tappan, or of Le Roy Sunderland, a Methodist clergyman of New York. Of course, as none of these persons could be seized except in violation201 of the laws of the state where they were citizens, this was offering a public reward for an act of felony. Throughout all the Southern States associations were formed, called committees of vigilance, for the taking of measures for suppressing abolition opinions, and for the punishment by Lynch law of suspected persons. At Charleston, South Carolina, a mob of this description forced open the post-office, and made a general inspection202, at their pleasure, of its contents; and whatever publication they found there which they considered to be of a dangerous and anti-slavery tendency, they made a public bonfire of, in the street. A large public meeting was held, a few days afterwards, to complete the preparation for excluding anti-slavery principles from publication, and for ferreting out persons suspected of abolitionism, that they might be subjected to Lynch law. Similar popular meetings were held through the Southern and Western States. At one of these, held in Clinton, Mississippi, in the year 1835, the following resolutions were passed:
Resolved, That slavery through the South and West is not felt as an evil, moral or political, but it is recognized in reference to the actual, and not to any Utopian condition of our slaves, as a blessing203 both to master and slave.
Resolved, That it is our decided opinion that any individual who dares to circulate, with a view to effectuate the designs of the abolitionists, any of the incendiary tracts56 or newspapers now in a course of transmission to this country, is justly worthy204, in the sight of God and man, of immediate205 death; and we doubt not that such would be the punishment of any such offender206 in any part of the State of Mississippi where he may be found.
Resolved, That the clergy of the State of Mississippi be hereby recommended at once to take a stand upon this subject; and that their further silence in relation thereto, at this crisis, will, in our opinion, be subject to serious censure.
The treatment to which persons were exposed, when taken up by any of these vigilance committees, as suspected of anti-slavery sentiments, may be gathered from the following account. The writer has a distinct recollection of the circumstances at the present time, as the victim of this injustice207 was a member of the seminary then under the care of her father.
Amos Dresser, now a missionary208 in Jamaica, was a theological student at Lane Seminary, near Cincinnati. In the vacation (August 1835) he undertook to sell Bibles in the State of Tennessee, with a view to raise means further to continue his studios. Whilst there, he fell under suspicion of being an abolitionist, was arrested by the vigilance committee whilst attending a religious meeting in the neighborhood of Nashville, the capital of the state, and, after an afternoon and evening’s inquisition, condemned to receive twenty lashes on his naked body. The sentence was executed on him, between eleven and twelve o’clock on Saturday night, in the presence of most of the committee, and of an infuriated and blaspheming mob. The vigilance committee (an unlawful association) consisted of sixty persons. Of these, twenty-seven were members of churches; one, a religious teacher; another, the Elder who but a few days before, in the Presbyterian church, handed Mr. Dresser the bread and wine at the communion of the Lord’s supper.
It will readily be seen that the principle involved in such proceedings as these involves more than the question of slavery. The question was, in fact, this,—whether it is so important to hold African slaves that it is proper to deprive free Americans of the liberty of conscience, and liberty of speech, and liberty of the press, in order to do it. It is easy to see that very serious changes would be made in the government of a country by the admission of this principle: because it is quite plain that, if all these principles of our free government may be given up for one thing, they may for another, and that its ultimate tendency is to destroy entirely that freedom of opinion and thought which is considered to be the distinguishing excellence209 of American institutions.
The question now is, Did the church join with the world in thinking the institution of slavery so important and desirable as to lead them to look with approbation upon Lynch law, and the sacrifice of the rights of free inquiry210? We answer the reader by submitting the following facts and quotations.
At the large meeting which we have described above, in Charleston, South Carolina, the Charleston Courier informs us “that the clergy of all denominations attended in a body, lending their sanction to the proceedings, and adding by their presence to the impressive character of the scene.” There can be no doubt that the presence of the clergy of all denominations, in a body, at a meeting held for such a purpose, was an impressive scene, truly!
At this meeting it was Resolved,
That the thanks of this meeting are due to the reverend gentlemen of the clergy in this city, who have so promptly211 and so effectually responded to 203public sentiment, by suspending their schools in which the free colored population were taught; and that this meeting deem it a patriotic212 action, worthy of all praise, and proper to be imitated by other teachers of similar schools throughout the state.
The question here arises, whether their Lord, at the day of judgment213, will comment on their actions in a similar strain.
The alarm of the Virginia slave-holders was not less; nor were the clergy in the city of Richmond, the capital, less prompt than the clergy in Charleston to respond to “public sentiment.” Accordingly, on the 29th of July, they assembled together, and Resolved, unanimously,
That we earnestly deprecate the unwarrantable and highly improper214 interference of the people of any other state with the domestic relations of master and slave.
That the example of our Lord Jesus Christ and his apostles, in not interfering215 with the question of slavery, but uniformly recognizing the relations of master and servant, and giving full and affectionate instruction to both, is worthy of the imitation of all ministers of the gospel.
That we will not patronize nor receive any pamphlet or newspaper of the anti-slavery societies, and that we will discountenance the circulation of all such papers in the community.
The Rev. J. C. Postell, a Methodist minister of South Carolina, concludes a very violent letter to the editor of Zion’s Watchman, a Methodist anti-slavery paper published in New York, in the following manner. The reader will see that this taunt216 is an allusion217 to the offer of fifty thousand dollars for his body at the South which we have given before.
But, if you desire to educate the slaves, I will tell you how to raise the money without editing Zion’s Watchman. You and old Arthur Tappan come out to the South this winter, and they will raise one hundred thousand dollars for you. New Orleans, itself, will be pledged for it. Desiring no further acquaintance with you, and never expecting to see you but once in time or eternity218, that is at the judgment, I subscribe219 myself the friend of the Bible, and the opposer of abolitionists,
J. C. Postell.
Orangeburgh, July 21st, 1836.
The Rev. Thomas S. Witherspoon, a member of the Presbyterian Church, writing to the editor of the Emancipator120, says:
I draw my warrant from the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament220, to hold the slave in bondage. The principle of holding the heathen in bondage is recognized by God. * * * When the tardy221 process of the law is too long in redressing222 our grievances223, we of the South have adopted the summary remedy of Judge Lynch—and really I think it one of the most wholesome224 and salutary remedies for the malady225 of Northern fanaticism226 that can be applied227, and no doubt my worthy friend, the Editor of the Emancipator and Human Rights, would feel the better of its enforcement, provided he had a Southern administrator228. I go to the Bible for my warrant in all moral matters. * * Let your emissaries dare venture to cross the Potomac, and I cannot promise you that their fate will be less than Haman’s. Then beware how you goad229 an insulted but magnanimous people to deeds of desperation!
The Rev. Robert N. Anderson, also a member of the Presbyterian Church, says, in a letter to the Sessions of the Presbyterian Congregations within the bounds of the West Hanover Presbytery:
At the approaching stated meeting of our Presbytery, I design to offer a preamble230 and string of resolutions on the subject of the use of wine in the Lord’s Supper: and also a preamble and string of resolutions on the subject of the treasonable and abominably231 wicked interference of the Northern and Eastern fanatics232 with our political and civil rights, our property and our domestic concerns. You are aware that our clergy, whether with or without reason, are more suspected by the public than the clergy of other denominations. Now, dear Christian brethren, I humbly233 express it as my earnest wish, that you quit yourselves like men. If there be any stray goat of a minister among you, tainted234 with the bloodhound principles of abolitionism, let him be ferreted out, silenced, excommunicated, and left to the public to dispose of him in other respects.
Your affectionate brother in the Lord,
Robert N. Anderson.
The Rev. William S. Plummer, D.D., of Richmond, a member of the Old-school Presbyterian Church, is another instance of the same sort. He was absent from Richmond at the time the clergy in that city purged235 themselves, in a body, from the charge of being favorably disposed to abolition. On his return, he lost no time in communicating to the “Chairman of the Committee of Correspondence” his agreement with his clerical brethren. The passages quoted occur in his letter to the chairman:
I have carefully watched this matter from its earliest existence, and everything I have seen or heard of its character, both from its patrons and its enemies, has confirmed me, beyond repentance236, in the belief, that, let the character of abolitionists be what it may in the sight of the Judge of all the earth, this is the most meddlesome237, impudent238, reckless, fierce, and wicked excitement I ever saw.
If abolitionists will set the country in a blaze, it is but fair that they should receive the first warming at the fire.
Lastly. Abolitionists are like infidels, wholly unaddicted to martyrdom for opinion’s sake. Let them understand that they will be caught [Lynched] if they come among us, and they will take good heed239 to keep out of our way. There is not one man among them who has any more idea of shedding 204his blood in this cause than he has of making war on the Grand Turk.
The Rev. Dr. Hill, of Virginia, said, in the New School Assembly:
The abolitionists have made the servitude of the slave harder. If I could tell you some of the dirty tricks which these abolitionists have played, you would not wonder. Some of them have been Lynched, and it served them right.
These things sufficiently show the estimate which the Southern clergy and church have formed and expressed as to the relative value of slavery and the right of free inquiry. It shows, also, that they consider slavery as so important that they can tolerate and encourage acts of lawless violence, and risk all the dangers of encouraging mob law, for its sake. These passages and considerations sufficiently show the stand which the Southern church takes upon this subject.
For many of these opinions, shocking as they may appear, some apology may be found in that blinding power of custom and all those deadly educational influences which always attend the system of slavery, and which must necessarily produce a certain obtuseness240 of the moral sense in the mind of any man who is educated from childhood under them.
There is also, in the habits of mind formed under a system which is supported by continual resort to force and violence, a necessary deadening of sensibility to the evils of force and violence, as applied to other subjects. The whole style of civilization which is formed under such an institution has been not unaptly denominated by a popular writer “the bowie-knife style;” and we must not be surprised at its producing a peculiarly martial241 cast of religious character, and ideas very much at variance with the spirit of the gospel. A religious man, born and educated at the South, has all these difficulties to contend with, in elevating himself to the true spirit of the gospel.
It was said by one that, after the Reformation, the best of men, being educated under a system of despotism and force, and accustomed from childhood to have force, and not argument, made the test of opinion, came to look upon all controversies242 very much in a Smithfield light,—the question being not as to the propriety243 of burning heretics, but as to which party ought to be burned.
The system of slavery is a simple retrogression of society to the worst abuses of the middle ages. We must not therefore be surprised to find the opinions and practices of the middle ages, as to civil and religious toleration, prevailing244.
However much we may reprobate245 and deplore246 those unworthy views of God and religion which are implied in such declarations as are here recorded,—however blasphemous247 and absurd they may appear,—still, it is apparent that their authors uttered them with sincerity248: and this is the most melancholy249 feature of the case. They are as sincere as Paul when he breathed out threatenings and slaughter250, and when he thought within himself that he ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus. They are as sincere as the Brahmin or Hindoo, conscientiously supporting a religion of cruelty and blood. They are as sincere as many enlightened, scholarlike and Christian men in modern Europe, who, born and bred under systems of civil and religious despotism, and having them entwined with all their dearest associations of home and country, and having all their habits of thought and feeling biased251 by them, do most conscientiously defend them.
There is something in conscientious conviction, even in case of the worst kind of opinions, which is not without a certain degree of respectability. That the religion expressed by the declarations which we have quoted is as truly Antichrist as the religion of the Church of Rome, it is presumed no sensible person out of the sphere of American influences will deny. That there may be very sincere Christians under this system of religion, with all its false principles and all its disadvantageous influences, liberality must concede. The Church of Rome has had its Fenelon, its Thomas a Kempis; and the Southern Church, which has adopted these principles, has had men who have risen above the level of their system. At the time of the Reformation, and now, the Church of Rome had in its bosom252 thousands of praying, devoted, humble Christians, which, like flowers in the clefts253 of rocks, could be counted by no eye, save God’s alone. And so, amid the rifts254 and glaciers255 of this horrible spiritual and temporal despotism, we hope are blooming flowers of Paradise, patient, prayerful, and self-denying Christians; and it is the deepest grief, in attacking the dreadful system under which they have been born and brought up, that violence must be done to their cherished feelings and associations. In another and better world, perhaps, they may appreciate the motives256 of those who do this.
But now another consideration comes to the mind. These Southern Christians have been united in ecclesiastical relations with Christians of the northern and free states, meeting with them, by their representatives, yearly, in their various ecclesiastical assemblies. One might hope, in case of such a union, that those debasing views of Christianity, and that deadness of public sentiment, which were the inevitable257 result of an education under the slave system, might have been qualified258 by intercourse with Christians in free states, who, having grown up under free institutions, would naturally be supposed to feel the utmost abhorrence259 of such sentiments. One would have supposed that the church and clergy of the free states would naturally have used the most strenuous260 endeavors, by all the means in their power, to convince their brethren of errors so dishonorable to Christianity, and tending to such dreadful practical results. One would have supposed also, that, failing to convince their brethren, they would have felt it due to Christianity to clear themselves from all complicity with these sentiments, by the most solemn, earnest and reiterated261 protests.
Let us now inquire what has, in fact, been the course of the Northern church on this subject.
Previous to making this inquiry, let us review the declarations that have been made in the Southern church, and see what principles have been established by them.
1. That slavery is an innocent and lawful relation, as much as that of parent and child, husband and wife, or any other lawful relation of society. (Harmony Pres., S. C.)
2. That it is consistent with the most fraternal regard for the good of the slave. (Charleston union Pres., S. C.)
3. That masters ought not to be disciplined for selling slaves without their consent. (New-school Pres. Church, Petersburg, Va.)
4. That the right to buy, sell, and hold men for purposes of gain, was given by express permission of God. (James Smylie and his Presbyteries.)
5. That the laws which forbid the education of the slave are right, and meet the approbation of the reflecting part of the Christian community. (Ibid.)
6. That the fact of slavery is not a question of morals at all, but is purely one of political economy. (Charleston Baptist Association.)
7. The right of masters to dispose of the time of their slaves has been distinctly recognized by the Creator of all things. (Ibid.)
8. That slavery, as it exists in these United States, is not a moral evil. (Georgia Conference, Methodist.)
9. That, without a new revelation from heaven, no man is entitled to pronounce slavery wrong.
10. That the separation of slaves by sale should be regarded as separation by death, and the parties allowed to marry again. (Shiloh Baptist Ass4., and Savannah River Ass.)
11. That the testimony of colored members of the churches shall not be taken against a white person. (Methodist Church.)
In addition, it has been plainly avowed, by the expressed principles and practice of Christians of various denominations, that they regard it right and proper to put down all inquiry upon this subject by Lynch law.
One would have imagined that these principles were sufficiently extraordinary, as coming from the professors of the religion of Christ, to have excited a good deal of attention in their Northern brethren. It also must be seen that, as principles, they are principles of very extensive application, underlying262 the whole foundations of religion and morality. If not true, they were certainly heresies263 of no ordinary magnitude, involving no ordinary results. Let us now return to our inquiry as to the course of the Northern church in relation to them.
24. Birney’s pamphlet
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| vt.证明…为真，鉴定 | |
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32
sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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33
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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34
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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35
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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36
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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37
runaway
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| n.逃走的人，逃亡，亡命者；adj.逃亡的，逃走的 | |
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38
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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39
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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40
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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41
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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42
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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43
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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44
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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45
fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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46
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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47
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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48
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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49
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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50
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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51
arraign
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| v.提讯；控告 | |
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52
conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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53
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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54
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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55
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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56
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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57
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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58
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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59
laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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60
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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61
relinquishment
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| n.放弃；撤回；停止 | |
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62
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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63
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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64
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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65
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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66
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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67
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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68
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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69
benign
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| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
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70
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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71
superintendents
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|
| 警长( superintendent的名词复数 )； （大楼的）管理人； 监管人； （美国）警察局长 | |
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72
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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73
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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74
protract
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| v.延长，拖长 | |
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75
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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76
capers
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| n.开玩笑( caper的名词复数 )；刺山柑v.跳跃，雀跃( caper的第三人称单数 ) | |
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77
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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78
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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79
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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80
discourses
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|
| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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81
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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82
expedient
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|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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83
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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84
atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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85
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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86
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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87
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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88
influential
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|
| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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89
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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90
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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91
disastrous
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|
| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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92
rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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93
utterly
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|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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94
precisely
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|
| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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95
tampered
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|
| v.窜改( tamper的过去式 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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96
revoke
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| v.废除，取消，撤回 | |
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97
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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98
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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99
condescension
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| n.自以为高人一等，贬低(别人) | |
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100
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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101
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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103
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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104
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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105
incompetency
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| n.无能力，不适当 | |
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106
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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107
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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108
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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109
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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110
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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111
conjure
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| v.恳求，祈求；变魔术，变戏法 | |
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112
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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113
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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114
enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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117
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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118
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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119
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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120
emancipator
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| n.释放者；救星 | |
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121
emancipatory
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| adj.解放的，有助于解放的 | |
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122
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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123
emancipating
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| v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的现在分词 ) | |
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124
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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125
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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126
simile
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| n.直喻，明喻 | |
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127
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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128
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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129
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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130
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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132
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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133
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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134
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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135
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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136
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137
heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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138
explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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139
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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140
winked
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| v.使眼色( wink的过去式和过去分词 )；递眼色（表示友好或高兴等）；（指光）闪烁；闪亮 | |
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141
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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142
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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143
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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144
preclude
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| vt.阻止，排除，防止；妨碍 | |
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145
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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146
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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147
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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148
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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149
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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150
acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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151
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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152
query
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| n.疑问，问号，质问；vt.询问，表示怀疑 | |
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153
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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154
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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155
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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156
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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157
reprobation
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| n.斥责 | |
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158
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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159
endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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160
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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161
systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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162
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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163
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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164
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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165
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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166
abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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167
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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168
joyfulness
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169
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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170
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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171
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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172
condemns
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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173
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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174
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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175
lashes
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| n.鞭挞( lash的名词复数 )；鞭子；突然猛烈的一击；急速挥动v.鞭打( lash的第三人称单数 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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176
emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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177
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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178
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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179
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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180
incubus
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| n.负担；恶梦 | |
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181
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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182
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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183
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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184
nurture
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| n.养育，照顾，教育；滋养，营养品；vt.养育，给与营养物，教养，扶持 | |
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185
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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186
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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187
scorpions
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| n.蝎子( scorpion的名词复数 ) | |
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188
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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189
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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190
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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191
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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192
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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193
facetiousness
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| n.滑稽 | |
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194
jovial
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| adj.快乐的，好交际的 | |
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195
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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196
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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197
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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198
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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199
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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200
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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201
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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202
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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203
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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204
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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205
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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206
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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207
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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208
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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209
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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210
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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211
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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212
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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213
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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214
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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215
interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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216
taunt
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| n.辱骂，嘲弄；v.嘲弄 | |
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217
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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218
eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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219
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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220
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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221
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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222
redressing
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| v.改正( redress的现在分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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223
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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224
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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225
malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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226
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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227
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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228
administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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229
goad
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| n.刺棒，刺痛物；激励；vt.激励，刺激 | |
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230
preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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231
abominably
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| adv. 可恶地，可恨地，恶劣地 | |
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232
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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233
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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234
tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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235
purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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236
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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237
meddlesome
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| adj.爱管闲事的 | |
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238
impudent
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| adj.鲁莽的，卑鄙的，厚颜无耻的 | |
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239
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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240
obtuseness
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| 感觉迟钝 | |
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241
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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242
controversies
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| 争论 | |
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243
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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244
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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245
reprobate
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| n.无赖汉；堕落的人 | |
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246
deplore
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| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
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247
blasphemous
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| adj.亵渎神明的，不敬神的 | |
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248
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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249
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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250
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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251
biased
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| a.有偏见的 | |
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252
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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253
clefts
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| n.裂缝( cleft的名词复数 )；裂口；cleave的过去式和过去分词；进退维谷 | |
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254
rifts
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| n.裂缝( rift的名词复数 )；裂隙；分裂；不和 | |
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255
glaciers
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| 冰河，冰川( glacier的名词复数 ) | |
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256
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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257
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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258
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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259
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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260
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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261
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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262
underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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263
heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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