After a somewhat extended examination upon the subject, the writer has been able to discover but one instance of this sort. It may be possible that such cases have existed in other denominations6, which have escaped inquiry7.
A clergyman in the Cincinnati N. S. Presbytery maintained the doctrine9 that slaveholding was justified10 by the Bible, and for persistence11 in teaching this sentiment was suspended by that presbytery. He appealed to Synod, and the decision was confirmed by the Cincinnati Synod. The New School General Assembly, however, reversed this decision of the presbytery, and restored the standing13 of the clergyman. The presbytery, 206on its part, refused to receive him back, and he was received into the Old School Church.
The Presbyterian Church has probably exceeded all other churches of the United States in its zeal14 for doctrinal opinions. This church has been shaken and agitated15 to its very foundation with questions of heresy; but, except in this individual case, it is not known that any of these principles which have been asserted by Southern Presbyterian bodies and individuals have ever been discussed in its General Assembly as matters of heresy.
About the time that Smylie’s pamphlet came out, the Presbyterian Church was convulsed with the trial of the Rev12. Albert Barnes for certain alleged16 heresies. These heresies related to the federal headship of Adam, the propriety17 of imputing18 his sin to all his posterity19, and the question whether men have any ability of any kind to obey the commandments of God.
For advancing certain sentiments on these topics, Mr. Barnes was silenced by the vote of the synod to which he belonged, and his trial in the General Assembly on these points was the all-engrossing topic in the Presbyterian Church for some time. The Rev. Dr. L. Beecher went through a trial with reference to similar opinions. During all this time, no notice was taken of the heresy, if such it be, that the right to buy, sell, and hold men for purposes of gain, was expressly given by God; although that heresy was publicly promulgated20 in the same Presbyterian Church, by Mr. Smylie, and the presbyteries with which he was connected.
If it be accounted for by saying that the question of slavery is a question of practical morals, and not of dogmatic theology, we are then reminded that questions of morals of far less magnitude have been discussed with absorbing interest.
The Old School Presbyterian Church, in whose communion the greater part of the slave-holding Presbyterians of the South are found, has never felt called upon to discipline its members for upholding a system which denies legal marriage to all slaves. Yet this church was agitated to its very foundation by the discussion of a question of morals which an impartial21 observer would probably consider of far less magnitude, namely, whether a man might lawfully22 marry his deceased wife’s sister. For the time, all the strength and attention of the church seemed concentrated upon this important subject. The trial went from Presbytery to Synod, and from Synod to General Assembly; and ended with deposing24 a very respectable minister for this crime.
Rev. Robert P. Breckenridge, D.D., a member of the Old School Assembly, has thus described the state of the slave population as to their marriage relations: “The system of slavery denies to a whole class of human beings the sacredness of marriage and of home, compelling them to live in a state of concubinage; for in the eye of the law no colored slave-man is the husband of any wife in particular, nor any slave-woman the wife of any husband in particular; no slave-man is the father of any children in particular, and no slave-child is the child of any parent in particular.”
Now, had this church considered the fact that three million men and women were, by the laws of the land, obliged to live in this manner, as of equally serious consequence, it is evident, from the ingenuity25, argument, vehemence26, Biblical research, and untiring zeal, which they bestowed27 on Mr. McQueen’s trial, that they could have made a very strong case with regard to this also.
The history of the united action of denominations which included churches both in the slave and free states is a melancholy28 exemplification, to a reflecting mind, of that gradual deterioration29 of the moral sense which results from admitting any compromise, however slight, with an acknowledged sin. The best minds in the world cannot bear such a familiarity without injury to the moral sense. The facts of the slave system and of the slave laws, when presented to disinterested30 judges in Europe, have excited a universal outburst of horror; yet, in assemblies composed of the wisest and best clergymen of America, these things have been discussed from year to year, and yet brought no results that have, in the slightest degree, lessened31 the evil. The reason is this. A portion of the members of these bodies had pledged themselves to sustain the system, and peremptorily32 to refuse and put down all discussion of it; and the other part of the body did not consider this stand so taken as being of sufficiently33 vital consequence to authorize34 separation.
Nobody will doubt that, had the Southern members taken such a stand against the divinity of our Lord, the division would have been immediate35 and unanimous; but yet the Southern members do maintain the right to buy and sell, lease, hire and mortgage, multitudes of men and women, whom, with the same breath, they declared to be 207members of their churches and true Christians36. The Bible declares of all such that they are temples of the Holy Ghost; that they are members of Christ’s body, of his flesh and bones. Is not the doctrine that men may lawfully sell the members of Christ, his body, his flesh and bones, for purposes of gain, as really a heresy as the denial of the divinity of Christ; and is it not a dishonor to Him who is over all, God blessed forever, to tolerate this dreadful opinion, with its more dreadful consequences, while the smallest heresies concerning the imputation39 of Adam’s sin are pursued with eager vehemence? If the history of the action of all the bodies thus united can be traced downwards40, we shall find that, by reason of this tolerance41 of an admitted sin, the anti-slavery testimony42 has every year grown weaker and weaker. If we look over the history of all denominations, we shall see that at first they used very stringent43 language with relation to slavery. This is particularly the case with the Methodist and Presbyterian bodies, and for that reason we select these two as examples. The Methodist Society especially, as organized by John Wesley, was an anti-slavery society, and the Book of Discipline contained the most positive statutes44 against slave-holding. The history of the successive resolutions of the conference of this church is very striking. In 1780, before the church was regularly organized in the United States, they resolved as follows:
The conference acknowledges that slavery is contrary to the laws of God, man and nature, and hurtful to society; contrary to the dictates45 of conscience and true religion; and doing what we would not others should do unto us.
In 1784, when the church was fully23 organized, rules were adopted prescribing the times at which members who were already slave-holders should emancipate46 their slaves. These rules were succeeded by the following:
Every person concerned, who will not comply with these rules, shall have liberty quietly to withdraw from our society within the twelve months following the notice being given him, as aforesaid; otherwise the assistants shall exclude him from the society.
No person holding slaves shall in future be admitted into society, or to the Lord’s Supper, till he previously47 comply with these rules concerning slavery.
Those who buy, sell, or give [slaves] away, unless on purpose to free them, shall be expelled immediately.
In 1801:
We declare that we are more than ever convinced of the great evil of African slavery, which still exists in these United States.
Every member of the society who sells a slave shall, immediately after full proof, be excluded from the society, &c.
The Annual Conferences are directed to draw up addresses, for the gradual emancipation48 of the slaves, to the legislature. Proper committees shall be appointed by the Annual Conferences, out of the most respectable of our friends, for the conducting of the business; and the presiding elders, deacons, and travelling preachers, shall procure49 as many proper signatures as possible to the addresses; and give all the assistance in their power, in every respect, to aid the committees, and to further the blessed undertaking50. Let this be continued from year to year, till the desired end be accomplished51.
In 1836 let us notice the change. The General Conference held its annual session in Cincinnati, and resolved as follows:
Resolved, By the delegates of the Annual Conferences in General Conference assembled, That they are decidedly opposed to modern abolitionism, and wholly disclaim54 any right, wish, or intention, to interfere55 in the civil and political relation between master and slave, as it exists in the slave-holding states of this union.
These resolutions were passed by a very large majority. An address was received from the Wesleyan Methodist Conference in England, affectionately remonstrating56 on the subject of slavery. The Conference refused to publish it. In the pastoral address to the churches are these passages:
It cannot be unknown to you that the question of slavery in the United States, by the constitutional compact which binds58 us together as a nation, is left to be regulated by the several state legislatures themselves; and thereby59 is put beyond the control of the general government, as well as that of all ecclesiastical bodies; it being manifest that in the slave-holding states themselves the entire responsibility of its existence, or non-existence, rests with those state legislatures. * * * * These facts, which are only mentioned here as a reason for the friendly admonition which we wish to give you, constrain60 us, as your pastors61, who are called to watch over your souls as they must give account, to exhort62 you to abstain63 from all abolition53 movements and associations, and to refrain from patronizing any of their publications, &c. * *
The subordinate conferences showed the same spirit.
In 1836 the New York Annual Conference resolved that no one should be elected a deacon or elder in the church, unless he would give a pledge to the church that he would refrain from discussing this subject.[25]
In 1838 the conference resolved:
As the sense of this conference, that any of its members, or probationers, who shall patronize Zion’s Watchman, either by writing in commendation 208of its character, by circulating it, recommending it to our people, or procuring64 subscribers, or by collecting or remitting65 moneys, shall be deemed guilty of indiscretion, and dealt with accordingly.
It will be recollected67 that Zion’s Watchman was edited by Le Roy Sunderland, for whose abduction the State of Alabama had offered fifty thousand dollars.
In 1840, the General Conference at Baltimore passed the resolution that we have already quoted, forbidding preachers to allow colored persons to give testimony in their churches. It has been computed68 that about eighty thousand people were deprived of the right of testimony by this act. This Methodist Church subsequently broke into a Northern and Southern Conference. The Southern Conference is avowedly70 all pro-slavery, and the Northern Conference has still in its communion slave-holding conferences and members.
Of the Northern conferences, one of the largest, the Baltimore, passed the following:
Resolved, That this conference disclaims72 having any fellowship with abolitionism. On the contrary, while it is determined73 to maintain its well-known and long-established position, by keeping the travelling preachers composing its own body free from slavery, it is also determined not to hold connection with any ecclesiastical body that shall make non-slaveholding a condition of membership in the church; but to stand by and maintain the discipline as it is.
The following extract is made from an address of the Philadelphia Annual Conference to the societies under its care, dated Wilmington Del., April 7, 1847:
If the plan of separation gives us the pastoral care of you, it remains75 to inquire whether we have done anything, as a conference, or as men, to forfeit76 your confidence and affection. We are not advised that even in the great excitement which has distressed77 you for some months past, any one has impeached78 our moral conduct, or charged us with unsoundness in doctrine, or corruption79 or tyranny in the administration of discipline. But we learn that the simple cause of the unhappy excitement among you is, that some suspect us, or affect to suspect us, of being abolitionists. Yet no particular act of the conference, or any particular member thereof, is adduced, as the ground of the erroneous and injurious suspicion. We would ask you, brethren, whether the conduct of our ministry81 among you for sixty years past ought not to be sufficient to protect us from this charge. Whether the question we have been accustomed, for a few years past, to put to candidates for admission among us, namely, Are you an abolitionist? and, without each one answered in the negative, he was not received, ought not to protect us from the charge. Whether the action of the last conference on this particular matter ought not to satisfy any fair and candid82 mind that we are not, and do not desire to be, abolitionists. * * * We cannot see how we can be regarded as abolitionists, without the ministers of the Methodist Episcopal Church South being considered in the same light.
Wishing you all heavenly benedictions83, we are, dear brethren, yours, in Christ Jesus,
J. P. Durbin, }
J. Kennaday, }
Ignatius T. Cooper, } Comm.
William H. Gilder84, }
Joseph Castle, }
These facts sufficiently define the position of the Methodist Church. The history is melancholy, but instructive. The history of the Presbyterian Church is also of interest.
In 1793, the following note to the eighth commandment was inserted in the Book of Discipline, as expressing the doctrine of the church upon slave-holding:
1 Tim. 1:10. The law is made for MAN-STEALERS. This crime among the Jews exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment, Exodus85 21:15; and the apostle here classes them with sinners of the first rank. The word he uses, in its original import, comprehends all who are concerned in bringing any of the human race into slavery, or in retaining them in it. Hominum fures, qui servos vel liberos abducunt, retinent, vendunt, vel emunt. Stealers of men are all those who bring off slaves or freemen, and KEEP, SELL, or BUY THEM. To steal a free man, says Grotius, is the highest kind of theft. In other instances, we only steal human property; but when we steal or retain men in slavery, we seize those who, in common with ourselves, are constituted by the original grant lords of the earth.
No rules of church discipline were enforced, and members whom this passage declared guilty of this crime remained undisturbed in its communion, as ministers and elders. This inconsistency was obviated86 in 1816 by expunging87 the passage from the Book of Discipline. In 1818 it adopted an expression of its views on slavery. This document is a long one, conceived and written in a very Christian37 spirit. The Assembly’s Digest says, p. 341, that it was unanimously adopted. The following is its testimony as to the nature of slavery:
We consider the voluntary enslaving of one part of the human race by another as a gross violation88 of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature: as utterly89 inconsistent with the law of God, which requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves; and as totally irreconcilable90 with the spirit and principles of the gospel of Christ, which enjoin91 that “all things whatsoever92 ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.” Slavery creates a paradox93 in the moral system—it exhibits rational, accountable, and immortal94 beings in such circumstances as scarcely to leave them the power of moral action. It exhibits them as dependent on the will of others, whether they shall receive religious instruction; whether they shall know and worship the true God; whether 209they shall enjoy the ordinances95 of the gospel; whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the endearments96 of husbands and wives, parents and children, neighbors and friends; whether they shall preserve their chastity and purity, or regard the dictates of justice and humanity. Such are some of the consequences of slavery,—consequences not imaginary, but which connect themselves with its very existence. The evils to which the slave is always exposed often take place in fact, and in their very worst degree and form: and where all of them do not take place,—as we rejoice to say that in many instances, through the influence of the principles of humanity and religion on the minds of masters, they do not,—still the slave is deprived of his natural right, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of passing into the hands of a master who may inflict97 upon him all the hardships and injuries which inhumanity and avarice98 may suggest.
This language was surely decided52, and it was unanimously adopted by slave-holders and non-slaveholders. Certainly one might think the time of redemption was drawing nigh. The declaration goes on to say:
It is manifestly the duty of all Christians who enjoy the light of the present day, when the inconsistency of slavery both with the dictates of humanity and religion has been demonstrated and is generally seen and acknowledged, to use honest, earnest, unwearied endeavors to correct the errors of former times, and as speedily as possible to efface100 this blot101 on our holy religion, and to OBTAIN THE COMPLETE ABOLITION of slavery throughout Christendom and throughout the world.
Here we have the Presbyterian Church, slave-holding and non-slaveholding, virtually formed into one great abolition society, as we have seen the Methodist was.
The assembly then goes on to state that the slaves are not at present prepared to be free,—that they tenderly sympathize with the portion of the church and country that has had this evil entailed102 upon them, where as they say “a great and the most virtuous103 part of the community ABHOR105 SLAVERY and wish ITS EXTERMINATION106.” But they exhort them to commence immediately the work of instructing slaves, with a view to preparing them for freedom; and to let no greater delay take place than “a regard to public welfare indispensably demands.” “To be governed by no other considerations than an honest and impartial regard to the happiness of the injured party, uninfluenced by the expense and inconvenience which such regard may involve.” It warns against “unduly extending this plea of necessity,” against making it a cover for the love and practice of slavery. It ends by recommending that any one who shall sell a fellow-Christian without his consent be immediately disciplined and suspended.
If we consider that this was unanimously adopted by slave-holders and all, and grant, as we certainly do, that it was adopted in all honesty and good faith, we shall surely expect something from it. We should expect forthwith the organizing of a set of common schools for the slave-children; for an efficient religious ministration; for an entire discontinuance of trading in Christian slaves; for laws which make the family relations sacred. Was any such thing done or attempted? Alas108! Two years after this came the admission of Missouri, and the increase of demand in the southern slave-market and the internal slave-trade. Instead of schoolteachers, they had slave-traders; instead of gathering109 schools, they gathered slave-coffles; instead of building school-houses, they built slave-pens and slave-prisons, jails, barracoons, factories, or whatever the trade pleases to term them; and so went the plan of gradual emancipation.
In 1834, sixteen years after, a committee of the Synod of Kentucky, in which state slavery is generally said to exist in its mildest form, appointed to make a report on the condition of the slaves, gave the following picture of their condition. First, as to their spiritual condition, they say:
After making all reasonable allowances, our colored population can be considered, at the most, but semi-heathen. As to their temporal estate—Brutal stripes, and all the various kinds of personal indignities110, are not the only species of cruelty which slavery licenses111. The law does not recognize the family relations of the slave, and extends to him no protection in the enjoyment112 of domestic endearments. The members of a slave-family may be forcibly separated, so that they shall never more meet until the final judgment113. And cupidity114 often induces the masters to practise what the law allows. Brothers and sisters, parents and children, husbands and wives, are torn asunder115, and permitted to see each other no more. These acts are daily occurring in the midst of us. The shrieks116 and the agony often witnessed on such occasions proclaim with a trumpet-tongue the iniquity117 and cruelty of our system. The cries of these sufferers go up to the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth. There is not a neighborhood where these heart-rending118 scenes are not displayed. There is not a village or road that does not behold119 the sad procession of manacled outcasts, whose chains and mournful countenances121 tell that they are exiled by force from all that their hearts hold dear. Our church, years ago, raised its voice of solemn warning against this flagrant violation of every principle of mercy, justice, and humanity. Yet we blush to announce to you and to the world that this warning has been often disregarded, even by those who hold to our communion. Cases have occurred, in our own denomination5, where professors of the religion of mercy have torn the mother from her children, and sent her into a merciless and returnless exile. Yet acts of discipline have rarely followed such conduct.
210Hon. James G. Birney, for years a resident of Kentucky, in his pamphlet, amends122 the word rarely by substituting never. What could show more plainly the utter inefficiency123 of the past act of the Assembly, and the necessity of adopting some measures more efficient? In 1835, therefore, the subject was urged upon the General Assembly, entreating124 them to carry out the principles and designs they had avowed71 in 1818.
Mr. Stuart, of Illinois, in a speech he made upon the subject, said:
I hope this assembly are prepared to come out fully and declare their sentiments, that slave-holding is a most flagrant and heinous125 SIN. Let us not pass it by in this indirect way, while so many thousands and tens of thousands of our fellow-creatures are writhing126 under the lash127, often inflicted128, too, by ministers and elders of the Presbyterian Church.
In this church a man may take a free-born child, force it away from its parents, to whom God gave it in charge, saying “Bring it up for me,” and sell it as a beast or hold it in perpetual bondage129, and not only escape corporeal130 punishment, but really be esteemed131 an excellent Christian. Nay132, even ministers of the gospel and doctors of divinity may engage in this unholy traffic, and yet sustain their high and holy calling.
Elders, ministers, and doctors of divinity, are, with both hands, engaged in the practice.
One would have thought facts like these, stated in a body of Christians, were enough to wake the dead; but, alas! we can become accustomed to very awful things. No action was taken upon these remonstrances133, except to refer them to a committee, to be reported on at the next session, in 1836.
The moderator of the assembly in 1836 was a slave-holder, Dr. T. S. Witherspoon, the same who said to the editor of the Emancipator135, “I draw my warrant from the Scriptures136 of the Old and New Testament137 to hold my slaves in bondage. The principle of holding the heathen in bondage is recognized by God. When the tardy138 process of the law is too long in redressing139 our grievances140, we at the South have adopted the summary process of Judge Lynch.”
The majority of the committee appointed made a report as follows:
Whereas the subject of slavery is inseparably connected with the laws of many of the states in this union, with which it is by no means proper for an ecclesiastical judicature to interfere, and involves many considerations in regard to which great diversity of opinion and intensity141 of feeling are known to exist in the churches represented in this Assembly; And whereas there is great reason to believe that any action on the part of this Assembly, in reference to this subject, would tend to distract and divide our churches, and would probably in no wise promote the benefit of those whose welfare is immediately contemplated142 in the memorials in question.
Therefore, Resolved,
1. That it is not expedient143 for the Assembly to take any further order in relation to this subject.
2. That as the notes which have been expunged144 from our public formularies, and which some of the memorials referred to the committee request to have restored, were introduced irregularly, never had the sanction of the church, and therefore never possessed145 any authority, the General Assembly has no power, nor would they think it expedient, to assign them a place in the authorized146 standards of the church.
The minority of the committee, the Rev. Messrs. Dickey and Beman, reported as follows:
Resolved,
1. That the buying, selling, or holding a human being as property, is in the sight of God a heinous sin, and ought to subject the doer of it to the censures of the church.
2. That it is the duty of every one, and especially of every Christian, who may be involved in this sin, to free himself from its entanglement147 without delay.
3. That it is the duty of every one, especially of every Christian, in the meekness148 and firmness of the gospel to plead the cause of the poor and needy149, by testifying against the principle and practice of slave-holding; and to use his best endeavors to deliver the church of God from the evil; and to bring about the emancipation of the slaves in these United States, and throughout the world.
The slave-holding delegates, to the number of forty-eight, met apart, and Resolved,
That if the General Assembly shall undertake to exercise authority on the subject of slavery, so as to make it an immorality150, or shall in any way declare that Christians are criminal in holding slaves, that a declaration shall be presented by the Southern delegation151 declining their jurisdiction152 in the case, and our determination not to submit to such decision.
In view of these conflicting reports, the Assembly resolved as follows:
Inasmuch as the constitution of the Presbyterian Church, in its preliminary and fundamental principles, declares that no church judicatories ought to pretend to make laws to bind57 the conscience in virtue153 of their own authority; and as the urgency of the business of the Assembly, and the shortness of the time during which they can continue in session, render it impossible to deliberate and decide judiciously155 on the subject of slavery in its relation to the church; therefore, Resolved, That this whole subject be indefinitely postponed157.
The amount of the slave-trade at the time when the General Assembly refused to act upon the subject of slavery at all, may be inferred from the following items. 211The Virginia Times, in an article published in this very year of 1836, estimated the number of slaves exported for sale from that state alone, during the twelve months preceding, at forty thousand. The Natchez (Miss.) Courier says that in the same year the States of Alabama, Missouri and Arkansas, received two hundred and fifty thousand slaves from the more northern states. If we deduct158 from these all who may be supposed to have emigrated with their masters, still what an immense trade is here indicated!
The Rev. James H. Dickey, who moved the resolutions above presented, had seen some sights which would naturally incline him to wish the Assembly to take some action on the subject, as appears from the following account of a slave-coffle, from his pen.
In the summer of 1822, as I returned with my family from a visit to the Barrens of Kentucky, I witnessed a scene such as I never witnessed before, and such as I hope never to witness again. Having passed through Paris, in Bourbon county, Ky., the sound of music (beyond a little rising ground) attracted my attention. I looked forward, and saw the flag of my country waving. Supposing that I was about to meet a military parade, I drove hastily to the side of the road; and, having gained the ascent159, I discovered (I suppose) about forty black men all chained together after the following manner: each of them was handcuffed, and they were arranged in rank and file. A chain perhaps forty feet long, the size of a fifth-horse-chain, was stretched between the two ranks, to which short chains were joined, which connected with the handcuffs. Behind them were, I suppose, about thirty women, in double rank, the couples tied hand to hand. A solemn sadness sat on every countenance120, and the dismal160 silence of this march of despair was interrupted only by the sound of two violins; yes, as if to add insult to injury, the foremost couple were furnished with a violin apiece; the second couple were ornamented161 with cockades, while near the centre waved the republican flag, carried by a hand literally162 in chains. I could not forbear exclaiming to the lordly driver who rode at his ease along-side, “Heaven will curse that man who engages in such traffic, and the government that protects him in it!” I pursued my journey till evening, and put up for the night, when I mentioned the scene I had witnessed. “Ah!” cried my landlady163, “that is my brother!” From her I learned that his name is Stone, of Bourbon county, Kentucky, in partnership164 with one Kinningham, of Paris; and that a few days before he had purchased a negro-woman from a man in Nicholas county. She refused to go with him; he attempted to compel her, but she defended herself. Without further ceremony, he stepped back, and, by a blow on the side of her head with the butt165 of his whip, brought her to the ground; he tied her, and drove her off. I learned further, that besides the drove I had seen, there were about thirty shut up in the Paris prison for safe-keeping, to be added to the company, and that they were designed for the Orleans market. And to this they are doomed166 for no other crime than that of a black skin and curled locks. Shall I not visit for these things? saith the Lord. Shall not my soul be avenged168 on such a nation as this?
It cannot be possible that these Christian men realized these things, or, at most, they realized them just as we realize the most tremendous truths of religion, dimly and feebly.
Two years after, the General Assembly, by a sudden and very unexpected movement, passed a vote exscinding, without trial, from the communion of the church, four synods, comprising the most active and decided anti-slavery portions of the church. The reasons alleged were, doctrinal differences and ecclesiastical practices inconsistent with Presbyterianism. By this act about five hundred ministers and sixty thousand members were cut off from the Presbyterian Church.
That portion of the Presbyterian Church called New School, considering this act unjust, refused to assent169 to it, joined the exscinded synods, and formed themselves into the New School General Assembly. In this communion only three slave-holding presbyteries remained. In the old there were between thirty and forty.
The course of the Old School Assembly, after the separation, in relation to the subject of slavery, may be best expressed by quoting one of their resolutions, passed in 1845. Having some decided anti-slavery members in its body, and being, moreover, addressed on the subject of slavery by associated bodies, they presented, on this year, the following deliberate statement of their policy. (Minutes for 1845, p. 18.)
Resolved, 1st. That the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States was originally organized, and has since continued the bond of union in the church, upon the conceded principle that the existence of domestic slavery, under the circumstances in which it is found in the Southern portion of the country, is no bar to Christian communion.
2. That the petitions that ask the Assembly to make the holding of slaves in itself a matter of discipline do virtually require this judicatory to dissolve itself, and abandon the organization under which, by the divine blessing170, it has so long prospered171. The tendency is evidently to separate the Northern from the Southern portion of the church,—a result which every good Christian must deplore172, as tending to the dissolution of the union of our beloved country, and which every enlightened Christian will oppose, as bringing about a ruinous and unnecessary schism173 between brethren who maintain a common faith.
Yeas, Ministers and Elders, 168.
Nays174, Ministers and Elders, 13.
It is scarcely necessary to add a comment to this very explicit175 declaration. It is the plainest possible disclaimer of any protest 212against slavery; the plainest possible statement that the existence of the ecclesiastical organization is of more importance than all the moral and social considerations which are involved in a full defence and practice of American slavery.
The next year a large number of petitions and remonstrances were presented, requesting the Assembly to utter additional testimony against slavery.
In reply to the petitions, the General Assembly re?ffirmed all their former testimonies176 on the subject of slavery for sixty years back, and also affirmed that the previous year’s declaration must not be understood as a retraction177 of that testimony; in other words, they expressed it as their opinion, in the words of 1818, that slavery is “wholly opposed to the law of God,” and “totally irreconcilable with the precepts178 of the gospel of Christ;” and yet that they “had formed their church organization upon the conceded principle that the existence of it, under the circumstances in which it is found in the Southern States of the union, is no bar to Christian communion.”
Some members protested against this action. (Minutes, 1846. Overture179 No. 17.)
Great hopes were at first entertained of the New School body. As a body, it was composed mostly of anti-slavery men. It had in it those synods whose anti-slavery opinions and actions had been, to say the least, one very efficient cause for their excision180 from the church. It had only three slave-holding presbyteries. The power was all in its own hands. Now, if ever, was their time to cut this loathsome181 incumbrance wholly adrift, and stand up, in this age of concession182 and conformity183 to the world, a purely184 protesting church, free from all complicity with this most dreadful national immorality.
On the first session of the General Assembly, this course was most vehemently185 urged, by many petitions and memorials. These memorials were referred to a committee of decided anti-slavery men. The argument on one side was, that the time was now come to take decided measures to cut free wholly from all pro-slavery complicity, and avow69 their principles with decision, even though it should repel186 all such churches from their communion as were not prepared for immediate emancipation.
On the other hand, the majority of the committee were urged by opposing considerations. The brethren from slave states made to them representations somewhat like these: “Brethren, our hearts are with you. We are with you in faith, in charity, in prayer. We sympathized in the injury that had been done you by excision. We stood by you then, and are ready to stand by you still. We have no sympathy with the party that have expelled you, and we do not wish to go back to them. As to this matter of slavery, we do not differ from you. We consider it an evil. We mourn and lament187 over it. We are trying, by gradual and peaceable means, to exclude it from our churches. We are going as far in advance of the sentiment of our churches as we consistently can. We cannot come up to more decided action without losing our hold over them, and, as we think, throwing back the cause of emancipation. If you begin in this decided manner, we cannot hold our churches in the union; they will divide, and go to the Old School.”
Here was a very strong plea, made by good and sincere men. It was an appeal, too, to the most generous feelings of the heart. It was, in effect, saying, “Brothers, we stood by you, and fought your battles, when everything was going against you; and, now that you have the power in your hands, are you going to use it so as to cast us out?”
These men, strong anti-slavery men as they were, were affected188. One member of the committee foresaw and feared the result. He felt and suggested that the course proposed conceded the whole question. The majority thought, on the whole, that it was best to postpone156 the subject. The committee reported that the applicants189, for reasons satisfactory to themselves, had withdrawn190 their papers.
The next year, in 1839, the subject was resumed; and it was again urged that the Assembly should take high and decided and unmistakable ground; and certainly, if we consider that all this time not a single church had emancipated192 its slaves, and that the power of the institution was everywhere stretching and growing and increasing, it would certainly seem that something more efficient was necessary than a general understanding that the church agreed with the testimony delivered in 1818. It was strongly represented that it was time something was done. This year the Assembly decided to refer the subject to presbyteries, to do what they deemed advisable. The words employed were these: “Solemnly referring the whole subject to the lower judicatories, to take such action as in their judgment is most 213judicious, and adapted to remove the evil.” This of course deferred193, but did not avert194, the main question.
This brought, in 1840, a much larger number of memorials and petitions; and very strong attempts were made by the abolitionists to obtain some decided action.
The committee this year referred to what had been done last year, and declared it inexpedient to do anything further. The subject was indefinitely postponed. At this time it was resolved that the Assembly should meet only once in three years.[26] Accordingly, it did not meet till 1843. In 1843, several memorials were again presented, and some resolutions offered to the Assembly, of which this was one (Minutes of the General Assembly for 1843, p. 15):
Resolved, That we affectionately and earnestly urge upon the Ministers, Sessions, Presbyteries and Synods connected with this Assembly, that they treat this as all other sins of great magnitude; and, by a diligent195, kind and faithful application of the means which God has given them, by instruction, remonstrance134, reproof196 and effective discipline, seek to purify the church of this great iniquity.
This resolution they declined. They passed the following:
Whereas there is in this Assembly great diversity of opinion as to the proper and best mode of action on the subject of slavery; and whereas, in such circumstances, any expression of sentiment would carry with it but little weight, as it would be passed by a small majority, and must operate to produce alienation197 and division; and whereas the Assembly of 1839, with great unanimity198, referred this whole subject to the lower judicatories, to take such order as in their judgment might be adapted to remove the evil;—Resolved, That the Assembly do not think it for the edification of the church for this body to take any action on the subject.
They, however, passed the following:
Resolved, That the fashionable amusement of promiscuous199 dancing is so entirely200 unscriptural, and eminently201 and exclusively that of “the world which lieth in wickedness,” and so wholly inconsistent with the spirit of Christ, and with that propriety of Christian deportment and that purity of heart which his followers202 are bound to maintain, as to render it not only improper203 and injurious for professing204 Christians either to partake in it, or to qualify their children for it, by teaching them the art, but also to call for the faithful and judicious154 exercise of discipline on the part of Church Sessions, when any of the members of their churches have been guilty.
Three years after, in 1846, the General Assembly published the following declaration of sentiment:
1. The system of slavery, as it exists in these United States, viewed either in the laws of the several states which sanction it, or in its actual operation and results in society, is intrinsically unrighteous and oppressive; and is opposed to the prescriptions205 of the law of God, to the spirit and precepts of the gospel, and to the best interests of humanity.
2. The testimony of the General Assembly, from A. D. 1787 to A. D. 1818, inclusive, has condemned207 it; and it remains still the recorded testimony of the Presbyterian Church of these United States against it, from which we do not recede208.
3. We cannot, therefore, withhold209 the expression of our deep regret that slavery should be continued and countenanced210 by any of the members of our churches; and we do earnestly exhort both them and the churches among whom it exists to use all means in their power to put it away from them. Its perpetuation211 among them cannot fail to be regarded by multitudes, influenced by their example, as sanctioning the system portrayed212 in it, and maintained by the statutes of the several slave-holding states, wherein they dwell. Nor can any mere213 mitigation of its severity, prompted by the humanity and Christian feeling of any who continue to hold their fellow-men in bondage, be regarded either as a testimony against the system, or as in the least degree changing its essential character.
4. But, while we believe that many evils incident to the system render it important and obligatory214 to bear testimony against it, yet would we not undertake to determine the degree of moral turpitude215 on the part of individuals involved by it. This will doubtless be found to vary, in the sight of God, according to the degree of light and other circumstances pertaining216 to each. In view of all the embarrassments217 and obstacles in the way of emancipation interposed by the statutes of the slave-holding states, and by the social influence affecting the views and conduct of those involved in it, we cannot pronounce a judgment of general and promiscuous condemnation218, implying that destitution219 of Christian principle and feeling which should exclude from the table of the Lord all who should stand in the legal relation of masters to slaves, or justify220 us in withholding221 our ecclesiastical and Christian fellowship from them. We rather sympathize with, and would seek to succor222 them in their embarrassments, believing that separation and secession among the churches and their members are not the methods God approves and sanctions for the reformation of his church.
5. While, therefore, we feel bound to bear our testimony against slavery, and to exhort our beloved brethren to remove it from them as speedily as possible, by all appropriate and available means, we do at the same time condemn206 all divisive and schismatical measures, tending to destroy the unity104 and disturb the peace of our church, and deprecate the spirit of denunciation and inflicting223 severities, which would cast from the fold those whom we are rather bound, by the spirit of the gospel, and the obligations of our covenant224, to instruct, to counsel, to exhort, and thus to lead in the ways of God; and towards whom, even 214though they may err80, we ought to exercise forbearance and brotherly love.
6. As a court of our Lord Jesus Christ, we possess no legislative225 authority; and as the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, we possess no judiciary authority. We have no right to institute and prescribe a test of Christian character and church membership, not recognized and sanctioned in the sacred Scriptures, and in our standards, by which we have agreed to walk. We must leave, therefore, this matter with the sessions, presbyteries and synods,—the judicatories to whom pertains226 the right of judgment to act in the administration of discipline, as they may judge it to be their duty, constitutionally subject to the General Assembly only in the way of general review and control.
When a boat is imperceptibly going down stream on a gentle but strong current, we can see its passage only by comparing objects with each other on the shore.
If this declaration of the New-school General Assembly be compared with that of 1818, it will be found to be far less outspoken227 and decided in its tone, while in the mean time slavery had become four-fold more powerful. In 1818 the Assembly states that the most virtuous portion of the community in slave states abhor slavery, and wish its extermination. In 1846 the Assembly states with regret that slavery is still continued and countenanced by any of the members of our churches. The testimony of 1818 has the frank, outspoken air of a unanimous document, where there was but one opinion. That of 1846 has the guarded air of a compromise ground out between the upper and nether228 millstone of two contending parties,—it is winnowed229, guarded, cautious and careful.
Considering the document, however, in itself, it is certainly a very good one; and it would be a very proper expression of Christian feeling, had it related to an evil of any common magnitude, and had it been uttered in any common crisis; but let us consider what was the evil attacked, and what was the crisis. Consider the picture which the Kentucky Synod had drawn191 of the actual state of things among them:—“The members of slave-families separated, never to meet again until the final judgment; brothers and sisters, parents and children, husbands and wives, daily torn asunder, and permitted to see each other no more; the shrieks and agonies, proclaiming as with trumpet-tongue the iniquity and cruelty of the system; the cries of the sufferers going up to the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth not a neighborhood where those heart-rending scenes are not displayed; not a village or road without the sad procession of manacled outcasts, whose chains and mournful countenances tell they are exiled by force from all that heart holds dear; Christian professors rending the mother from her child, to sell her into returnless exile.”
This was the language of the Kentucky Synod fourteen years before; and those scenes had been going on ever since, and are going on now, as the advertisements of every Southern paper show; and yet the church of Christ since 1818 had done nothing but express regret, and hold grave metaphysical discussions as to whether slavery was an “evil per se,” and censure3 the rash action of men who, in utter despair of stopping the evil any other way, tried to stop it by excluding slave-holders from the church. As if it were not better that one slave-holder in a hundred should stay out of the church, if he be peculiarly circumstanced, than that all this horrible agony and iniquity should continually receive the sanction of the church’s example! Should not a generous Christian man say, “If church excision will stop this terrible evil, let it come, though it does bear hardly upon me! Better that I suffer a little injustice230 than that this horrible injustice be still credited to the account of Christ’s church. Shall I embarrass the whole church with my embarrassments? What if I am careful and humane231 in my treatment of my slaves,—what if, in my heart, I have repudiated232 the wicked doctrine that they are my property, and am treating them as my brethren,—what am I then doing? All the credit of my example goes to give force to the system. The church ought to reprove this fearful injustice, and reprovers ought to have clean hands: and if I cannot really get clear of this, I had better keep out of the church till I can.”
Let us consider, also, the awful intrenchments and strength of the evil against which this very moderate resolution was discharged. “A money power of two thousand millions of dollars, held by a small body of able and desperate men; that body raised into a political aristocracy by special constitutional provisions: cotton, the product of slave-labor233, forming the basis of our whole foreign commerce, and the commercial class thus subsidized; the press bought up; the Southern pulpit reduced to vassalage234; the heart of the common people chilled by a bitter prejudice against the black race; and our leading men bribed236 by ambition either 215to silence or open hostility237.”[27] And now, in this condition of things, the whole weight of these churches goes in support of slavery, from the fact of their containing slave-holders. No matter if they did not participate in the abuses of the system; nobody wants them to do that. The slave-power does not wish professors of religion to separate families, or over-work their slaves, or do any disreputable thing,—that is not their part. The slave power wants pious238, tender-hearted, generous and humane masters, and must have them, to hold up the system against the rising moral sense of the world; and the more pious and generous the better. Slavery could not stand an hour without these men. What then? These men uphold the system, and that great anti-slavery body of ministers uphold these men. That is the final upshot of the matter.
Paul says that we must remember those that are in bonds, as bound with them. Suppose that this General Assembly had been made up of men who had been fugitives239. Suppose one of them had had his daughters sent to the New Orleans slave-market, like Emily and Mary Edmondson; that another’s daughter had died on the overland passage in a slave-coffle, with no nurse but a slave-driver, like poor Emily Russell; another’s wife died broken-hearted, when her children were sold out of her bosom241; and another had a half-crazed mother, whose hair had been turned prematurely242 white with agony. Suppose these scenes of agonizing243 partings, with shrieks and groans244, which the Kentucky Synod says have been witnessed so long among the slaves, had been seen in these ministers’ families, and that they had come up to this discussion with their hearts as scarred and seared as the heart of poor old Paul Edmondson, when he came to New York to beg for his daughters. Suppose that they saw that the horrid245 system by which all this had been done was extending every hour; that professed246 Christians in every denomination at the South declared it to be an appointed institution of God; that all the wealth, and all the rank, and all the fashion, in the country, were committed in its favor; and that they, like Aaron, were sent to stand between the living and the dead, that the plague might be stayed.
Most humbly247, most earnestly, let it be submitted to the Christians of this nation, and to Christians of all nations, for such an hour and such a crisis was this action sufficient? Did it do anything? Has it had the least effect in stopping the evil? And, in such a horrible time, ought not something to be done which will have that effect?
Let us continue the history. It will be observed that the resolution concludes by referring the subject to subordinate judicatories. The New School Presbytery of Cincinnati, in which were the professors of Lane Seminary, suspended Mr. Graham from the ministry for teaching that the Bible justified slavery; thereby establishing the principle that this was a heresy inconsistent with Christian fellowship. The Cincinnati Synod confirmed this decision. The General Assembly reversed this decision, and restored Mr. Graham. The delegate from that presbytery told them that they would never retrace248 their steps, and so it proved. The Cincinnati Presbytery refused to receive him back. All honor be to them for it! Here, at least, was a principle established, as far as the New School Cincinnati Presbytery is concerned,—and a principle as far as the General Assembly is concerned. By this act the General Assembly established the fact that the New School Presbyterian Church had not decided the Biblical defence of slavery to be a heresy.
For a man to teach that there are not three persons in the Trinity is heresy.
For a man to teach that all these three Persons authorize a system which even Mahometan princes have abolished from mere natural shame and conscience, is no heresy!
The General Assembly proceeded further to show that it considered this doctrine no heresy, in the year 1846, by inviting249 the Old School General Assembly to the celebration of the Lord’s supper with them. Connected with this Assembly were, not only Dr. Smylie, and all those bodies who, among them, had justified not only slavery in the abstract, but some of its worst abuses, by the word of God; yet the New School body thought these opinions no heresy which should be a bar to Christian communion!
In 1849 the General Assembly declared[28] that there had been no information before the Assembly to prove that the members in slave states were not doing all that they could, in the providence250 of God, to bring about the possession and enjoyment of liberty by the enslaved. This is a remarkable251 declaration, if we consider that in Kentucky there are 216no stringent laws against emancipation, and that, either in Kentucky or Virginia, the slave can be set free by simply giving him a pass to go across the line into the next state.
In 1850 a proposition was presented in the Assembly, by the Rev. H. Curtiss, of Indiana, to the following effect: “That the enslaving of men, or holding them as property, is an offence, as defined in our Book of Discipline, ch. 1, sec. 3; and as such it calls for inquiry, correction and removal, in the manner prescribed by our rules, and should be treated with a due regard to all the aggravating252 or mitigating253 circumstances in each case.” Another proposition was from an elder in Pennsylvania, affirming “that slaveholding was, prima facie, an offence within the meaning of our Book of Discipline, and throwing upon the slave-holder the burden of showing such circumstances as will take away from him the guilt66 of the offence.”[29]
Both these propositions were rejected. The following was adopted: “That slavery is fraught254 with many and great evils; that they deplore the workings of the whole system of slavery; that the holding of our fellow-men in the condition of slavery, except in those cases where it is unavoidable from the laws of the state, the obligations of guardianship255, or the demands of humanity, is an offence, in the proper import of that term, as used in the Book of Discipline, and should be regarded and treated in the same manner as other offences; also referring this subject to sessions and presbyteries.” The vote stood eighty-four to sixteen, under a written protest of the minority, who were for no action in the present state of the country. Let the reader again compare this action with that of 1818, and he will see that the boat is still drifting,—especially as even this moderate testimony was not unanimous. Again, in this year of 1850, they avow themselves ready to meet, in a spirit of fraternal kindness and Christian love, any overtures256 for reünion which may be made to them by the Old School body.
In 1850 was passed the cruel fugitive240 slave law. What deeds were done then! Then to our free states were transported those scenes of fear and agony before acted only on slave soil. Churches were broken up. Trembling Christians fled. Husbands and wives were separated. Then to the poor African was fulfilled the dread38 doom167 denounced on the wandering Jew,—“Thou shalt find no ease, neither shall the sole of thy foot have rest; but thy life shall hang in doubt before thee, and thou shalt fear day and night, and shalt have no assurance of thy life.” Then all the world went one way,—all the wealth, all the power, all the fashion. Now, if ever, was a time for Christ’s church to stand up and speak for the poor.
The General Assembly met. She was earnestly memorialized to speak out. Never was a more glorious opportunity to show that the kingdom of Christ is not of this world. A protest then, from a body so numerous and respectable, might have saved the American church from the disgrace it now wears in the eyes of all nations. O that she had once spoken! What said the Presbyterian Church? She said nothing, and the thanks of political leaders were accorded to her. She had done all they desired.
Meanwhile, under this course of things, the number of presbyteries in slave-holding states had increased from three to twenty! and this church has now under its care from fifteen to twenty thousand members in slave states.
So much for the course of a decided anti-slavery body in union with a few slave-holding churches. So much for a most discreet257, judicious, charitable, and brotherly attempt to test by experience the question, What communion hath light with darkness, and what concord258 hath Christ with Belial? The slave-system is darkness,—the slave-system is Belial! and every attempt to harmonize it with the profession of Christianity will be just like these. Let it be here recorded, however, that a small body of the most determined opponents of slavery in the Presbyterian Church seceded259 and formed the Free Presbyterian Church, whose terms of communion are, an entire withdrawal260 from slave-holding. Whether this principle be a correct one, or not, it is worthy261 of remark that it was adopted and carried out by the Quakers,—the only body of Christians involved in this evil who have ever succeeded in freeing themselves from it.
Whether church discipline and censure is an appropriate medium for correcting such immoralities and heresies in individuals, or not, it is enough for the case that this has been the established opinion and practice of the Presbyterian Church.
If the argument of Charles Sumner be contemplated, it will be seen that the history of this Presbyterian Church and the history 217of our United States have strong points of similarity. In both, at the outset, the strong influence was anti-slavery, even among slave-holders. In both there was no difference of opinion as to the desirableness of abolishing slavery ultimately; both made a concession, the smallest which could possibly be imagined; both made the concession in all good faith, contemplating262 the speedy removal and extinction263 of the evil; and the history of both is alike. The little point of concession spread, and absorbed, and acquired, from year to year, till the United States and the Presbyterian Church stand just where they do. Worse has been the history of the Methodist Church. The history of the Baptist Church shows the same principle; and, as to the Episcopal Church, it has never done anything but comply, either North or South. It differs from all the rest in that it has never had any resisting element, except now and then a protestant, like William Jay, a worthy son of him who signed the Declaration of Independence.
The slave power has been a united, consistent, steady, uncompromising principle. The resisting element has been, for many years, wavering, self-contradictory264, compromising. There has been, it is true, a deep, and ever increasing hostility to slavery in a decided majority of ministers and church-members in free states, taken as individuals. Nevertheless, the sincere opponents of slavery have been unhappily divided among themselves as to principles and measures, the extreme principles and measures of some causing a hurtful reaction in others. Besides this, other great plans of benevolence265 have occupied their time and attention; and the result has been that they have formed altogether inadequate266 conceptions of the extent to which the cause of God on earth is imperilled by American slavery, and of the duty of Christians in such a crisis. They have never had such a conviction as has aroused, and called out, and united their energies, on this, as on other great causes. Meantime, great organic influences in church and state are, much against their wishes, neutralizing268 their influence against slavery,—sometimes even arraying it in its favor. The perfect inflexibility269 of the slave-system, and its absolute refusal to allow any discussion of the subject, has reduced all those who wish to have religious action in common with slave-holding churches to the alternative of either giving up the support of the South for that object, or giving up their protest against slavery.
This has held out a strong temptation to men who have had benevolent270 and laudable objects to carry, and who did not realize the full peril267 of the slave-system, nor appreciate the moral power of Christian protest against it. When, therefore, cases have arisen where the choice lay between sacrificing what they considered the interests of a good object, or giving up their right of protest, they have generally preferred the latter. The decision has always gone in this way: The slave power will not concede,—we must. The South says, “We will take no religious book that has anti-slavery principles in it.” The Sunday School union drops Mr. Gallaudet’s History of Joseph. Why? Because they approve of slavery? Not at all. They look upon slavery with horror. What then? “The South will not read our books, if we do not do it. They will not give up, and we must. We can do more good by introducing gospel truth with this omission271 than we can by using our protestant power.” This, probably, was thought and said honestly. The argument is plausible272, but the concession is none the less real. The slave power has got the victory, and got it by the very best of men from the very best of motives273; and, so that it has the victory, it cares not how it gets it. And although it may be said that the amount in each case of these concessions274 is in itself but small, yet, when we come to add together all that have been made from time to time by every different denomination, and by every different benevolent organization, the aggregate275 is truly appalling276; and, in consequence of all these united, what are we now reduced to?
Here we are, in this crisis,—here in this nineteenth century, when all the world is dissolving and reconstructing on principles of universal liberty,—we Americans, who are sending our Bibles and missionaries277 to Christianize Mahometan lands, are upholding, with all our might and all our influence, a system of worn-out heathenism which even the Bey of Tunis has repudiated!
The Southern church has baptized it in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. This worn-out, old, effete278 system of Roman slavery, which Christianity once gradually but certainly abolished, has been dug up out of its dishonored grave, a few laws of extra cruelty, such as Rome never knew, have been added to it, and now, baptized and sanctioned by the whole Southern church, it is going abroad conquering and to conquer! The only power left to the Northern church is the protesting power; and will they use it? Ask the Tract74 Society 218if they will publish a tract on the sinfulness of slavery, though such tract should be made up solely279 from the writings of Jonathan Edwards or Dr. Hopkins! Ask the Sunday School union if it will publish the facts about this heathenism, as it has facts about Burmah and Hindostan! Will they? O, that they would answer Yes!
Now, it is freely conceded that all these sad results have come in consequence of the motions and deliberations of good men, who meant well; but it has been well said that, in critical times, when one wrong step entails280 the most disastrous281 consequences, to mean well is not enough.
In the crisis of a disease, to mean well and lose the patient,—in the height of a tempest, to mean well and wreck282 the ship,—in a great moral conflict, to mean well and lose the battle,—these are things to be lamented283. We are wrecking284 the ship,—we are losing the battle. There is no mistake about it. A little more sleep, a little more slumber285, a little more folding of the hands to sleep, and we shall awake in the whirls of that ma?lstrom which has but one passage, and that downward.
There is yet one body of Christians whose influence we have not considered, and that a most important one,—the Congregationalists of New England and of the West. From the very nature of Congregationalism, she cannot give so united a testimony as Presbyterianism; yet Congregationalism has spoken out on slavery. Individual bodies have spoken very strongly, and individual clergymen still stronger. They have remonstrated286 with the General Assembly, and they have very decided anti-slavery papers. But, considering the whole state of public sentiment, considering the critical nature of the exigency287, the mighty288 sweep and force of all the causes which are going in favor of slavery, has the vehemence and force of the testimony of Congregationalism, as a body, been equal to the dreadful emergency? It has testimonies on record, very full and explicit, on the evils of slavery; but testimonies are not all that is wanted. There is abundance of testimonies on record in the Presbyterian Church, for that matter, quite as good and quite as strong as any that have been given by Congregationalism. There have been quite as many anti-slavery men in the New School Presbyterian Church as in the Congregational,—quite as strong anti-slavery newspapers; and the Presbyterian Church has had trial of this matter that the Congregational Church has never been exposed to. It has had slave-holders in its own communion; and from this trial Congregationalism has, as yet, been mostly exempt289. Being thus free, ought not the testimony of Congregationalism to have been more than equal? ought it not to have done more than testify?—ought it not to have fought for the question? Like the brave three hundred in Thermopyl? left to defend the liberties of Greece, when all others had fled, should they not have thrown in heart and soul, body and spirit? Have they done it?
Compare the earnestness which Congregationalism has spent upon some other subjects with the earnestness which has been spent upon this. Dr. Taylor taught that all sin consists in sinning, and therefore that there could be no sin till a person had sinned; and Dr. Bushnell teaches some modifications290 of the doctrine of the Trinity, nobody seeming to know precisely291 what. The South Carolina presbyteries teach that slavery is approved by God, and sanctioned by the example of patriarchs and prophets. Supposing these, now, to be all heresies, which of them is the worst?—which will bring the worst practical results? And, if Congregationalism had fought this slavery heresy as some of her leaders fought Dr. Bushnell and Dr. Taylor, would not the style of battle have been more earnest? Have not both these men been denounced as dangerous heresiarchs, and as preaching doctrines292 that tend to infidelity? And pray where does this other doctrine tend? As sure as there is a God in heaven is the certainty that, if the Bible really did defend slavery, fifty years hence would see every honorable and high-minded man an infidel.
Has, then, the past influence of Congregationalism been according to the nature of the exigency and the weight of the subject? But the late convention of Congregationalists at Albany, including ministers both from New England and the Western States, did take a stronger and more decided ground. Here is their resolution:
Resolved, That, in the opinion of this convention, it is the tendency of the gospel, wherever it is preached in its purity, to correct all social evils, and to destroy sin in all its forms; and that it is the duty of Missionary294 Societies to grant aid to churches in slave-holding states in the support of such ministers only as shall so preach the gospel, and inculcate the principles and application of gospel discipline, that, with the blessing of God, it shall have its full effect in awakening295 and enlightening the moral sense in regard to slavery, and in bringing to pass the speedy abolition of that stupendous wrong; and that wherever a minister is not permitted so to preach, he should, in 219accordance with the directions of Christ, “depart out of that city.”
This resolution is a matter of hope and gratulation in many respects. It was passed in a very large convention,—the largest ever assembled in this country, fully representing the Congregationalism of the United States,—and the occasion of its meeting was considered, in some sort, as marking a new era in the progress of this denomination.
The resolution was passed unanimously. It is decided in its expression, and looks to practical action, which is what is wanted. It says it will support no ministers in slave states whose preaching does not tend to destroy slavery; and that, if they are not allowed to preach freely on the subject, they must depart.
That the ground thus taken will be efficiently296 sustained, may be inferred from the fact that the Home Missionary Society, which is the organ of this body, as well as of the New School Presbyterian Church, has uniformly taken decided ground upon this subject in their instructions to missionaries sent into slave states. These instructions are ably set forth107 in their report of March, 1853. When application was made to them, in 1850, from a slave state, for missionaries who would let slavery alone, they replied to them, in the most decided language, that it could not be done; that, on the contrary, they must understand that one grand object in sending missionaries to slave states is, as far as possible, to redeem297 society from all forms of sin; and that, “if utter silence respecting slavery is to be maintained, one of the greatest inducements to send or retain missionaries in the slave states is taken away.”
The society furthermore instructed their missionaries, if they could not be heard on this subject in one city or village, to go to another; and they express their conviction that their missionaries have made progress in awakening the consciences of the people. They say that they do not suffer the subject to sleep; that they do not let it alone because it is a delicate subject, but they discharge their consciences, whether their message be well received, or whether, as in some instances, it subjects them to opposition298, opprobrium299, and personal danger; and that where their endeavors to do this have not been tolerated, they have, in repeated cases, at great sacrifice, resigned their position, and departed to other fields. In their report of this year they also quote letters from ministers in slave-holding states, by which it appears that they have actually secured, in the face of much opposition, the right publicly to preach and propagate their sentiments upon this subject.
One of these missionaries says, speaking of slavery, “We are determined to remove this great difficulty in our way, or die in the attempt. As Christians and as freemen, we will suffer this libel on our religion and institutions to exist no longer.”
This is noble ground.
And, while we are recording300 the protesting power, let us not forget the Scotch301 seceders and covenanters, who, with a pertinacity302 and decision worthy of the children of the old covenant, have kept themselves clear from the sin of slavery, and have uniformly protested against it. Let us remember, also, that the Quakers did pursue a course which actually freed all their body from the sin of slave-holding, thus showing to all other denominations that what has been done once can be done again. Also, in all denominations, individual ministers and Christians, in hours that have tried men’s souls, have stood up to bear their testimony. Albert Barnes, in Philadelphia, standing in the midst of a great, rich church, on the borders of a slave state, and with all those temptations to complicity which have silenced so many, has stood up, in calm fidelity293, and declared the whole counsel of God upon this subject. Nay, more: he recorded his solemn protest, that “NO INFLUENCES OUT OF THE CHURCH COULD SUSTAIN SLAVERY AN HOUR, IF IT WERE NOT SUSTAINED IN IT;” and, in the last session of the General Assembly, which met at Washington, disregarding all suggestions of policy, he boldly held the Presbyterian Church up to the strength of her past declarations, and declared it her duty to attempt the entire abolition of slavery throughout the world. So, in darkest hour, Dr. Channing bore a noble testimony in Boston, for which his name shall ever live. So, in Illinois, E. P. Lovejoy and Edward Beecher, with their associates, formed the Illinois Anti-slavery Society, amid mobs and at the hazard of their lives; and, a few hours after, Lovejoy was shot down in attempting to defend the twice-destroyed anti-slavery press. In the Old-school Presbyterian Church, William and Robert Breckenridge, President Young, and others, have preached in favor of emancipation in Kentucky. Le Roy Sunderland, in the Methodist Church, kept up his newspaper under ban of his superiors, and with a bribe235 on his life of fifty thousand dollars, Torrey, meekly303 patient, died in a prison, 220saying, “If I am a guilty man I am a very guilty one, for I have helped four hundred slaves to freedom, who but for me would have died slaves.” Dr. Nelson was expelled by mobs from Missouri for the courageous304 declaration of the truth on slave soil. All these were in the ministry. Nor are these all. Jesus Christ has not wholly deserted305 us yet. There have been those who have learned how joyful306 it is to suffer shame and brave death in a good cause.
Also there have been private Christians who have counted nothing too dear for this sacred cause. Witness Richard Dillingham, and John Garrett, and a host of others, who took joyfully307 the spoiling of their goods.
But yet, notwithstanding this, the awful truth remains, that the whole of what has been done by the church has not, as yet, perceptibly abated308 the evil. The great system is stronger than ever. It is confessedly the dominant309 power of the nation. The whole power of the government, and the whole power of the wealth, and the whole power of the fashion, and the practical organic workings of the large bodies of the church, are all gone one way. The church is familiarly quoted as being on the side of slavery. Statesmen on both sides of the question have laid that down as a settled fact. Infidels point to it with triumph; and America, too, is beholding310 another class of infidels,—a class that could have grown up only under such an influence. Men, whose whole life is one study and practice of benevolence, are now ranked as infidels, because the position of church organizations misrepresents Christianity, and they separate themselves from the church. We would offer no excuse for any infidels who take for their religion mere anti-slavery zeal, and, under this guise311, gratify a malignant312 hatred313 of real Christianity. But such defences of slavery from the Bible as some of the American clergy8 have made are exactly fitted to make infidels of all honorable and high-minded men. The infidels of olden times were not much to be dreaded314, but such infidels as these are not to be despised. Woe315 to the church when the moral standard of the infidel is higher than the standard of the professed Christian! for the only armor that ever proved invincible316 to infidelity is the armor of righteousness.
Let us see how the church organizations work now, practically. What do Bruin & Hill, Pulliam & Davis, Bolton, Dickins & Co., and Matthews, Branton & Co., depend upon to keep their slave-factories and slave-barracoons full, and their business brisk? Is it to be supposed that they are not men like ourselves? Do they not sometimes tremble at the awful workings of fear, and despair, and agony, which they witness when they are tearing asunder living hearts in the depths of those fearful slave-prisons? What, then, keeps down the consciences of these traders? It is the public sentiment of the community where they live; and that public sentiment is made by ministers and church-members. The trader sees plainly enough a logical sequence between the declarations of the church and the practice of his trade. He sees plainly enough that, if slavery is sanctioned by God, and it is right to set it up in a new territory, it is right to take the means to do this; and, as slaves do not grow on bushes in Texas, it is necessary that there should be traders to gather up coffles and carry them out there;—and, as they cannot always take whole families, it is necessary that they should part them; and, as slaves will not go by moral suasion, it is necessary that they should be forced; and, as gentle force will not do, they must whip and torture. Hence come gags, thumb-screws, cowhides, blood,—all necessary measures of carrying out what Christians say God sanctions.
So goes the argument one way. Let us now trace it back the other. The South Carolina and Mississippi Presbyteries maintain opinions which, in their legitimate317 results, endorse318 the slave-trader. The Old School General Assembly maintains fellowship with these Presbyteries, without discipline or protest. The New School Assembly signifies its willingness to reünite with the Old, while, at the same time, it declares the system of slavery an abomination, a gross violation of the most sacred rights, and so on. Well, now the chain is as complete as need be. All parts are in; every one standing in his place, and saying just what is required, and no more. The trader does the repulsive319 work, the Southern church defends him, the Northern church defends the South. Every one does as much for slavery as would be at all expedient, considering the latitude320 they live in. This is the practical result of the thing.
The melancholy part of the matter is, that while a large body of New School men, and many Old School, are decided anti-slavery men, this denominational position carries their influence on the other side. As goes the General Assembly, so goes their influence. The following affecting letter on this subject was written by that eminently pious man, Dr. Nelson, whose work on Infidelity 221is one of the most efficient popular appeals that has ever appeared:
I have resided in North Carolina more than forty years, and been intimately acquainted with the system, and I can scarcely even think of its operations without shedding tears. It causes me excessive grief to think of my own poor slaves, for whom I have for years been trying to find a free home. It strikes me with equal astonishment321 and horror to hear Northern people make light of slavery. Had they seen and known as much of it as I, they could not thus treat it, unless callous322 to the deepest woes323 and degradation324 of humanity, and dead both to the religion and philanthropy of the gospel. But many of them are doing just what the hardest-hearted tyrants325 of the South most desire. Those tyrants would not, on any account, have them advocate or even apologize for slavery in an unqualified manner. This would be bad policy with the North. I wonder that Gerritt Smith should understand slavery so much better than most of the Northern people. How true was his remark, on a certain occasion, namely, that the South are laughing in their sleeves, to think what dupes they make of most of the people at the North in regard to the real character of slavery! Well did Mr. Smith remark that the system, carried out on its fundamental principle, would as soon enslave any laboring326 white man as the African. But, if it were not for the support of the North, the fabric327 of blood would fall at once. And of all the efforts of public bodies at the North to sustain slavery, the Connecticut General Association has made the best one. I have never seen anything so well constructed in that line as their resolutions of June, 1836. The South certainly could not have asked anything more effectual. But, of all Northern periodicals, the New York Observer must have the preference, as an efficient support of slavery. I am not sure but it does more than all things combined to keep the dreadful system alive. It is just the succor demanded by the South. Its abuse of the abolitionists is music in Southern ears, which operates as a charm. But nothing is equal to its harping328 upon the “religious privileges and instruction” of the slaves of the South. And nothing could be so false and injurious (to the cause of freedom and religion) as the impression it gives on that subject. I say what I know when I speak in relation to this matter. I have been intimately acquainted with the religious opportunities of slaves,—in the constant habit of hearing the sermons which are preached to them. And I solemnly affirm, that, during the forty years of my residence and observation in this line, I never heard a single one of these sermons but what was taken up with the obligations and duties of slaves to their masters. Indeed, I never heard a sermon to slaves but what made obedience329 to masters by the slaves the fundamental and supreme330 law of religion. Any candid and intelligent man can decide whether such preaching is not, as to religious purposes, worse than none at all.
Again: it is wonderful how the credulity of the North is subjected to imposition in regard to the kind treatment of slaves. For myself, I can clear up the apparent contradictions found in writers who have resided at or visited the South. The “majority of slave-holders,” say some, “treat their slaves with kindness.” Now, this may be true in certain states and districts setting aside all questions of treatment except such as refer to the body. And yet, while the “majority of slave-holders” in a certain section may be kind, the majority of slaves in that section will be treated with cruelty. This is the truth in many such cases, that while there may be thirty men who may have but one slave apiece, and that a house-servant, a single man in their neighborhood may have a hundred slaves,—all field-hands, half-fed, worked excessively, and whipped most cruelly. This is what I have often seen. To give a case, to show the awful influence of slavery upon the master, I will mention a Presbyterian elder, who was esteemed one of the best men in the region,—a very kind master. I was called to his death-bed to write his will. He had what was considered a favorite house-servant, a female. After all other things were disposed of, the elder paused, as if in doubt what to do with “Su.” I entertained pleasing expectations of hearing the word “liberty” fall from his lips; but who can tell my surprise when I heard the master exclaim, “What shall be done with Su? I am afraid she will never be under a master severe enough for her.” Shall I say that both the dying elder and his “Su” were members of the same church, the latter statedly receiving the emblems331 of a Saviour332’s dying love from the former!
All this temporizing333 and concession has been excused on the plea of brotherly love. What a plea for us Northern freemen! Do we think the slave-system such a happy, desirable thing for our brothers and sisters at the South? Can we look at our common schools, our neat, thriving towns and villages, our dignified334, intelligent, self-respecting farmers and mechanics, all concomitants of free labor, and think slavery any blessing to our Southern brethren? That system which beggars all the lower class of whites, which curses the very soil, which eats up everything before it, like the palmer-worm, canker and locust,—which makes common schools an impossibility, and the preaching of the gospel almost as much so,—this system a blessing! Does brotherly love require us to help the South preserve it?
Consider the educational influences under which such children as Eva and Henrique must grow up there! We are speaking of what many a Southern mother feels, of what makes many a Southern father’s heart sore. Slavery has been spoken of in its influence on the family of the slave. There are those, who never speak, who could tell, if they would, its influence on the family of the master. It makes one’s heart ache to see generation after generation of lovely, noble children exposed to such influences. What a country the South might be, could she develop herself without this curse! If the Southern character, even under all these disadvantages, retains so much that is noble, 222and is fascinating even in its faults, what might it do with free institutions?
Who is the real, who is the true and noble lover of the South?—they who love her with all these faults and incumbrances, or they who fix their eyes on the bright ideal of what she might be, and say that these faults are no proper part of her? Is it true love to a friend to accept the ravings of insanity335 as a true specimen336 of his mind? Is it true love to accept the disfigurement of sickness as a specimen of his best condition? Is it not truer love to say, “This curse is no part of our brother; it dishonors him; it does him injustice; it misrepresents him in the eyes of all nations. We love his better self, and we will have no fellowship with his betrayer. This is the part of true, generous, Christian love.”
But will it be said. “The abolition enterprise was begun in a wrong spirit, by reckless, meddling337, impudent338 fanatics339”? Well, supposing that this were true, how came it to be so? If the church of Christ had begun it right, these so-called fanatics would not have begun it wrong. In a deadly pestilence340, if the right physicians do not prescribe, everybody will prescribe,—men, women and children, will prescribe,—because something must be done. If the Presbyterian Church in 1818 had pursued the course the Quakers did, there never would have been any fanaticism341. The Quakers did all by brotherly love. They melted the chains of Mammon only in the fires of a divine charity. When Christ came into Jerusalem, after all the mighty works that he had done, while all the so-called better classes were non-committal or opposed, the multitude cut down branches of palm-trees and cried Hosanna! There was a most indecorous tumult342. The very children caught the enthusiasm, and were crying Hosannas in the temple. This was contradictory to all ecclesiastical rules. It was a highly improper state of things. The Chief Priests and Scribes said unto Jesus, “Master, speak unto these that they hold their peace.” That gentle eye flashed as he answered, “I tell you, if these should hold their peace, the very stones would cry out.”
Suppose a fire bursts out in the streets of Boston, while the regular conservators of the city, who have the keys of the fire-engines, and the regulation of fire-companies, are sitting together in some distant part of the city, consulting for the public good. The cry of fire reaches them, but they think it a false alarm. The fire is no less real, for all that. It burns, and rages, and roars, till everybody in the neighborhood sees that something must be done. A few stout343 leaders break open the doors of the engine-houses, drag out the engines, and begin, regularly or irregularly, playing on the fire. But the destroyer still advances. Messengers come in hot haste to the hall of these deliberators, and, in the unselect language of fear and terror, revile344 them for not coming out.
“Bless me!” says a decorous leader of the body, “what horrible language these men use!”
“They show a very bad spirit,” remarks another; “we can’t possibly join them in such a state of things.”
Here the more energetic members of the body rush out, to see if the thing be really so: and in a few minutes come back, if possible more earnest than the others.
“O! there is a fire!—a horrible, dreadful fire! The city is burning,—men, women, children, all burning, perishing! Come out, come out! As the Lord liveth, there is but a step between us and death!”
“I am not going out; everybody that goes gets crazy,” says one.
“I’ve noticed,” says another, “that as soon as anybody goes out to look, he gets just so excited.—I won’t look.”
But by this time the angry fire has burned into their very neighborhood. The red demon99 glares into their windows. And now, fairly aroused, they get up and begin to look out.
“Well, there is a fire, and no mistake!” says one.
“Something ought to be done,” says another.
“Yes,” says a third; “if it wasn’t for being mixed up with such a crowd and rabble345 of folks, I’d go out.”
“Upon my word,” says another, “there are women in the ranks, carrying pails of water! There, one woman is going up a ladder to get those children out. What an indecorum! If they’d manage this matter properly, we would join them.”
And now come lumbering346 over from Charlestown the engines and fire-companies.
“What impudence347 of Charlestown,” say these men, “to be sending over here,—just as if we could not put our own fires out! They have fires over there, as much as we do.”
And now the flames roar and burn, and shake hands across the streets. They leap over the steeples, and glare demoniacally out of the church-windows.
“For Heaven’s sake, DO SOMETHING!” is the cry. “Pull down the houses! Blow up those blocks of stores with gunpowder348! Anything to stop it.”
“See, now, what ultra, radical349 measures they are going at,” says one of these spectators.
Brave men, who have rushed into the thickest of the fire, come out, and fall dead in the street.
“They are impracticable enthusiasts350. They have thrown their lives away in foolhardiness,” says another.
So, church of Christ, burns that awful fire! Evermore burning, burning, burning, over church and altar; burning over senate-house and forum351; burning up liberty, burning up religion! No earthly hands kindled352 that fire. From its sheeted flame and wreaths of sulphurous smoke glares out upon thee the eye of that ENEMY who was a murderer from the beginning. It is a fire that BURNS TO THE LOWEST HELL!
Church of Christ, there was an hour when this fire might have been extinguished by thee. Now, thou standest like a mighty man astonished,—like a mighty man that cannot save. But the Hope of Israel is not dead. The Saviour thereof in time of trouble is yet alive.
If every church in our land were hung with mourning,—if every Christian should put on sack-cloth,—if “the priest should weep between the porch and the altar,” and say, “Spare thy people, O Lord, and give not thy heritage to reproach!”—that were not too great a mourning for such a time as this.
O, church of Jesus! consider what hath been said in the midst of thee. What a heresy hast thou tolerated in thy bosom! Thy God the defender353 of slavery!—thy God the patron of slave-law! Thou hast suffered the character of thy God to be slandered354. Thou hast suffered false witness against thy Redeemer and thy Sanctifier. The Holy Trinity of heaven has been foully355 traduced356 in the midst of thee; and that God whose throne is awful in justice has been made the patron and leader of oppression.
This is a sin against every Christian on the globe.
Why do we love and adore, beyond all things, our God? Why do we say to him, from our inmost souls, “Whom have I in heaven but thee, and there is none upon earth I desire beside thee”? Is this a bought up worship?—is it a cringing357 and hollow subserviency358, because he is great and rich and powerful, and we dare not do otherwise? His eyes are a flame of fire;—he reads the inmost soul, and will accept no such service. From our souls we adore and love him, because he is holy and just and good, and will not at all acquit359 the wicked. We love him because he is the father of the fatherless, the judge of the widow;—because he lifteth all who fall, and raiseth them that are bowed down. We love Jesus Christ, because he is the Lamb without spot, the one altogether lovely. We love the Holy Comforter, because he comes to convince the world of sin, and of righteousness, and of judgment. O, holy church universal, throughout all countries and nations! O, ye great cloud of witnesses, of all people and languages and tongues!—differing in many doctrines, but united in crying Worthy is the Lamb that was slain360, for he hath redeemed361 us from all iniquity!—awake!—arise up!—be not silent! Testify against this heresy of the latter day, which, if it were possible, is deceiving the very elect. Your God, your glory, is slandered. Answer with the voice of many waters and mighty thunderings! Answer with the innumerable multitude in heaven, who cry, day and night, Holy, holy, holy! just and true are thy ways, O King of saints!
25. This resolution is given in Birney’s pamphlet.
26. The synods were also made courts of last appeal in judicial362 cases.
27. Speech of W. Phillips, Boston.
28. Minutes of the New School Assembly, p. 188.
29. These two resolutions are given on the authority of Goodel’s History. I do not find them in the Minutes.
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n.异端邪说;异教 | |
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67 recollected | |
adj.冷静的;镇定的;被回忆起的;沉思默想的v.记起,想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68 computed | |
adj.[医]计算的,使用计算机的v.计算,估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69 avow | |
v.承认,公开宣称 | |
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70 avowedly | |
adv.公然地 | |
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71 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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72 disclaims | |
v.否认( disclaim的第三人称单数 ) | |
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73 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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74 tract | |
n.传单,小册子,大片(土地或森林) | |
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75 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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76 forfeit | |
vt.丧失;n.罚金,罚款,没收物 | |
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77 distressed | |
痛苦的 | |
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78 impeached | |
v.控告(某人)犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 );弹劾;对(某事物)怀疑;提出异议 | |
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79 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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80 err | |
vi.犯错误,出差错 | |
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81 ministry | |
n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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82 candid | |
adj.公正的,正直的;坦率的 | |
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83 benedictions | |
n.祝福( benediction的名词复数 );(礼拜结束时的)赐福祈祷;恩赐;(大写)(罗马天主教)祈求上帝赐福的仪式 | |
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84 gilder | |
镀金工人 | |
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85 exodus | |
v.大批离去,成群外出 | |
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86 obviated | |
v.避免,消除(贫困、不方便等)( obviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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87 expunging | |
v.擦掉( expunge的现在分词 );除去;删去;消除 | |
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88 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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89 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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90 irreconcilable | |
adj.(指人)难和解的,势不两立的 | |
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91 enjoin | |
v.命令;吩咐;禁止 | |
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92 whatsoever | |
adv.(用于否定句中以加强语气)任何;pron.无论什么 | |
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93 paradox | |
n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法;自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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94 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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95 ordinances | |
n.条例,法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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96 endearments | |
n.表示爱慕的话语,亲热的表示( endearment的名词复数 ) | |
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97 inflict | |
vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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98 avarice | |
n.贪婪;贪心 | |
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99 demon | |
n.魔鬼,恶魔 | |
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100 efface | |
v.擦掉,抹去 | |
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101 blot | |
vt.弄脏(用吸墨纸)吸干;n.污点,污渍 | |
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102 entailed | |
使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 ); 需要; 限定继承; 使必需 | |
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103 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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104 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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105 abhor | |
v.憎恶;痛恨 | |
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106 extermination | |
n.消灭,根绝 | |
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107 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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108 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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109 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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110 indignities | |
n.侮辱,轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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111 licenses | |
n.执照( license的名词复数 )v.批准,许可,颁发执照( license的第三人称单数 ) | |
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112 enjoyment | |
n.乐趣;享有;享用 | |
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113 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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114 cupidity | |
n.贪心,贪财 | |
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115 asunder | |
adj.分离的,化为碎片 | |
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116 shrieks | |
n.尖叫声( shriek的名词复数 )v.尖叫( shriek的第三人称单数 ) | |
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117 iniquity | |
n.邪恶;不公正 | |
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118 rending | |
v.撕碎( rend的现在分词 );分裂;(因愤怒、痛苦等而)揪扯(衣服或头发等);(声音等)刺破 | |
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119 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
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120 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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121 countenances | |
n.面容( countenance的名词复数 );表情;镇静;道义支持 | |
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122 amends | |
n. 赔偿 | |
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123 inefficiency | |
n.无效率,无能;无效率事例 | |
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124 entreating | |
恳求,乞求( entreat的现在分词 ) | |
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125 heinous | |
adj.可憎的,十恶不赦的 | |
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126 writhing | |
(因极度痛苦而)扭动或翻滚( writhe的现在分词 ) | |
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127 lash | |
v.系牢;鞭打;猛烈抨击;n.鞭打;眼睫毛 | |
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128 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129 bondage | |
n.奴役,束缚 | |
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130 corporeal | |
adj.肉体的,身体的;物质的 | |
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131 esteemed | |
adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 );敬重;认为;以为 | |
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132 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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133 remonstrances | |
n.抱怨,抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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134 remonstrance | |
n抗议,抱怨 | |
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135 emancipator | |
n.释放者;救星 | |
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136 scriptures | |
经文,圣典( scripture的名词复数 ); 经典 | |
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137 testament | |
n.遗嘱;证明 | |
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138 tardy | |
adj.缓慢的,迟缓的 | |
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139 redressing | |
v.改正( redress的现在分词 );重加权衡;恢复平衡 | |
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140 grievances | |
n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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141 intensity | |
n.强烈,剧烈;强度;烈度 | |
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142 contemplated | |
adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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143 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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144 expunged | |
v.擦掉( expunge的过去式和过去分词 );除去;删去;消除 | |
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145 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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146 authorized | |
a.委任的,许可的 | |
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147 entanglement | |
n.纠缠,牵累 | |
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148 meekness | |
n.温顺,柔和 | |
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149 needy | |
adj.贫穷的,贫困的,生活艰苦的 | |
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150 immorality | |
n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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151 delegation | |
n.代表团;派遣 | |
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152 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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153 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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154 judicious | |
adj.明智的,明断的,能作出明智决定的 | |
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155 judiciously | |
adv.明断地,明智而审慎地 | |
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156 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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157 postponed | |
vt.& vi.延期,缓办,(使)延迟vt.把…放在次要地位;[语]把…放在后面(或句尾)vi.(疟疾等)延缓发作(或复发) | |
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158 deduct | |
vt.扣除,减去 | |
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159 ascent | |
n.(声望或地位)提高;上升,升高;登高 | |
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160 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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161 ornamented | |
adj.花式字体的v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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162 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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163 landlady | |
n.女房东,女地主 | |
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164 partnership | |
n.合作关系,伙伴关系 | |
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165 butt | |
n.笑柄;烟蒂;枪托;臀部;v.用头撞或顶 | |
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166 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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167 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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168 avenged | |
v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 );为…报复 | |
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169 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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170 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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171 prospered | |
成功,兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172 deplore | |
vt.哀叹,对...深感遗憾 | |
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173 schism | |
n.分派,派系,分裂 | |
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174 nays | |
n.反对票,投反对票者( nay的名词复数 ) | |
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175 explicit | |
adj.详述的,明确的;坦率的;显然的 | |
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176 testimonies | |
(法庭上证人的)证词( testimony的名词复数 ); 证明,证据 | |
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177 retraction | |
n.撤消;收回 | |
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178 precepts | |
n.规诫,戒律,箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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179 overture | |
n.前奏曲、序曲,提议,提案,初步交涉 | |
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180 excision | |
n.删掉;除去 | |
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181 loathsome | |
adj.讨厌的,令人厌恶的 | |
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182 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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183 conformity | |
n.一致,遵从,顺从 | |
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184 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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185 vehemently | |
adv. 热烈地 | |
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186 repel | |
v.击退,抵制,拒绝,排斥 | |
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187 lament | |
n.悲叹,悔恨,恸哭;v.哀悼,悔恨,悲叹 | |
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188 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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189 applicants | |
申请人,求职人( applicant的名词复数 ) | |
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190 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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191 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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192 emancipated | |
adj.被解放的,不受约束的v.解放某人(尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚)( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193 deferred | |
adj.延期的,缓召的v.拖延,延缓,推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 );服从某人的意愿,遵从 | |
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194 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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195 diligent | |
adj.勤勉的,勤奋的 | |
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196 reproof | |
n.斥责,责备 | |
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197 alienation | |
n.疏远;离间;异化 | |
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198 unanimity | |
n.全体一致,一致同意 | |
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199 promiscuous | |
adj.杂乱的,随便的 | |
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200 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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201 eminently | |
adv.突出地;显著地;不寻常地 | |
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202 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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203 improper | |
adj.不适当的,不合适的,不正确的,不合礼仪的 | |
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204 professing | |
声称( profess的现在分词 ); 宣称; 公开表明; 信奉 | |
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205 prescriptions | |
药( prescription的名词复数 ); 处方; 开处方; 计划 | |
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206 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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207 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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208 recede | |
vi.退(去),渐渐远去;向后倾斜,缩进 | |
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209 withhold | |
v.拒绝,不给;使停止,阻挡 | |
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210 countenanced | |
v.支持,赞同,批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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211 perpetuation | |
n.永存,不朽 | |
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212 portrayed | |
v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 );描述;描绘;描画 | |
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213 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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214 obligatory | |
adj.强制性的,义务的,必须的 | |
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215 turpitude | |
n.可耻;邪恶 | |
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216 pertaining | |
与…有关系的,附属…的,为…固有的(to) | |
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217 embarrassments | |
n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 );难堪;局促不安;令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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218 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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219 destitution | |
n.穷困,缺乏,贫穷 | |
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220 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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221 withholding | |
扣缴税款 | |
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222 succor | |
n.援助,帮助;v.给予帮助 | |
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223 inflicting | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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224 covenant | |
n.盟约,契约;v.订盟约 | |
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225 legislative | |
n.立法机构,立法权;adj.立法的,有立法权的 | |
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226 pertains | |
关于( pertain的第三人称单数 ); 有关; 存在; 适用 | |
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227 outspoken | |
adj.直言无讳的,坦率的,坦白无隐的 | |
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228 nether | |
adj.下部的,下面的;n.阴间;下层社会 | |
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229 winnowed | |
adj.扬净的,风选的v.扬( winnow的过去式和过去分词 );辨别;选择;除去 | |
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230 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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231 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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232 repudiated | |
v.(正式地)否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 );拒绝接受;拒绝与…往来;拒不履行(法律义务) | |
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233 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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234 vassalage | |
n.家臣身份,隶属 | |
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235 bribe | |
n.贿赂;v.向…行贿,买通 | |
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236 bribed | |
v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 );向(某人)行贿,贿赂 | |
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237 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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238 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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239 fugitives | |
n.亡命者,逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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240 fugitive | |
adj.逃亡的,易逝的;n.逃犯,逃亡者 | |
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241 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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242 prematurely | |
adv.过早地,贸然地 | |
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243 agonizing | |
adj.痛苦难忍的;使人苦恼的v.使极度痛苦;折磨(agonize的ing形式) | |
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244 groans | |
n.呻吟,叹息( groan的名词复数 );呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 );发牢骚;抱怨;受苦 | |
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245 horrid | |
adj.可怕的;令人惊恐的;恐怖的;极讨厌的 | |
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246 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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247 humbly | |
adv. 恭顺地,谦卑地 | |
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248 retrace | |
v.折回;追溯,探源 | |
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249 inviting | |
adj.诱人的,引人注目的 | |
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250 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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251 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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252 aggravating | |
adj.恼人的,讨厌的 | |
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253 mitigating | |
v.减轻,缓和( mitigate的现在分词 ) | |
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254 fraught | |
adj.充满…的,伴有(危险等)的;忧虑的 | |
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255 guardianship | |
n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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256 overtures | |
n.主动的表示,提议;(向某人做出的)友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 );(歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的)序曲,前奏曲 | |
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257 discreet | |
adj.(言行)谨慎的;慎重的;有判断力的 | |
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258 concord | |
n.和谐;协调 | |
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259 seceded | |
v.脱离,退出( secede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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260 withdrawal | |
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销 | |
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261 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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262 contemplating | |
深思,细想,仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 ); 注视,凝视; 考虑接受(发生某事的可能性); 深思熟虑,沉思,苦思冥想 | |
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263 extinction | |
n.熄灭,消亡,消灭,灭绝,绝种 | |
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264 contradictory | |
adj.反驳的,反对的,抗辩的;n.正反对,矛盾对立 | |
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265 benevolence | |
n.慈悲,捐助 | |
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266 inadequate | |
adj.(for,to)不充足的,不适当的 | |
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267 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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268 neutralizing | |
v.使失效( neutralize的现在分词 );抵消;中和;使(一个国家)中立化 | |
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269 inflexibility | |
n.不屈性,顽固,不变性;不可弯曲;非挠性;刚性 | |
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270 benevolent | |
adj.仁慈的,乐善好施的 | |
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271 omission | |
n.省略,删节;遗漏或省略的事物,冗长 | |
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272 plausible | |
adj.似真实的,似乎有理的,似乎可信的 | |
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273 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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274 concessions | |
n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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275 aggregate | |
adj.总计的,集合的;n.总数;v.合计;集合 | |
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276 appalling | |
adj.骇人听闻的,令人震惊的,可怕的 | |
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277 missionaries | |
n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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278 effete | |
adj.无生产力的,虚弱的 | |
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279 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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280 entails | |
使…成为必要( entail的第三人称单数 ); 需要; 限定继承; 使必需 | |
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281 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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282 wreck | |
n.失事,遇难;沉船;vt.(船等)失事,遇难 | |
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283 lamented | |
adj.被哀悼的,令人遗憾的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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284 wrecking | |
破坏 | |
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285 slumber | |
n.睡眠,沉睡状态 | |
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286 remonstrated | |
v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 );告诫 | |
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287 exigency | |
n.紧急;迫切需要 | |
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288 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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289 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
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290 modifications | |
n.缓和( modification的名词复数 );限制;更改;改变 | |
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291 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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292 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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293 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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294 missionary | |
adj.教会的,传教(士)的;n.传教士 | |
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295 awakening | |
n.觉醒,醒悟 adj.觉醒中的;唤醒的 | |
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296 efficiently | |
adv.高效率地,有能力地 | |
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297 redeem | |
v.买回,赎回,挽回,恢复,履行(诺言等) | |
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298 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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299 opprobrium | |
n.耻辱,责难 | |
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300 recording | |
n.录音,记录 | |
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301 scotch | |
n.伤口,刻痕;苏格兰威士忌酒;v.粉碎,消灭,阻止;adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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302 pertinacity | |
n.执拗,顽固 | |
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303 meekly | |
adv.温顺地,逆来顺受地 | |
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304 courageous | |
adj.勇敢的,有胆量的 | |
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305 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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306 joyful | |
adj.欢乐的,令人欢欣的 | |
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307 joyfully | |
adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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308 abated | |
减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 ); 减去; 降价; 撤消(诉讼) | |
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309 dominant | |
adj.支配的,统治的;占优势的;显性的;n.主因,要素,主要的人(或物);显性基因 | |
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310 beholding | |
v.看,注视( behold的现在分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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311 guise | |
n.外表,伪装的姿态 | |
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312 malignant | |
adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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313 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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314 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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315 woe | |
n.悲哀,苦痛,不幸,困难;int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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316 invincible | |
adj.不可征服的,难以制服的 | |
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317 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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318 endorse | |
vt.(支票、汇票等)背书,背署;批注;同意 | |
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319 repulsive | |
adj.排斥的,使人反感的 | |
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320 latitude | |
n.纬度,行动或言论的自由(范围),(pl.)地区 | |
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321 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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322 callous | |
adj.无情的,冷淡的,硬结的,起老茧的 | |
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323 woes | |
困境( woe的名词复数 ); 悲伤; 我好苦哇; 某人就要倒霉 | |
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324 degradation | |
n.降级;低落;退化;陵削;降解;衰变 | |
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325 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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326 laboring | |
n.劳动,操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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327 fabric | |
n.织物,织品,布;构造,结构,组织 | |
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328 harping | |
n.反复述说 | |
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329 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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330 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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331 emblems | |
n.象征,标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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332 saviour | |
n.拯救者,救星 | |
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333 temporizing | |
v.敷衍( temporize的现在分词 );拖延;顺应时势;暂时同意 | |
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334 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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335 insanity | |
n.疯狂,精神错乱;极端的愚蠢,荒唐 | |
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336 specimen | |
n.样本,标本 | |
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337 meddling | |
v.干涉,干预(他人事务)( meddle的现在分词 ) | |
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338 impudent | |
adj.鲁莽的,卑鄙的,厚颜无耻的 | |
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339 fanatics | |
狂热者,入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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340 pestilence | |
n.瘟疫 | |
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341 fanaticism | |
n.狂热,盲信 | |
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342 tumult | |
n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
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344 revile | |
v.辱骂,谩骂 | |
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345 rabble | |
n.乌合之众,暴民;下等人 | |
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346 lumbering | |
n.采伐林木 | |
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347 impudence | |
n.厚颜无耻;冒失;无礼 | |
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348 gunpowder | |
n.火药 | |
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349 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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350 enthusiasts | |
n.热心人,热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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351 forum | |
n.论坛,讨论会 | |
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352 kindled | |
(使某物)燃烧,着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 ); 激起(感情等); 发亮,放光 | |
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353 defender | |
n.保卫者,拥护者,辩护人 | |
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354 slandered | |
造谣中伤( slander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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355 foully | |
ad.卑鄙地 | |
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356 traduced | |
v.诋毁( traduce的过去式和过去分词 );诽谤;违反;背叛 | |
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357 cringing | |
adj.谄媚,奉承 | |
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358 subserviency | |
n.有用,裨益 | |
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359 acquit | |
vt.宣判无罪;(oneself)使(自己)表现出 | |
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360 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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361 redeemed | |
adj. 可赎回的,可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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362 judicial | |
adj.司法的,法庭的,审判的,明断的,公正的 | |
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