In the latter months of the year 1845, there broke out in some of the counties of Ireland one of those series of outrages1 which have hitherto periodically occurred in districts of that country. Assassination3 and crimes of violence were rife4: men on the queen’s highway were shot from behind hedges, or suddenly torn from their horses and beaten to death with clubs; houses were visited in the night by bodies of men, masked and armed—their owners dragged from their beds, and, in the presence of their wives and children, maimed and mutilated; the administration of unlawful oaths, with circumstances of terror, indicated the existence of secret confederations, whose fell intents, profusely5 and ostentatiously announced by threatening letters, were frequently and savagely6 perpetrated.
These barbarous distempers had their origin in the tenure7 of land in Ireland, and in the modes of its occupation. A combination of causes, political, social, and economical, had for more than a century unduly8 stimulated9 the population of a country which had no considerable resources except in the soil. That soil had become divided into minute allotments, held by a pauper10 tenantry, at exorbitant11 rents, of a class of middlemen, themselves necessitous, and who were mere12 traders in land. A fierce competition raged amid the squalid multitude for these strips of earth which were their sole means of existence. To regulate this fatal rivalry13, and restrain this emulation14 of despair, the peasantry, enrolled15 in secret societies, found refuge in an inexorable code. He who supplanted16 another in the occupation of the soil was doomed17 by an occult tribunal, from which there was no appeal, to a terrible retribution. His house was visited in the night by whitefeet and ribbonmen—his doom18 was communicated to him, by the post, in letters, signed by Terry Alt, or Molly M’Guire, or he was suddenly shot, like a dog, by the orders of Captain Rock. Yet even these violent inflictions rather punished than prevented the conduct against which they were directed. The Irish peasant had to choose between starving and assassination. If, in deference19 to an anonymous20 mandate21, he relinquished22 his holding, he and those who depended on him were outcasts and wanderers; if he retained or accepted it, his life might be the forfeit23, but subsistence was secured; and in poor and lawless countries, the means of living are more valued than life. Those who have treated of the agrarian24 crimes of Ireland have remarked, that the facility with which these outrages have been committed has only been equalled by the difficulty of punishing them. A murder, perpetrated at noonday, in the sight of many persons, cannot be proved in a court of justice. The spectators are never witnesses; and it has been inferred from this, that the outrage2 is national, and that the heart of the populace is with the criminal. But though a chief landlord, or a stipendiary magistrate25, may occasionally be sacrificed, the great majority of victims are furnished by the humblest class. Not sympathy, but terror, seals the lip and clouds the eye of the bystander. And this is proved by the fact that while those who have suffered have almost always publicly declared that they were unable to recognize their assailants, and believed them to be strangers, they have frequently, in confidence, furnished the police with the names of the guilty.
Thus, there is this remarkable26 characteristic of the agrarian anarchy27 of Ireland which marks it out from all similar conditions of other countries: it is a war of the poor against the poor.
Before the rapid increase of population had forced governments to study political economy and to investigate the means of subsisting28 a people, statesmen had contented29 themselves by attributing to political causes these predial disturbances30, and by recommending for them political remedies. The course of time, which had aggravated31 the condition of the Irish peasantry, had increased the numbers, the wealth, and the general importance of those of the middle classes of Ireland who professed33 the Roman Catholic faith. Shut out from the political privileges of the constitution, these formed a party of discontent that was a valuable ally to the modern Whigs, too long excluded from that periodical share of power which is the life-blood of a parliamentary government and the safeguard of a constitutional monarchy34. The misgovernment of Ireland became therefore a stock topic of the earlier Opposition35 of the present century; and advocating the cause of their clients, who wished to become mayors, and magistrates36, and members of the legislature, they argued that in the concession37 of those powers and dignities, and perhaps in the discreet38 confiscation39 of the property of the Church, the only cures could be found for threatening notices, robbery of arms, administering of unlawful oaths, burglary, murder, and arson40.
Yet if these acts of violence were attributable to defective41 political institutions, why, as was usually the case, were they partial in their occurrence? Why were they limited to particular districts? If political grievances42 were the cause, the injustice43 would be as sharp in tranquil44 Wexford as in turbulent Tipperary. Yet out of the thirty-two counties of Ireland, the outrages prevailed usually in less than a third. These outrages were never insurrectionary: they were not directed against existing authorities; they were stimulated by no public cause or clamour; it was the private individual who was attacked, and for a private reason. This was their characteristic.
But as time elapsed, two considerable events occurred: the Roman Catholic restrictions45 were repealed46, and the Whigs became ministers. Notwithstanding these great changes, the condition of the Irish peasantry remained the same; the tenure of land was unchanged, the modes of its occupation were unaltered, its possession was equally necessary and equally perilous47. The same circumstances produced the same consequences. Notwithstanding even that the Irish Church had been remodelled48, and its revenues not only commuted49 but curtailed50; notwithstanding that Roman Catholics had not only become members of Parliament but even Parliament had been reformed; Irish outrage became more flagrant and more extensive than at any previous epoch—and the Whigs were ministers.
Placed in this responsible position, forced to repress the evil, the causes of which they had so often explained, and which with their cooperation had apparently51 been so effectually removed, the Whig government were obliged to have recourse to the very means which they had so frequently denounced when recommended by their rivals, and that, too, on a scale of unusual magnitude and severity. They proposed for the adoption52 of Parliament one of those measures which would suspend the constitution of Ireland, and which are generally known by the name of Coercion53 Acts.
The main and customary provisions of these Coercion Acts were of severe restraint, and scarcely less violent than the conduct they were constructed to repress. They invested the lord lieutenant54 with power to proclaim a district as disturbed, and then to place its inhabitants without the pale of the established law; persons out of their dwellings55 between sunset and sunrise were liable to transportation; and to secure the due execution of the law, prisoners were tried before military tribunals, and not by their peers, whose verdicts, from sympathy or terror, were usually found to baffle justice.
These Coercion Acts were effectual; they invariably obtained their end, and the proclaimed districts became tranquil. But they were an affair of police, not of government; essentially56 temporary, their effect was almost as transient as their sway, and as they were never accompanied with any deep and sincere attempt to cope with the social circumstances which produced disorder57, the recurrence59 of the chronic60 anarchy was merely an affair of time. Whether it were that they did not sufficiently61 apprehend62 the causes, or that they shrank from a solution which must bring them in contact with the millions of a surplus population, there seems always to have been an understanding between the public men of both parties, that the Irish difficulty should be deemed a purely63 political, or at the utmost a religious one. And even so late as 1846, no less a personage than the present chief secretary, put forward by his party to oppose an Irish Coercion Bill which themselves had loudly called for, declared that he could not sanction its penal64 enactments65 unless they were accompanied by the remedial measures that were necessary, to wit, an Irish Franchise66 Bill, and a Bill for the amendment67 of municipal corporations!
When Sir Robert Peel, in 1841, after a memorable68 opposition of ten years, acceded69 to office, sustained by all the sympathies of the country, his Irish policy, not sufficiently noticed amid the vast and urgent questions with which he had immediately to deal, was, however, to the political observer significant and interesting. As a mere matter of party tactics, it was not for him too much to impute70 Irish disturbances to political and religious causes, even if the accumulated experience of the last ten years were not developing a conviction in his mind, that the methods hitherto adopted to ensure the tranquillity71 of that country were superficial and fallacious. His cabinet immediately recognized a distinction between political and predial sources of disorder. The first, they resolved into a mere system of agitation72, no longer justifiable73 by the circumstances, and this they determined74 to put down. The second, they sought in the conditions under which land was occupied, and these they determined to investigate. Hence, on the one hand, the O’Connell prosecution75: on the other, the Devon commission.
This was the bold and prudent76 policy of a minister who felt he had the confidence of the country and was sustained by great parliamentary majorities; and when the summoner of monster meetings was convicted, and the efficient though impartial77 manner in which the labours of the land commission were simultaneously78 conducted came to be bruited79 about, there seemed at last some prospect80 of the system of political quackery81 of which Ireland had been so long the victim being at last subverted82. But there is nothing in which the power of circumstances is more evident than in politics. They baffle the forethought of statesmen, and control even the apparently inflexible83 laws of national development and decay.
Had the government of 1841 succeeded in its justifiable expectation of terminating the trade of political agitation in Ireland, armed with all the authority and all the information with which the labours of the land commission would have furnished them, they would in all probability have successfully grappled with the real causes of Irish misery84 and misrule. They might have thoroughly85 reformed the modes by which land is holden and occupied; have anticipated the spontaneous emigration that now rages by an administrative86 enterprise scarcely more costly87 than the barren loan of ‘47, and which would have wafted88 native energies to imperial shores; have limited under these circumstances the evil of the potato famine, even if the improved culture of the interval89 might not have altogether prevented that visitation; while the laws which regulated the competition between home and foreign industry in agricultural produce might have been modified with so much prudence90, or, if necessary, ultimately repealed with so much precaution, that those rapid and startling vicissitudes91 that have so shattered the social fabric92 of Ireland might altogether have been avoided.
But it was decreed that it should be otherwise. Having achieved the incredible conviction of O’Connell, by an Irish jury, the great culprit baffled the vengeance93 of the law by a quirk94 which a lawyer only could have devised. As regards his Irish policy, Sir Robert Peel never recovered this blow, the severity of which was proportionably increased by its occurrence at a moment of unprecedented95 success. Resolute96 not to recur58 to his ancient Orangeism, yet desperate after his discomfiture97 of rallying a moderate party around his ministry98, his practical mind, more clear-sighted than foreseeing, was alarmed at the absence of all influences for the government of Ireland. The tranquillity which might result from a reformed tenure of the soil, must, if attainable99, be a distant blessing100, and at present he saw only the obstacles to its fulfilment—prejudiced landlords, and the claims and necessities of pauper millions. He shrank from a theory which might be an illusion. He required a policy for the next post and the next division. There was in his view only one course to take, to outbid his predecessors101 as successfully in Irish politics as he was doing in taxes and tariffs102. He resolved to appropriate the liberal party of Ireland, and merge103 it into the great Conservative confederation which was destined104 to destroy so many things. He acted with promptitude and energy, for Sir Robert Peel never hesitated when he had made up his mind. His real character was very different from his public reputation. Far from being timid and wary105, he was audacious and even headstrong. It was his cold and constrained106 demeanour that misled the public. There never was a man who did such rash things in so circumspect107 a manner. He had been fortunate in early disembarrassing himself of the Orange counsellors who had conducted his Irish questions when in opposition; vacant judgeships had opportunely108 satisfied the recognized and respectable claims of Mr. Serjeant Jackson and Mr. Lefroy; and so Sir Robert Peel, without a qualm, suddenly began to govern Ireland by sending it ‘messages of peace.’
They took various forms; sometimes a Charitable Bequests109 Act virtually placed the Roman Catholic hierarchy110 in friendly equality with the prelates of the Established Church; sometimes a ‘godless college’ called forth111 a moan from alarmed and irritated Oxford112; the endowment of Maynooth struck wider and deeper, and the middle-classes of England, roused from their religious lethargy, called in vain to the rescue of a Protestantism betrayed. But the minister was unshaken. Successful and self-sufficient, impressed with a conviction that his government in duration would rival that of a Walpole or a Pitt, and exceed both in lustre113, he treated every remonstrance114 with imperious disdain115. He had even accustomed his mind to contemplate116 an ecclesiastical adjustment of Ireland which would have allied117 in that country the Papacy with the State, and have terminated the constitutional supremacy118 of the Anglican Church, when suddenly, in the very heat of all this arrogant119 fortune, the mighty120 fabric of delusion121 shivered and fell to the ground.
An abused and indignant soil repudiated122 the ungrateful race that had exhausted123 and degraded its once exuberant124 bosom125. The land refused to hold those who would not hold the land on terms of justice and of science. All the economical palliatives and political pretences126 of long years seemed only to aggravate32 the suffering and confusion. The poor-rate was levied127 upon a community of paupers128, and the ‘godless colleges’ were denounced by Rome as well as Oxford.
After a wild dream of famine and fever, imperial loans, rates in aid, jobbing public works, confiscated129 estates, constituencies self-disfranchised, and St. Peter’s bearding St. James’s in a spirit becoming Christendom rather than Europe, time topped the climax130 of Irish misgovernment; and by the publication of the census131 of 1851, proved that the millions with whose evils no statesmen would sincerely deal, but whose condition had been the pretext132 for so much empiricism, had disappeared, and nature, more powerful than politicians, had settled the ‘great difficulty.’
Ere the publication of that document, the mortal career of Sir Robert Peel had closed, and indeed several of the circumstances to which we have just alluded133 did not occur in his administration; but the contrast between his policy and its results was nevertheless scarcely less striking. It was in ‘45 that he transmitted his most important ‘message of peace’ to Ireland, to be followed by an autumnal visit of her Majesty134 to that kingdom, painted in complacent135 and prophetic colours by her prime minister. The visit was not made. In the course of that autumn, ten counties of Ireland were in a state of anarchy; and, mainly in that period, there were 136 homicides committed, 138 houses burned, 483 houses attacked, and 138 fired into; there were 544 cases of aggravated assault, and 551 of robbery of arms; there were 89 cases of bands appearing in arms; there were more than 200 cases of administering unlawful oaths; and there were 1,944 cases of sending threatening letters. By the end of the year, the general crime of Ireland had doubled in amount and enormity compared with the preceding year.
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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rife
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| adj.(指坏事情)充斥的，流行的，普遍的 | |
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profusely
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| ad.abundantly | |
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savagely
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| adv. 野蛮地，残酷地 | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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pauper
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| n.贫民，被救济者，穷人 | |
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exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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agrarian
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| adj.土地的，农村的，农业的 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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aggravate
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| vt.加重(剧)，使恶化；激怒，使恼火 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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arson
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| n.纵火，放火 | |
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defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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remodelled
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| v.改变…的结构[形状]( remodel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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commuted
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| 通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 )； 减（刑）； 代偿 | |
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50
curtailed
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| v.截断，缩短( curtail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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recurrence
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| n.复发，反复，重现 | |
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chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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impute
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| v.归咎于 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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76
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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77
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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78
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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79
bruited
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| v.传播（传说或谣言）( bruit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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81
quackery
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| n.庸医的医术，骗子的行为 | |
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82
subverted
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| v.颠覆，破坏（政治制度、宗教信仰等）( subvert的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某人）道德败坏或不忠 | |
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83
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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84
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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85
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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86
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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87
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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88
wafted
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| v.吹送，飘送，（使）浮动( waft的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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90
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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91
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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92
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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93
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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quirk
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| n.奇事，巧合；古怪的举动 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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97
discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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attainable
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| a.可达到的，可获得的 | |
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100
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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102
tariffs
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| 关税制度； 关税( tariff的名词复数 )； 关税表； （旅馆或饭店等的）收费表； 量刑标准 | |
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103
merge
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| v.(使)结合，(使)合并，(使)合为一体 | |
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104
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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105
wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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106
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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107
circumspect
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| adj.慎重的，谨慎的 | |
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108
opportunely
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| adv.恰好地，适时地 | |
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109
bequests
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| n.遗赠( bequest的名词复数 )；遗产，遗赠物 | |
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110
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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111
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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112
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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113
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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114
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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115
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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116
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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117
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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118
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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119
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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120
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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121
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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122
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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123
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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124
exuberant
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| adj.充满活力的；（植物）繁茂的 | |
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125
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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126
pretences
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| n.假装( pretence的名词复数 )；作假；自命；自称 | |
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127
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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128
paupers
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| n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 )；贫民；贫穷 | |
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129
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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130
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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131
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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132
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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133
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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135
complacent
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| adj.自满的；自鸣得意的 | |
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