A compliance8 with this request occasioned the first public appearance of Lord George Bentinck, as one of the organizers of a political party,—for he aspired9 to no more. The question was, whether a third political party could be created and sustained,—a result at all times and under any circumstances difficult to achieve, and which had failed even under the auspices10 of accomplished11 and experienced statesmen. In the present emergency, was there that degree of outraged12 public feeling in the country, which would overcome all obstacles and submit to any inconveniences, in order to ensure its representation in the House of Commons? It was the opinion of Lord George Bentinck that such was the case; that if for the moment that feeling was inert13 and latent, it was an apathy14 which arose from the sudden shock of public confidence, and the despair which under such circumstances takes possession of men; that if it could be shown to the country, that the great bulk of the Conservative party were true to their faith, and were not afraid, even against the fearful odds15 which they would have to encounter, to proclaim it, the confidence and the courage of the country would rally, and the party in the House of Commons would find external sympathy and support.
With these views it became of paramount16 importance that the discussion on the government measure should be sustained on the part of the Protectionists with their utmost powers. They must prove to the country, that they could represent their cause in debate, and to this end all their energies must be directed. It would be fatal to them if the discussion were confined to one or two nights, and they overborne by the leading and habitual17 speakers. They must bring forward new men; they must encourage the efforts of those now unrecognized and comparatively unknown; they must overcome all reserve and false shame, and act as became men called upon to a critical and leading part, not by their arrogance18 or ambition, but by the desertion and treachery of those to whose abilities they had bowed without impatience19 and reluctance20. There was a probability of several vacancies21 immediately taking place in counties where the seats were filled by converts, but men of too scrupulous23 an honour to retain the charge which they had sought and accepted as the professors of opinions contrary to those which now received their mournful adhesion. The result of these elections would greatly depend upon the spirit and figure of the party in the House of Commons, in their first encounter with the enemy.
These views, so just and so spirited, advanced with high-bred earnestness by one rarely met in political turmoils24, and enforced with a freshness and an affable simplicity25 which were very winning, wonderfully encouraged those to whom they were addressed. All seemed touched by the flame which burned in the breast of that man, so lofty in his thoughts but so humble27 in his ambition, who counselled ever the highest deeds, and was himself ever prepared to undertake the humblest duties.
The business of this day was notable. Calculations were made of those who might be fairly counted on to take a part in debate; some discussion even ensued as to who should venture to reply late at night to the minister; a committee was appointed to communicate with all members on either side supposed to be favourable29 to the principle of Protection to the labour of the country; a parliamentary staff was organized, not only to secure the attendance of members, but to guard over the elections; finally, the form of the amendment30 to the government measure was discussed and settled, and it was agreed that, if possible, it should be moved by Mr. Philip Miles, the member for the city of Bristol, and who had the ear of the House not merely from the importance of his constituency, and seconded by Sir William Heathcote, the member for the county of Hampshire, a country gentleman of great accomplishments32, and so highly considered by both sides that he was very generally spoken of as a probable successor to the chair.
All was furnished by this lately forlorn party except a leader, and even then many eyes were turned and some hopeful murmurs34 addressed towards Lord George Bentinck, who in the course of this morning had given such various proofs of his fitness and such evidence of his resource. But he shook his head with a sort of suppressed smile, a faint blush, and an air of proud humility35 that was natural to him: ‘I think,’ he said, ‘we have had enough of leaders; it is not in my way; I shall remain the last of the rank and file.’
So little desirous, originally, was Lord George Bentinck to interfere36 actively in that great controversy37 in which ultimately he took so leading a part, that before the meeting of Parliament in 1846 he begged a gentleman whom he greatly esteemed38, a member of the legal profession, and since raised to its highest honours, to call upon him at Harcourt House, when he said that he had taken great pains to master the case of the protective system; that he was convinced its abrogation39 would ultimately be very injurious to this country; but although, both in point of argument and materials, he feared no opponent, he felt constitutionally so incapable40 of ever making a speech, that he wished to induce some eminent lawyer to enter the House of Commons, and avail himself of his views and materials, which he had, with that object, reduced to writing. He begged, therefore, that his friend, although a free-trader, would assist him, by suggesting a fitting person for this office.
Accordingly, the name of a distinguished41 member of the bar, who had already published a work of merit, impugning43 the principles of the new commercial system, was mentioned, and this learned gentleman was applied44 to, and was not indisposed to accept the task. A mere31 accident prevented this arrangement being accomplished. Lord George then requested his friend to make some other selection; but his adviser45 very sensibly replied, that although the House of Commons would have listened with respect to a gentleman who had given evidence of the sincerity46 of his convictions by the publication of a work which had no reference to Parliament, they would not endure the instance of a lawyer brought into the House merely to speak from his brief; and that the attempt would be utterly47 fruitless. He earnestly counselled Lord George himself to make the effort; but Lord George, with characteristic tenacity48, clung for some time to his project, though his efforts to accomplish it were fortunately not successful.
Some of the friends of Lord George Bentinck, remembering his inexperience in debate, aware of the great length at which he must necessarily treat the theme, and mindful that he was not physically49 well-qualified for controlling popular assemblies, not having a strong voice, or, naturally, a very fluent manner, were anxious that he should not postpone50 his speech until an hour so late; that an audience, jaded51 by twelve nights’ discussion, would be ill-attuned to statistical52 arguments and economical details. But still clinging to the hope that some accident might yet again postpone the division, so that the Protectionists might gain the vote of Mr. Hildyard, who had been returned that day for South Notts, having defeated a cabinet minister, Lord George remained motionless until long past midnight. Mr. Cobden having spoken on the part of the confederation, the closing of the debate was felt to be inevitable53. Even then, by inducing a Protectionist to solicit54 the Speaker’s eye, Lord George attempted to avert55 the division; but no supporter of the government measure, of any colour, advancing to reply to this volunteer, Bentinck was obliged to rise. He came out like a lion forced from his lair56. And so it happened, that after all his labours of body and mind, after all his research and unwearied application and singular vigilance, after having been at his post for a month, never leaving the House, even for refreshment57, he had to undertake the most difficult enterprise in which a man can well embark58, with a concurrence59 of every disadvantage which could ensure failure and defeat. It would seem that the audience, the subject, and the orator60, must be equally exhausted61; for the assembly had listened for twelve nights to the controversy, and he who was about to address them had, according to his strange habit, taken no sustenance62 the whole day; it being his custom to dine after the House was up, which was very often long after midnight, and this, with the exception of a slender breakfast, rigidly63 restricted to dry toast, was his only meal in the four-and-twenty hours.
He had been forced to this regimen, from food exercising a lethargic64 influence over him; so that, in addition to some constitutional weakness in his organ, he usually laboured, when he addressed the House, under the disadvantage of general exhaustion65. And this was, no doubt, a principal cause of that over-excitement and apparently66 unnecessary energy in his manner of speaking, of which he was himself perfectly67, and even painfully, conscious. He was wont68 to say, that before he could speak he had to make a voice, and, as it were, to pump it from the very core of his frame. One who took a great interest in his success once impressed on him the expediency69 of trusting entirely70 to his natural voice and the interest and gravity of his matter, which, combined with his position as the recognized leader of a great party, would be adequate to command the attention of his audience; and he subsequently endeavoured very often to comply with this suggestion. He endeavoured also very much to control his redundancy of action and gesture, when that peculiarity71 was pointed28 out to him with the delicacy72, but the sincerity, of friendship. He entirely freed himself from a very awkward feature of his first style of speaking, namely, the frequent repetition of a sentence, which seemed at first a habit inveterate73 with him; but such was his force of will, that when the necessity of ridding himself of this drawback was properly pointed out to him, he achieved the desired result. No one bore criticism more gently and kindly74, so long as it was confined to his personal and intellectual characteristics, for he was a man absolutely without vanity or conceit75, who thought very humbly76 of himself, in respect of abilities, and deemed no labour too great to achieve even a slight improvement. But though in these respects the very child of simplicity, he was a man of almost unexampled pride, and chafed77 under criticism, when his convictions or his conduct were questioned. He was very tenacious78 of his opinion, almost inexorable; and it required a courage nearly equal to his own, combined with a serene79 temper, successfully to impugn42 his conclusions.
Not, therefore, excited by vanity, but sustained by self-respect, by an overpowering feeling that he owed it to himself and the opinions he held, to show to the world that they had not been lightly adopted and should not be lightly laid aside, Bentinck rose, long past the noon of night, at the end of this memorable80 debate, to undertake an office from which the most successful and most experienced rhetoricians of Parliament would have shrunk with intuitive discretion81. But duty scorns prudence82, and criticism has few terrors for a man with a great purpose. Unshaken by the adverse83 hour and circumstances, he proceeded to accomplish the object which he had long meditated84, and for which he was fully26 prepared.
Reminding the House, while he appealed to their indulgence, that, though he had had the honour of a seat for eight parliaments, he had never once ventured to trespass85 on its time on any subject of great debate, he at once took a clear and comprehensive ground of objection to the government scheme. He opposed it not only because he objected to the great change contemplated86 with respect to the agricultural interest, but, on principle, to the entire measure, ‘a great commercial revolution, which we are of opinion that the circumstances of the country do not by any means require.’
Noticing the observation of the Secretary at War, that the agricultural interest, in submitting to this great change, might now accept it with honour, instead of its being eventually extorted87 by force, he happily retorted, that vicious as he thought the measure, he should feel it deprived of half its vice4 if it could be carried without loss of honour, damage to reputation, and forfeiture88 of public character to a vast number of gentlemen now present. And he proceeded to show among other testimonies89, by an appeal to the distinct language of the speech from the throne on the dissolution of 1841, that ‘every member who occupied a seat in this House was returned pledged either to oppose or maintain the principle of protection to national industry.’
Adverting90 to the new position, that the experience of the last three years justified91 the reversal of the system which the existing administration had been summoned to office to uphold, he wisely remarked, that ‘the country will not be satisfied with three years’ experience of any system. Three years’ experience is not sufficiently92 extensive to afford a proper criterion by which we may decide the failure or success of any description of policy whatsoever93.’
Noticing that the minister had more especially founded ‘his present belief in doctrines94 contrary to those which he had heretofore uniformly maintained,’ by the assumption that the price of corn would not be more reduced than the price of cattle and other commodities affected95 by the tariff96 of 1842, and also by the results of previous experiments in the instances of silk and wool, Lord George ‘accepted his challenge’ on these grounds, and proceeded in great detail to investigate these examples.
The House listened with great attention for full two hours, during which he treated these subjects. This attention no doubt was generally accorded because it was felt due to the occasion, and, under the circumstances, to the speaker; but those who, however contrary might be the results at which they had arrived, had themselves deeply entered into these investigations98, recognized very soon that Bentinck was master of his subject. Sir Robert Peel looked round very often with that expression of appreciation99 which it was impossible for his nature to refuse to parliamentary success, even when the ability displayed was hostile to his projects. The minister, with reference to the wool trade, had dwelt on the year 1842, when prices were much depressed100, while they had greatly rallied in 1844, when the importation of foreign wool had risen from forty-five to sixty-five millions of pounds; and he had drawn101 a triumphant102 inference that the increase of importation and the increase of price were in consequence of the reduction of the duty. This instance had produced a great effect; but Lord George showed the House, by a reference to the tables of 1836, that the importation of foreign wool had then risen to sixty-five millions of pounds, and that large foreign importation was consistent with high prices to the domestic grower. Nor was he less successful about the foreign cattle. He reminded his friends on the Treasury103 bench how strenuously104, previously105 to the introduction of the tariff of 1842, they had urged upon their agricultural friends that no foreign cattle could enter under their regulations, and that the whole object of the change was to strengthen the hands of the agricultural interest, as regarded more essential protection, by removing the odium of a nominal106 protection: ‘Convinced by my right honourable107 friends, in 1842, that their tariff would be as inoperative as it has proved, I gave my cordial support to the measure.’
Perceiving that the House began to be wearied with the details of the silk trade, which he had investigated with extraordinary zeal108, he postponed109 until the specific vote in committee his objections to the reduction of the timber duties. The fact is, he had so thoroughly110 mastered all these topics, that his observations on each of them would have themselves formed a speech of sufficient length and interest. But he successfully checked any interruption by what may be fairly styled his dignified111 diffidence.
‘I trust the House will recollect112 that I am fighting the battle of a party whose leaders have deserted113 them; and though I cannot wield114 my weapons with the skill of the right honourable gentleman on the Treasury bench, I trust the House will remember the emergency which has dragged me out to intrude115 upon their indulgence.’
And again, when he announced that he was now about to investigate the pretext116 of ‘famine in the land,’ and some impatience was exhibited, he drew up and said, ‘I think, having sat eighteen years in this house, and never once having trespassed117 on its time before in any one single great debate, I may appeal to the past as a proof that I duly weigh the measure of my abilities, and that I am painfully conscious of my proper place in this house.’
It was impossible to resist such appeals from such a person, even at three o’clock in the morning; and diffident, but determined118, he then entered into what was, perhaps, the most remarkable119 portion of his speech—an investigation97 of what was the real position of the country with respect to the supply of food in the past autumn and at the present moment. Having shown from the trade circulars that, far from there being at present ‘a wheat famine,’ the stocks in the granaries in bond were more than double in amount to what they were in the year 1845, ‘a year admitted by all to be a year of extraordinary abundance,’ he proceeded to the Irish part of the question: ‘I beg leave to say, that though this debate has now continued for three weeks, I am the first gentleman who has at all entered into the real state of the case as regards the allegation of a potato famine in Ireland, upon which, be it remembered, is founded the sole case of her Majesty120’s ministers for a repeal121 of the corn laws.’
And this was very true. The fact is, though the Protectionist party had made a most unexpected and gallant122 defence, no one was really prepared for the contest except Bentinck. Between the end of November and the meeting of Parliament, he had thrown all the energies of his passionate123 mind into this question. He had sought information on all points and always at the fountain-head. He had placed himself in immediate22 communication with the ablest representatives of every considerable interest attacked, and being ardent124 and indefatigable125, gifted with a tenacious memory and a very clear and searching spirit, there was scarcely a detail or an argument connected with his subject which was not immediately at his command. No speeches in favour of the protective system have ever been made in the House of Commons compared with his in depth and range of knowledge; and had there been any member not connected with the government, who had been able to vindicate126 the merits of British agriculture as he did when the final struggle occurred, the impression which was made by the too-often unanswered speeches of the Manchester confederation would never have been effected. But the great Conservative party, exhausted by the labours of ten years of opposition127, thought that after the triumph of ‘41 it might claim a furlough. The defence of their cause was left entirely to the ministers of their choice; and ministers, distracted with detail and wearied with official labour, are not always the most willing or the most efficient champions of the organic principles of a party.
Sir Robert Peel, with respect to the disease in the Irish potato, had largely referred to the statements of the inspectors128 of police. Lord George wanted to know why the reports of the lieutenants129 of the Irish counties were not given. Being well-informed upon this head, he asked the government to produce the report of Lord Duncannon, the lord lieutenant130 of Carlow; especially that of his noble father, the earl of Bes-borough, lord lieutenant of Kilkenny. ‘Is there any man in England or in Ireland whose opinion, from his business-like habits, his great practical knowledge, and the warm and affectionate interest which for a long period of years he has taken in everything which concerns the interests of Ireland, especially of the Irish peasantry—is there any man whose opinion would have greater weight? The opinion of Lord Bes-borough on an Irish subject, the lieutenant of an Irish county, and himself long a cabinet minister? Well, sir, I am assured that, having taken the utmost pains to investigate this matter, Lord Besborough has made an elaborate report to the Irish government. Well, then, I desire to know why Lord Besborough’s report to the Irish government is suppressed? Is it because that report would not assist the present policy of her Majesty’s government?’
He alleged131 the names of many other individuals of high station who had officially reported on the subject to the government: of Lord Castlereagh, the lieutenant of Down, a member of the House; of Lord de Vesci, whose son was sitting for the Queen’s County, over which his father presided in the name of the queen. A murmur33 ran round the House, that it would have been as well if these reports had been produced.
The last portion of this argumentative harangue132 referred to the most important division of the subject. Bentinck met it boldly, without evasion133; nor was there any portion of his address more interesting, more satisfactory, and more successful. ‘I now come,’ he said, ‘to the great challenge, which is ever and anon put forth134 by the Anti-Corn Law League, and now by their disciples135, her Majesty’s ministers. How are we, they ask, with our limited extent of territory, to feed a population annually136 and rapidly increasing at the rate of three hundred thousand a-year, as generally stated by the member for Stockport—a rate increased by my noble friend, the member for the West Riding, to a thousand a day, or three hundred and sixty-five thousand a year?’
He first proved in a complete manner that, from the year 1821 to the year 1844, the population of the country had increased at the rate of less than thirty-two per cent., while the growth of wheat during the same period had increased no less than sixty-four per cent. He then proceeded to inquire why, with such an increased produce, we were still, as regards bread corn, to a certain extent, an importing nation? This he accounted for by the universally improved condition of the people, and the enlarged command of food by the working classes. He drew an animated137 picture, founded entirely on the representations of writers and public men adverse to the Protective System, of the superior condition of the people of ‘England, happy England,’ to that of other countries: how they consumed much more of the best food, and lived much longer. This was under Protection, which Lord John Russell had stigmatized138, in his letter, ‘the bane of agriculture.’ ‘In the history of my noble friend’s illustrious family,’ he continued, ‘I should have thought that he would have found a remarkable refutation of such a notion.’ And then he drew a lively sketch139 of the colossal140 and patriotic141 works of the Earls and Dukes of Bedford, ‘whereby they had drained and reclaimed142 three hundred thousand acres of land drowned in water, and brought them into cultivation143, and thus converted into fertile fields a vast morass144 extending over seven counties in England.’ Could the system which had inspired such enterprise be justly denounced as baneful145?
To show the means of the country to sustain even a much-increasing population, and that those means were in operation, he entered into one of the most original and interesting calculations that was perhaps ever offered to the House of Commons. Reminding the House that in the preceding year (1845) the farmers of England, at a cost of two millions sterling146, had imported two hundred and eighty thousand tons of guano, he proceeded to estimate what would be the effect on the productive powers of the land of that novel application. Two hundred thousand tons, or, in other words, four million hundred-weight, were expended147 on the land in 1845. Half of these, he assumed, would be applied to the growth of wheat, and the other half to the growth of turnips149 preparatory to the wheat crop of the ensuing year. According to the experiments tried and recorded in the Royal Agricultural Journal, it would seem that by the application of two hundred-weight of guano to an acre of wheat land, the produce would be increased by one quarter per acre. At this rate, one hundred thousand tons, or two million hundred-weight of guano would add one million quarters of wheat to the crop, or bread for one year for one million of people. But as he was very careful never to over-state a case, Lord George assumed, that it would require three hundred hundredweight of guano to an acre to produce an extra quarter of wheat. According to this estimate, one hundred thousand tons of guano, applied to the land in 1845, must have added six hundred and sixty-six thousand six hundred and sixty-six quarters of grain to the wheat crop, or, in other words, bread for six hundred and sixty-six thousand six hundred and sixty-six additional mouths. ‘And now for turnips,’ he continued. The Norfolk authorities whom he quoted have in like manner proved that two hundred-weight of guano will add ten tons per acre to the turnip148 crop. But again, for fear of exaggeration, he supposed that three hundred-weight would be requisite150 to create such increased fertility. In this case, two million hundredweight of guano would add six million six hundred and sixty-six thousand six hundred and sixty tons to the natural unmanured produce of the crop. Now it is generally considered that one ton of Swedes would last twenty sheep three weeks, and that each sheep should gain half a pound of meat per week, or one pound and a half in three weeks; thus twenty sheep feeding on one ton of turnips in three weeks should in the aggregate151 make, as the graziers say, thirty pounds of mutton. But to be safe in his estimate, he would assume that one ton of turnips makes only half this quantity. ‘Multiply, then,’ exclaimed Bentinck with the earnest air of a crusader, ‘six million six hundred and sixty-six thousand six hundred and sixty by fifteen, and you have no less than ninety-nine million nine hundred and ninety-nine thousand and nine hundred pounds of mutton as the fruits of one hundred thousand tons of guano; which, at ninety-two pounds per man—the average Englishman’s allowance—affords meat for one million eight hundred and sixty thousand nine hundred and fifty-five—nearly two million of her Majesty’s subjects.’
This is a specimen152 of those original and startling calculations to which the House was soon to become accustomed from his lips. They were received at first with astonishment153 and incredulity; but they were never impugned154. The fact is, he was extremely cautious in his data, and no man was more accustomed ever to impress upon his friends the extreme expediency of not over-stating a case. It should also be remarked of Lord George Bentinck, that in his most complicated calculations he never sought aid from notes.
We have necessarily only noticed a few of the traits of this remarkable performance. Its termination was impressive.
‘We have heard in the course of these discussions a good deal about an ancient monarchy155, a reformed House of Commons, and a proud aristocracy. Sir, with regard to our ancient monarchy, I have no observation to make; but, if so humble an individual as myself might be permitted to whisper, a word in the ear of that illustrious and royal personage who, as he stands nearest, so is he justly dearest, to her who sits upon the throne, I would take leave to say, that I cannot but think he listened to ill advice, when, on the first night of this great discussion, he allowed himself to be seduced156 by the first minister of the crown to come down to this House to usher157 in, to give ??clat, and as it were by reflection from the queen, to give the semblance158 of the personal sanction of her Majesty to a measure which, be it for good or for evil, a great majority at least of the landed aristocracy of England, of Scotland, and of Ireland, imagine fraught159 with deep injury, if not ruin, to them
—a measure which, not confined in its operation to this great class, is calculated to grind down countless160 smaller interests engaged in the domestic trades and, interests of the empire, transferring the profits of all these interests—English, Scotch161, Irish, and Colonial
—great and small alike, from Englishmen, from Scotchmen, and from Irishmen, to Americans, to Frenchmen, to Russians, to Poles, to Prussians, and to Germans. Sir, I come now to the reformed House of Commons; and as one who was a party to that great measure, I cannot but feel a deep interest in its success, and more especially in that portion of it which extended the franchise162 to the largest and the most respectable body in the kingdom—I mean the landed tenantry of England; and deeply should I regret should any large proportion of those members who have been sent to Parliament to represent them in this House, prove to be the men to bring lasting163 dishonour164 upon themselves, their constituencies, and this House, by an act of tergiversation so gross as to be altogether unprecedented165 in the annals of any reformed or unreformed House of Commons. Sir, lastly, I come to the “proud aristocracy.” We are a proud aristocracy, but if we are proud, it is that we are proud in the chastity of our honour. If we assisted in ‘41 in turning the Whigs out of office, because we did not consider a fixed166 duty of eight shillings a quarter on foreign corn a sufficient protection, it was with honesty of purpose and in single-mindedness we did so; and as we were not before the fact, we will not be accomplices167 after the fact in the fraud by which the Whig ministers were expelled from power. If we are a proud aristocracy, we are proud of our honour, inasmuch as we never have been guilty, and never can be guilty, of double-dealing with the farmers of England—of swindling our opponents, deceiving our friends, or betraying our constituents168.’
The division was called. The West-India interest, notwithstanding the amendment was moved by the member for Bristol, deserted the Protectionists. Deaf to the appeals, and the remonstrances169, and the warnings of Lord George, one of their leading members replied, with a smile of triumphant content, that ‘they had made a satisfactory arrangement for themselves.’ How satisfactory did the West-Indians find it four months subsequently? All the shipping170 interest deserted the land. They were for everything free, except navigation; there was no danger of that being interfered171 with; ‘it rested on quite distinct grounds—national grounds.’ They were warned, but they smiled in derisive172 self-complacency. Lord George Bentinck lived to have the West-India interest and the shipping interest on their knees to him, to defend their perilled173 or to restore their ruined fortunes; and with characteristic generosity174 and proud consistency175, he undertook the task, and sacrificed his life in the attempt.
Notwithstanding these terrible defalcations, when the numbers were announced, at nearly four o’clock in the morning, the majority had not reached those three magical figures supposed necessary, under the circumstances, to success. In a house of five hundred and eighty-one members present, the amendment of the Protectionists was defeated only by ninety-seven; and two hundred and forty-two gentlemen, in spite of desertion, difficulty, and defeat, still maintained the ‘chastity of their honour.’
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metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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inert
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| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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arrogance
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impatience
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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vacancies
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| n.空房间( vacancy的名词复数 )；空虚；空白；空缺 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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turmoils
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| n.混乱( turmoil的名词复数 )；焦虑 | |
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25
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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26
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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27
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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29
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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31
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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33
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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34
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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35
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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36
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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37
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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38
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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39
abrogation
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| n.取消，废除 | |
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40
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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41
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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42
impugn
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| v.指责，对…表示怀疑 | |
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43
impugning
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| v.非难，指谪( impugn的现在分词 )；对…有怀疑 | |
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44
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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45
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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46
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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47
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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48
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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49
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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50
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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51
jaded
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|
| adj.精疲力竭的；厌倦的；（因过饱或过多而）腻烦的；迟钝的 | |
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52
statistical
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| adj.统计的，统计学的 | |
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53
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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54
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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55
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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56
lair
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| n.野兽的巢穴；躲藏处 | |
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57
refreshment
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| n.恢复，精神爽快，提神之事物；（复数）refreshments:点心，茶点 | |
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58
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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59
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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60
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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61
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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62
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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63
rigidly
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| adv.刻板地，僵化地 | |
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64
lethargic
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| adj.昏睡的，懒洋洋的 | |
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65
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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66
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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67
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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68
wont
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|
| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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69
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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70
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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71
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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72
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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73
inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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74
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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75
conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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76
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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77
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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78
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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79
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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80
memorable
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|
| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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81
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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82
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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83
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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84
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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85
trespass
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| n./v.侵犯，闯入私人领地 | |
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86
contemplated
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|
| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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87
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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88
forfeiture
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| n.（名誉等）丧失 | |
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89
testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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90
adverting
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| 引起注意（advert的现在分词形式） | |
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91
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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92
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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93
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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94
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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95
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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96
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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97
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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98
investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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99
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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100
depressed
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|
| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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101
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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102
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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103
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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104
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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105
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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106
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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107
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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108
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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109
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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110
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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111
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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112
recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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113
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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114
wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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115
intrude
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| vi.闯入；侵入；打扰，侵扰 | |
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116
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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117
trespassed
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| （trespass的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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118
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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119
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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120
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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121
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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122
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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123
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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124
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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125
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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126
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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127
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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128
inspectors
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| n.检查员( inspector的名词复数 )；（英国公共汽车或火车上的）查票员；（警察）巡官；检阅官 | |
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129
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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130
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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131
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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132
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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133
evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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134
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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135
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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136
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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137
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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138
stigmatized
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| v.使受耻辱，指责，污辱( stigmatize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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139
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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140
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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141
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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142
reclaimed
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| adj.再生的；翻造的；收复的；回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 )；要求收回；从废料中回收（有用的材料）；挽救 | |
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143
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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144
morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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145
baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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146
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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147
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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148
turnip
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| n.萝卜，芜菁 | |
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149
turnips
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| 芜青( turnip的名词复数 )； 芜菁块根； 芜菁甘蓝块根； 怀表 | |
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150
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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151
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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152
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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153
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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154
impugned
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| v.非难，指谪( impugn的过去式和过去分词 )；对…有怀疑 | |
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155
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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156
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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157
usher
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| n.带位员，招待员；vt.引导，护送；vi.做招待，担任引座员 | |
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158
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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159
fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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160
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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161
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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162
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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163
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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164
dishonour
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| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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165
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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166
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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167
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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168
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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169
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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170
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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171
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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172
derisive
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| adj.嘲弄的 | |
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173
perilled
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| 置…于危险中（peril的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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174
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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175
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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