It was understood that the House would adjourn2 for the Easter recess3 on the 8th instant. There were therefore only two nights remaining for government business before the holidays. On the first of these (Friday, April the 3rd), Mr. O’Connell had announced that he should state his views at length on the condition of Ireland, and the causes of these agrarian4 outrages5. Accordingly, when the order of the day for resuming the adjourned7 debate was read, he rose at once to propose an amendment8 to the motion. He sat in an unusual place—in that generally occupied by the leader of the opposition—and spoke9 from the red box, convenient to him from the number of documents to which he had to refer. His appearance was of great debility, and the tones of his voice were very still. His words, indeed, only reached those who were immediately around him and the ministers sitting on the other side of the green table, who listened with that interest and respectful attention which became the occasion.
It was a strange and touching10 spectacle to those who remembered the form of colossal11 energy and the clear and thrilling tones that had once startled, disturbed, and controlled senates. Mr. O’Connell was on his legs for nearly two hours, assisted occasionally in the management of his documents by some devoted12 aide-de-camp. To the House generally it was a performance in dumb show, a feeble old man muttering before a table; but respect for the great parliamentary personage kept all as orderly as if the fortunes of a party hung upon his rhetoric13; and though not an accent reached the gallery, means were taken that next morning the country should not lose the last and not the least interesting of the speeches of one who had so long occupied and agitated14 the mind of nations.
This remarkable15 address was an abnegation of the whole policy of Mr. O’Connell’s career. It proved, by a mass of authentic16 evidence ranging over a long term of years, that Irish outrage6 was the consequence of physical misery17, and that the social evils of that country could not be successfully encountered by political remedies. To complete the picture, it concluded with a panegyric18 of Ulster and a patriotic19 quotation20 from Lord Clare.
Lord John Russell, who, as an experienced parliamentary leader, had already made more than one effort to extricate21 the Whigs from the consequences of the hearty22 support given to the government measures in the other House by Lords Lansdowne and Clanricarde, and even by Lord Grey, ventured to-night even to say that if he should agree that the House would do well to assent23 to the first reading of this bill, he thought he was bound to state also that in the future stages of it, he should have ‘objections to offer, going to the foundations of some of its principal provisions.’
His speech was curious, as perhaps the last considerable manifesto24 of Whig delusion25 respecting Ireland. Coercion26 Bills might be occasionally necessary; no doubt of it; Lord Grey had once a Coercion Bill, and Lord John Russell had voted for it; but then remedial measures ought to be introduced with coercive ones: the evil should be repressed, but also cured. Thus, Lord Althorp, when the government introduced their great Coercion Bill, introduced also a measure which, besides making a great reform in the Protestant Church of Ireland, exempted27 the whole Catholic community of Ireland from the payment of church cess, which had previously28 been felt as a very great grievance29. On another day Lord Althorp declared his intention of pressing through Parliament a Jury Bill, which had been brought into the House the previous session, but which was allowed to drop in the House of Lords.
Again, there was another declaration which Lord Althorp had made, which, somehow or other, seemed to have been forgotten; it was a declaration with respect to the municipal corporations of Ireland. Lord Althorp said it was exceedingly desirable that the institutions of the two countries should be assimilated as much as possible; and that, as a general rule, the corporate30 bodies of Ireland should be the same as England. Mr. O’Connell had said on that occasion that there was no greater grievance in Ireland than the existence of corporations in their then shape. Lord John contrasted this language of Lord Althorp, ‘simple, plain, emphatic31, and decided,’ with the language of the government of Sir Robert Peel; and held up to admiration32 the Whig policy of 1833, certainly coercive, but with remedial measures—a measure for the abolition33 of church cess, introduced ten days before the Coercion Bill, and a promise of municipal reform made simultaneously34 with the proclamation of martial35 law. This was real statesmanship and touching the root of the evil. Whereas ‘Sir Robert Peel had only consented to passing the Municipal Bill in a crippled state, and only now (in 1846) promised, that the corporations of Ireland should be placed on the same footing as the corporations of England.’ Who could be surprised that such a policy-should end in famine and pestilence36?
The followers37 of Mr. O’Connell again succeeded in adjourning38 the debate until Monday the 6th. On that day Sir Robert Peel made ‘an earnest appeal’ to extricate himself from the almost perilous39 position in which he found his administration suddenly involved. In case the division on the first reading of the Irish Bill should not take place that night, he endeavoured to prevail on those members who had notices on the paper for the following night (Tuesday the 7th), the last night before the holidays, to relinquish40 their right and to permit the Irish debate to proceed and conclude. ‘He had no wish to interfere41 with the due discussion of the measure; but he believed that the Irish members, if they permitted the House to proceed with the Corn Bill, by concluding the discussion on the Irish Bill, would be rendering42 an essential service to their country.’
But this earnest appeal only influenced still more the fiery43 resolves of Mr. Smith O’Brien and his friends. They threw the responsibility for delay of the Corn Bill on the government. The inconvenience which the country suffered was occasioned by the minister, not by the Irish members. He ought, on Friday last, to have adjourned the discussion on the Coercion Bill until after Easter. He and other members who were on the paper for to-morrow would willingly relinquish their right of priority in favour of the Corn Bill, or of any measure of a remedial kind, but not in favour of a Coercion Bill. He did not wish to have any concealment45 with the minister as to the course which the Irish members would pursue. It was their bounden duty to take care that pari passu with the discussion of the Coercion Bill there should be discussions as to the misgovernment of Ireland; and that, in the absence of any remedial measures of the government, they should have an opportunity of suggesting such as they thought advisable for removing those evils which they utterly46 denied that the measure now before the House would remove.
In vain Sir Robert, in his blandest47 tones and with that remarkable command of a temper not naturally serene48 which distinguished49 him, acknowledged to a certain degree the propriety50 of the course intimated by Mr. Smith O’Brien; but suggested at the same time that it was compatible with allowing the Irish bill to be now read for a first time, since on its subsequent stages Mr. O’Brien and his friends would have the full opportunity which they desired, of laying before the House the whole condition of the country. All was useless. No less a personage than Mr. John O’Connell treated the appeal with contempt, and lectured the first minister on the ‘great mistake’ which he had made. Little traits like these revealed the true parliamentary position of the once omnipotent51 leader of the great Conservative party. With the legions of the Protectionists watching their prey52 in grim silence, while the liberal sections were united in hostile manouvres against the government, it was recognised at once that the great minister had a staff without an army; not a reconnoitring could take place without the whole cabinet being under orders, and scarcely a sharpshooter sallied from the opposite ranks without the prime minister returning his fire in person.
Sir Robert Peel mournfully observed that he ‘did not wish to provoke a recriminatory discussion,’ and he resigned himself to his fate. Immediately the third night of the adjourned debate on the Irish bill commenced, and was sustained principally by the Irish members until a late hour. It had not been the intention of Lord George Bentinck to have spoken on this occasion, though he had never been absent for a moment from his seat, and watched all that occurred with that keen relish53 which was usual with him when he thought things were going right; but having been personally and not very courteously54 appealed to by the late Mr. Dillon Browne, and deeming also the occasion, just before the holidays, a not unhappy one, he rose and concluded the debate. His speech was not long, it was not prepared, and it was very animated55.
Recapitulating56 himself the main features of the disturbed district, he said: ‘It is because of these things, sir, that I am prepared to support at least the first reading of a bill, which I freely admit to be most unconstitutional in itself.’
Noticing a speech made in the course of the evening by Lord Morpeth, who had himself once been chief secretary of the Lord Lieutenant57, Lord George thought it discreet59 to remind the House of the unequivocal support given to this bill by the Whig leaders in another place: ‘Sir, I think when we see all the great leaders of the Whig party supporting the measure elsewhere, we cannot be justly impugned60 for doing as they do.’ Lord Morpeth had referred to ‘remedial measures which he thinks should be introduced for Ireland: to measures for the extension of the municipal, and also of the parliamentary, franchise61 of that country; and he expressed his desire to see those franchises62 put on the same footing as the franchises of England.’ ‘For the life of me,’ exclaimed Lord George, ‘I confess, I cannot see in what way the extension of political franchises of any description in Ireland would afford a remedy for the evils which this measure aims to suppress. I think, sir, it is impossible not to perceive that there is a connection between agrarian outrage and the poverty of the people.’
After noticing the inadequate63 poor-law which then existed in Ireland, he added: ‘There is also another point immediately connected with this subject to which I must refer. I allude64, sir, to the system of absenteeism. I cannot disguise from myself the conviction, that many of the evils of Ireland arise from the system of receiving rents by absentee landlords who spend them in other countries. I am well aware that, in holding this doctrine65, I am not subscribing66 to the creed67 of political economists68. I am well aware that Messrs. Senior and M’Culloch hold that it makes no difference whether the Irish landlord spends his rents in Dublin, on his Irish estates, in London, in Bath, or elsewhere. I profess69, sir, I cannot understand that theory. I believe that the first ingredient in the happiness of a people is, that the gentry70 should reside on their native soil, and spend their rents among those from whom they receive them. I cannot help expressing a wish that some arrangement may be made connected with the levying71 of the poor-rate in Ireland, by which absentee landlords may be made to contribute in something like a fair proportion to the wants of the poor in the district in which they ought to reside. There is an arrangement in the hop-growing districts in England in respect to tithe72, which might, I think, afford a very useful suggestion. There are two tithes73: the one, the ordinary tithe; the other, extraordinary; which is levied74 only so long as the land is cultivated in hops75. I think if there were two poor-rates introduced into Ireland, the one applying to all occupiers of land, and the other to all those who did not spend a certain portion of the year on some portion of their estates in Ireland, it would prove useful. I think, that by thus appealing to their interests, it might induce absentee landlords to reside much more in Ireland, than is now unfortunately the case.
‘But, sir, I think there are other remedial measures. Some days ago, the Secretary of State told the member for Stroud (Mr. Poulett Scrope), when he suggested some such measure, that he was treading on dangerous ground, and that the doctrines76 he was advocating might be written in letters of blood in Ireland; but, notwithstanding all this, I still say that I think measures might be introduced for improving the relations between landlord and tenant58 in Ireland. I do not think that some guarantee might and ought to be given to the tenantry of Ireland for the improvements they make upon their farms.
‘Sir, the Secretary of State, in introducing this measure, maintained a doctrine which, I think, much more likely to be written in letters of blood, for he bound up the question of the corn laws with the present one. He said, that unless he could, have prevailed on his colleagues to accede77 to his free-trade measures as regards corn, he would not have introduced this bill. Why, sir, far from giving food to the people of Ireland, in my opinion the measures of her Majesty’s ministers will take away from the people of Ireland their food, by destroying the profits of their only manufacture—the manufacture of corn—and injuring their agriculture; depriving them of employment; in fact, by taking away from them the very means of procuring78 subsistence. Sir, I cannot see how the repeal79 of those laws affecting corn can be In any way connected with the suppression of outrage and the protection of life. What is this but to say, that unless we have a free trade in corn, we must be prepared to concede a free trade in agrarian outrage—a free trade in maiming and houghing cattle—a free trade in incendiarism—a free trade in the burning and sacking of houses—a free trade in midnight murder, and in noon-day assassination80? What is this but telling the people of Ireland, that assassination, murder, incendiarism, are of such light consideration in the eyes of the Secretary of State, that their sanction or suppression by the minister of the crown hinges upon the condition of the corn market and the difference in the price of potatoes?
‘Sir, what has the potato disease to do with the outrages in Ireland? Some think a great deal. I have taken the trouble of looking into the matter. I have examined into the state of crime in at least five counties—Tipperary, Roscommon, Limerick, Leitrim, and Clare—and I find, that during the three months prior to the first appearance of the potato disease, and when in fact food was as cheap in Ireland as at almost any former period—when plenty abounded81 in all quarters of the empire, that the amount of crime exceeded that in the three months immediately following. Now, those who doubt this statement will have an opportunity of ascertaining82 the correctness of my figures, for I will not deal in general assertions. Well then, sir, I find in the three months, May, June, and July last, that the number of crimes committed in the five counties I have mentioned amounted to no less than 1,180, while in the three months immediately after the potato disease, or famine as it is called, the amount of crime committed in the same three months was not 1,180, but 870. I should like to know, therefore, what this agrarian outrage has to do with the potato famine; and where is the justification83 for a minister coming down to this House, and declaring that unless we pass a free-trade measure, we are not to obey her Majesty’s commands by passing a measure for the protection of life in Ireland. Why, sir, I think when this language reaches the people of Ireland—coming, too, as it does from the Treasury84, above all, from the Secretary of State for the Home Department—there is indeed danger to be apprehended85 that such a doctrine may be written in letters of blood in that country. Why, sir, if we are to hear such language as this from that minister of the crown charged with the peace of the country, we may just as well have Captain Rock established as lord lieutenant in the castle of Dublin, a Whitefoot for chief secretary, and Molly M’Guire installed at Whitehall with the seals of the home department.’
And afterwards he remarked, ‘I have been taunted87 that when I may be entrusted88 with the government of Ireland, I should perhaps then learn that Tyrone was an Orange county. Sir, in answer to that taunt86, I must take leave to ask what expression of mine, either in this house or out of it, justifies89 any such remark? When or where can it be said that I have ever permitted myself to know any distinction between an Orangeman and a Catholic; when, in the whole course of my parliamentary career, have I ever given a vote or uttered a sentiment hostile or unfriendly to the Roman Catholics, either of England or Ireland?’ This speech, though delivered generally in favour of the Irish bill, attracted very much the attention, and, as it appeared afterwards, the approbation90 of those Irish members, who, although sitting on the Liberal benches, did not acknowledge the infallible authority of Mr. O’Connell, and was the origin of a political connection between them and Lord George Bentinck, which, on more than one subsequent occasion, promised to bring important results.
Two successive motions were now made for the adjournment91 of the debate, and Sir Robert Peel at length said, that he ‘saw it was useless to persist.’ He agreed to the adjournment until the next day, with the understanding that if it did come on, he would name the time to which it should be postponed92 after the holidays.
Upon this, Sir William Somerville made one more appeal to the minister to postpone93 the further discussion of the Irish bill altogether until the Corn Bill had passed the Commons. He intimated that unless the government at once adopted this resolution, they would find themselves after Easter in the same perplexity which now paralyzed them. They would not be permitted to bring on this measure except upon government nights, and the discussion might then last weeks.
The minister, exceedingly embarrassed, would not, however, relent. On the following day, when he moved the adjournment of the House for the holidays, he reduced the vacation three days, in order to obtain Friday, a government night, which otherwise would have been absorbed in the holidays, and he announced the determination of the government again to proceed on that night with the Irish bill in preference to the Corn Bill. The Irish members glanced defiance94, and the Protectionists could scarcely conceal44 their satisfaction. The reputation of Sir Robert Peel for parliamentary management seemed to be vanishing; never was a government in a more tottering95 state; and the Whigs especially began to renew their laments96 that the Edinburgh letter and its consequences had prevented the settlement of the corn question from devolving to the natural arbitrator in the great controversy97, their somewhat rash but still unrivalled leader, Lord John Russell.
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tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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adjourn
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| v.（使）休会，（使）休庭 | |
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recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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agrarian
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| adj.土地的，农村的，农业的 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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corporate
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| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
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emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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adjourning
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的现在分词 ) | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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blandest
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| adj.（食物）淡而无味的( bland的最高级 )；平和的；温和的；无动于衷的 | |
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serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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49
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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50
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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52
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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53
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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54
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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55
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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recapitulating
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| v.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的现在分词 ) | |
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57
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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58
tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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59
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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impugned
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| v.非难，指谪( impugn的过去式和过去分词 )；对…有怀疑 | |
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franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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franchises
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| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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63
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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subscribing
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| v.捐助( subscribe的现在分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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tithe
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| n.十分之一税；v.课什一税，缴什一税 | |
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tithes
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| n.（宗教捐税）什一税，什一的教区税，小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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75
hops
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| 跳上[下]( hop的第三人称单数 )； 单足蹦跳； 齐足（或双足）跳行； 摘葎草花 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ascertaining
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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taunt
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| n.辱骂，嘲弄；v.嘲弄 | |
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taunted
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| 嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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laments
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| n.悲恸，哀歌，挽歌( lament的名词复数 )v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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