Let us look at these acknowledged facts. At the time of the coming of Christ, slavery extended over the whole civilized2 world. Captives in war were uniformly made slaves, and, as wars were of constant occurrence, the ranks of slavery were continually being reinforced; and, as slavery was hereditary3 and perpetual, there was every reason to suppose that the number would have gone on increasing indefinitely, had not some influence operated to stop it. This is one fact.
Let us now look at another. At the time of the Reformation, chattel-slavery had entirely4 ceased throughout all the civilized countries of the world;—by no particular edict, by no special laws of emancipation5, but by the steady influence of some gradual, unseen power, this whole vast system had dissolved away, like the snow-banks of winter.
These two facts being conceded, the inquiry6 arises, What caused this change? If, now, we find that the most powerful organization in the civilized world at that time did pursue a system of measures which had a direct tendency to bring about such a result, we shall very naturally ascribe it to that organization.
The Spanish writer, Balmes, in his work entitled “Protestantism compared with Catholicity,” has one chapter devoted7 to the anti-slavery course of the church, in which he sets forth8 the whole system of measures which the church pursued in reference to this subject, and quotes, in their order, all the decrees of councils. The decrees themselves are given in an appendix at length, in the original Latin. We cannot but sympathize deeply in the noble and generous spirit in which these chapters are written, and the enlarged and vigorous ideas which they give of the magnanimous and honorable nature of Christianity. They are evidently conceived by a large and noble soul, capable of understanding such views,—a soul grave, earnest, deeply religious, though evidently penetrated9 and imbued10 with the most profound conviction of the truth of his own peculiar11 faith.
We shall give a short abstract, from M. Balmes, of the early course of the church. In contemplating12 the course which the church took in this period, certain things are to be borne in mind respecting the character of the times.
238The process was carried on during that stormy and convulsed period of society which succeeded the breaking up of the Roman empire. At this time, all the customs of society were rude and barbarous. Though Christianity, as a system, had been nominally13 very extensively embraced, yet it had not, as in the case of its first converts, penetrated to the heart, and regenerated14 the whole nature. Force and violence was the order of the day, and the Christianity of the savage15 northern tribes, who at this time became masters of Europe, was mingled16 with the barbarities of their ancient heathenism. To root the institution of slavery out of such a state of society, required, of course, a very different process from what would be necessary under the enlightened organization of modern times.
No power but one of the peculiar kind which the Christian1 church then possessed17 could have effected anything in this way. The Christian church at this time, far from being in the outcast and outlawed18 state in which it existed in the time of the apostles, was now an organization of great power, and of a kind of power peculiarly adapted to that rude and uncultured age. It laid hold of all those elements of fear, and mystery, and superstition20, which are strongest in barbarous ages, as with barbarous individuals, and it visited the violations21 of its commands with penalties the more dreaded22 that they related to some awful future, dimly perceived and imperfectly comprehended.
In dealing24 with slavery, the church did not commence by a proclamation of universal emancipation, because, such was the barbarous and unsettled nature of the times, so fierce the grasp of violence, and so many the causes of discord25, that she avoided adding to the confusion by infusing into it this element;—nay, a certain council of the church forbade, on pain of ecclesiastical censure26, those who preached that slaves ought immediately to leave their masters.
The course was commenced first by restricting the power of the master, and granting protection to the slave. The Council of Orleans, in 549, gave to a slave threatened with punishment the privilege of taking sanctuary27 in a church, and forbade his master to withdraw him thence, without taking a solemn oath that he would do him no harm; and, if he violated the spirit of this oath, he was to be suspended from the church and the sacraments,—a doom28 which in those days was viewed with such a degree of superstitious29 awe19, that the most barbarous would scarcely dare to incur30 it. The custom was afterwards introduced of requiring an oath on such occasions, not only that the slave should be free from corporeal31 infliction33, but that he should not be punished by an extra imposition of labor34, or by any badge of disgrace. When this was complained of, as being altogether too great a concession35 on the side of the slave, the utmost that could be extorted36 from the church, by way of retraction37, was this,—that in cases of very heinous38 offence the master should not be required to make the two latter promises.
There was a certain punishment among the Goths which was more dreaded than death. It was the shaving of the hair. This was considered as inflicting39 a lasting40 disgrace. If a Goth once had his hair shaved, it was all over with him. The fifteenth canon of the Council of Merida, in 666, forbade ecclesiastics41 to inflict32 this punishment upon their slaves, as also all other kind of violence, and ordained42 that if a slave committed an offence, he should not be subject to private vengeance43, but be delivered up to the secular44 tribunal, and that the bishops46 should use their power only to procure47 a moderation of the sentence. This was substituting public justice for personal vengeance—a most important step. The church further enacted48, by two councils, that the master who, of his own authority, should take the life of his slave, should be cut off for two years from the communion of the church,—a condition, in the view of those times, implying the most awful spiritual risk, separating the man in the eye of society from all that was sacred, and teaching him to regard himself, and others to regard him, as a being loaded with the weight of a must tremendous sin.
Besides the protection given to life and limb, the church threw her shield over the family condition of the slave. By old Roman law, the slave could not contract a legal, inviolable marriage. The church of that age availed itself of the catholic idea of the sacramental nature of marriage to conflict with this heathenish doctrine49. Pope Adrian I. said, “According to the words of the apostle, as in Jesus Christ we ought not to deprive either slaves or freemen of the sacraments of the church so it is not allowed in any way to prevent the marriage of slaves; and if their marriages have been contracted in spite of the opposition50 and repugnance51 of their masters, nevertheless they ought not to be dissolved.” St. Thomas was of the same opinion, for he openly maintains that, with respect to contracting marriage, “slaves are not obliged to obey their masters.”
239It can easily be seen what an effect was produced when the personal safety and family ties of the slaves were thus proclaimed sacred by an authority which no man living dared dispute. It elevated the slave in the eyes of his master, and awoke hope and self-respect in his own bosom52, and powerfully tended to fit him for the reception of that liberty to which the church by many avenues was constantly seeking to conduct him.
Another means which the church used to procure emancipation was a jealous care of the freedom of those already free.
Every one knows how in our Southern States the boundaries of slavery are continually increasing, for want of some power there to perform the same kind office. The liberated53 slave, travelling without his papers, is continually in danger of being taken up, thrown into jail, and sold to pay his jail-fees. He has no bishop45 to help him out of his troubles. In no church can he take sanctuary. Hundreds and thousands of helpless men and women are every year engulfed55 in slavery in this manner.
The church, at this time, took all enfranchised56 slaves under her particular protection. The act of enfranchisement57 was made a religious service, and was solemnly performed in the church; and then the church received the newly-made freeman to her protecting arms, and guarded his newly-acquired rights by her spiritual power. The first Council of Orange, held in 441, ordained in its seventh canon that the church should check by ecclesiastical censures58 whoever desired to reduce to any kind of servitude slaves who had been emancipated59 within the enclosure of the church. A century later, the same prohibition60 was repeated in the seventh canon of the fifth Council of Orleans, held in 549. The protection given by the church to freed slaves was so manifest and known to all, that the custom was introduced of especially recommending them to her, either in lifetime or by will. The Council of Agde, in Languedoc, passed a resolution commanding the church, in all cases of necessity, to undertake the defence of those to whom their masters had, in a lawful61 way, given liberty.
Another anti-slavery measure which the church pursued with distinguished62 zeal63 had the same end in view, that is, the prevention of the increase of slavery. It was the ransoming65 of captives. As at that time it was customary for captives in war to be made slaves of, unless ransomed66, and as, owing to the unsettled state of society, wars were frequent, slavery might have been indefinitely prolonged, had not the church made the greatest efforts in this way. The ransoming of slaves in those days held the same place in the affections of pious67 and devoted members of the church that the enterprise of converting the heathen now does. Many of the most eminent68 Christians69, in their excess of zeal, even sold themselves into captivity70 that they might redeem71 distressed72 families. Chateaubriand describes a Christian priest in France who voluntarily devoted himself to slavery for the ransom64 of a Christian soldier, and thus restored a husband to his desolate73 wife, and a father to three unfortunate children. Such were the deeds which secured to men in those days the honor of saintship. Such was the history of St. Zachary, whose story drew tears from many eyes, and excited many hearts to imitate so sublime74 a charity. In this they did but imitate the spirit of the early Christians; for the apostolic Clement75 says, “We know how many among ourselves have given up themselves unto bonds, that thereby76 they might free others from them.” (1st letter to the Corinthians, § 55, or ch. XXI. v. 20.) One of the most distinguished of the Frankish bishops was St. Eloy. He was originally a goldsmith of remarkable77 skill in his art, and by his integrity and trustworthiness won the particular esteem78 and confidence of King Clotaire I., and stood high in his court. Of him Neander speaks as follows. “The cause of the gospel was to him the dearest interest, to which everything else was made subservient79. While working at his art, he always had a Bible open before him. The abundant income of his labors80 he devoted to religious objects and deeds of charity. Whenever he heard of captives, who in these days were often dragged off in troops as slaves that were to be sold at auction81, he hastened to the spot and paid down their price.” Alas82 for our slave-coffles!—there are no such bishops now! “Sometimes, by his means, a hundred at once, men and women, thus obtained their liberty. He then left it to their choice, either to return home, or to remain with him as free Christian brethren, or to become monks83. In the first case, he gave them money for their journey; in the last, which pleased him most, he took pains to procure them a handsome reception into some monastery84.”
So great was the zeal of the church for the ransom of unhappy captives, that even the ornaments85 and sacred vessels86 of the 240church were sold for their ransom. By the fifth canon of the Council of Macon, held in 585, it appears that the priests devoted church property to this purpose. The Council of Rheims, held in 625, orders the punishment of suspension on the bishop who shall destroy the sacred vessels FOR ANY OTHER MOTIVE87 THAN THE RANSOM OF CAPTIVES; and in the twelfth canon of the Council of Verneuil, held in 844, we find that the property of the church was still used for this benevolent88 purpose.
When the church had thus redeemed89 the captive, she still continued him under her special protection, giving him letters of recommendation which should render his liberty safe in the eyes of all men. The Council of Lyons, held in 583, enacts90 that bishops shall state, in the letters of recommendation which they give to redeemed slaves, the date and price of their ransom. The zeal for this work was so ardent91 that some of the clergy92 even went so far as to induce captives to run away. A council called that of St. Patrick, held in Ireland, condemns93 this practice, and says that the clergyman who desires to ransom captives must do so with his own money, for to induce them to run away was to expose the clergy to be considered as robbers, which was a dishonor to the church. The disinterestedness94 of the church in this work appears from the fact that, when she had employed her funds for the ransom of captives she never exacted from them any recompense, even when they had it in their power to discharge the debt. In the letters of St. Gregory, he re?ssures some persons who had been freed by the church, and who feared that they should be called upon to refund95 the money which had been expended96 on them. The Pope orders that no one, at any time, shall venture to disturb them or their heirs, because the sacred canons allow the employment of the goods of the church for the ransom of captives. (L. 7, Ep. 14.) Still further to guard against the increase of the number of slaves, the Council of Lyons, in 566, excommunicated those who unjustly retained free persons in slavery.
If there were any such laws in the Southern States, and all were excommunicated who are doing this, there would be quite a sensation, as some recent discoveries show.
In 625, the Council of Rheims decreed excommunication to all those who pursue free persons in order to reduce them to slavery. The twenty-seventh canon of the Council of London, held 1102, forbade the barbarous custom of trading in men, like animals; and the seventh canon of the Council of Coblentz, held 922, declares that he who takes away a Christian to sell him is guilty of homicide. A French council, held in Verneuil in 616, established the law that all persons who had been sold into slavery on account of poverty or debt should receive back their liberty by the restoration of the price which had been paid. It will readily be seen that this opened a wide field for restoration to liberty in an age where so great a Christian zeal had been awakened97 for the redeeming98 of slaves, since it afforded opportunity for Christians to interest themselves in raising the necessary ransom.
At this time the Jews occupied a very peculiar place among the nations. The spirit of trade and commerce was almost entirely confined to them, and the great proportion of the wealth was in their hands, and, of course, many slaves. The regulations which the church passed relative to the slaves of Jews tended still further to strengthen the principles of liberty. They forbade Jews to compel Christian slaves to do things contrary to the religion of Christ. They allowed Christian slaves, who took refuge in the church, to be ransomed, by paying their masters the proper price.
This produced abundant results in favor of liberty, inasmuch as they gave Christian slaves the opportunity of flying to churches, and there imploring99 the charity of their brethren. They also enacted that a Jew who should pervert100 a Christian slave should be condemned101 to lose all his slaves. This was a new sanction to the slave’s conscience, and a new opening for liberty. After that, they proceeded to forbid Jews to have Christian slaves, and it was allowed to ransom those in their possession for twelve sous. As the Jews were among the greatest traders of the time, the forbidding them to keep slaves was a very decided102 step toward general emancipation.
Another means of lessening103 the ranks of slavery was a decree passed in a council at Rome, in 595, presided over by Pope Gregory the Great. This decree offered liberty to all who desired to embrace the monastic life. This decree, it is said, led to great scandal, as slaves fled from the houses of their masters in great numbers, and took refuge in monasteries104.
The church also ordained that any slave who felt a calling to enter the ministry105, and appeared qualified106 therefor, should be allowed to pursue his vocation107: and enjoined108 it upon his master to liberate54 him, since the church could not permit her minister to wear the yoke109 of slavery. It is to be presumed that the phenomenon, on page 176, of a preacher with both toes cut off and branded on the breast, advertised as a runaway110 in the public papers, was not one which could have occurred consistently with the Christianity of that period.
Under the influence of all these regulations, it is not surprising that there are documents cited by M. Balmes which go to show the following things. First, that the number of slaves thus liberated was very great, as there was universal complaint upon this head.
Second, that the bishops were complained of as being always in favor of the slaves, as carrying their protection to very great lengths, laboring111 in all ways to realize the doctrine of man’s equality; and it is affirmed in the documents that complaint is made that there is hardly a bishop who cannot be charged with reprehensible112 compliances in favor of slaves, and that slaves were aware of this spirit of protection, and were ready to throw off their chains, and cast themselves into the church.
It is not necessary longer to extend this history. It is as perfectly23 plain whither such a course tends, as it is whither the course pursued by the American clergy at the South tends. We are not surprised that under such a course, on the one hand, the number of slaves decreased, till there were none in modern Europe. We are not surprised by such a course, on the other hand, that they have increased until there are three millions in America.
Alas for the poor slave! What church befriends him? In what house of prayer can he take sanctuary? What holy men stand forward to rebuke113 the wicked law that denies him legal marriages? What pious bishops visit slave-coffles to redeem men, women and children, to liberty? What holy exhortations114 in churches to buy the freedom of wretched captives? When have church velvets been sold, and communion-cups melted down, to liberate the slave? Where are the pastors115, inflamed116 with the love of Jesus, who have sold themselves into slavery to restore separated families? Where are those honorable complaints of the world that the church is always on the side of the oppressed?—that the slaves feel the beatings of her generous heart, and long to throw themselves into her arms? Love of brethren, holy charities, love of Jesus,—where are ye?—Are ye fled forever?
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1
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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6
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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contemplating
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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regenerated
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| v.新生，再生( regenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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outlawed
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| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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corporeal
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| adj.肉体的，身体的；物质的 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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retraction
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| n.撤消；收回 | |
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heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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engulfed
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| v.吞没，包住( engulf的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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enfranchised
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| v.给予选举权( enfranchise的过去式和过去分词 )；（从奴隶制中）解放 | |
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enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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censures
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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ransoming
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| 付赎金救人，赎金( ransom的现在分词 ) | |
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ransomed
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| 付赎金救人，赎金( ransom的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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81
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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85
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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enacts
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的第三人称单数 ) | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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condemns
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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disinterestedness
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refund
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| v.退还，偿还；n.归还，偿还额，退款 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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pervert
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| n.堕落者，反常者；vt.误用，滥用；使人堕落，使入邪路 | |
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101
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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102
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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103
lessening
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| 减轻，减少，变小 | |
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104
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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105
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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106
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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107
vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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108
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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runaway
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| n.逃走的人，逃亡，亡命者；adj.逃亡的，逃走的 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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112
reprehensible
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| adj.该受责备的 | |
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113
rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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114
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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115
pastors
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| n.（基督教的）牧师( pastor的名词复数 ) | |
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116
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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