How completely this latter and difficult result was owing to the abilities and energies of one man, and how anomalous7 was the position which he chose to occupy in not taking the formal lead of a party which was entirely8 guided by his example, were convictions and considerations that at this juncture9 much occupied men’s minds. And it was resolved among the most considerable of the country gentlemen to make some earnest and well-combined effort, during the recess10, to induce Lord George Bentinck to waive11 the unwillingness13 he had so often expressed of becoming their avowed14 and responsible leader.
When Lord George Bentinck first threw himself into the breach15, he was influenced only by a feeling of indignation at the manner in which he thought the Conservative party had been trifled with by the government and Lord Stanley, his personal friend and political leader, deserted16 by a majority of the cabinet. As affairs developed, and it became evident that the bulk of the Conservative party throughout the country had rallied round his standard, Lord George could not conceal17 from himself the consequences of such an event, or believe that it was possible that the party in the House of Commons, although Lord Stanley might eventually think fit to guide it by his counsels, and become, if necessary, personally responsible for its policy, could be long held together unless it were conducted by a leader present in the same assembly, and competent under all circumstances to represent its opinions in debate. Lord George, although a very proud man, had no vanity or self-conceit. He took a very humble18 view of his own powers, and he had at the same time a very exalted19 one of those necessary to a leader of the House of Commons. His illustrious connection, Mr. Canning, was his standard. He had been the private secretary of that minister in his youth, and the dazzling qualities of that eminent20 personage had influenced the most susceptible21 time of life of one who was very tenacious22 of his impressions. What Lord George Bentinck appreciated most in a parliamentary speaker was brilliancy: quickness of perception, promptness of repartee23, clear and concise24 argument, a fresh and felicitous25 quotation26, wit and picture, and, if necessary, a passionate27 appeal that should never pass the line of high-bred sentiment. Believing himself not to be distinguished28 by these rhetorical qualities, he would listen with no complacency to those who would urge in private that the present period of parliamentary life was different from the days of Mr. Canning, and that accumulated facts and well-digested reasoning on their bearing, a command of all the materials of commercial controversy29, and a mastery of the laws that regulate the production and distribution of public wealth, combined with habits of great diligence and application, would ensure the attention of a popular assembly, especially when united to a high character and great social position. This might be urged; but he would only shake his head, with a ray of humour twinkling in his piercing eyes, and say, in a half-drawling tone, ‘If Mr. Canning were alive, he could do all this better than any of them, and be not a whit30 less brilliant.’
There was also another reason why Lord George Bentinck was unwilling12 to assume the post of leader of the Conservative party, and this very much influenced him. Sprung from a great Whig house, and inheriting all the principles and prejudices of that renowned31 political connection which had expelled the Stuarts, he had accepted, in an unqualified sense, the dogma of religious liberty. This principle was first introduced into active politics in order to preserve the possessions of that portion of the aristocracy which had established itself on the plunder32 of the Church. It was to form the basis of a party which should prevent reaction and restitution33 of church lands. Whether the principle be a true one, and whether its unqualified application by any party in the state be possible, are questions yet unsettled. It is not probable, for example, that the worship of Juggernaut, which Lord Dalhousie permits in Orissa, would be permitted even by Lord John Russell at Westminster. Even a papist procession is forbidden, and wisely. The application of the principle, however, in Lord George Bentinck’s mind, was among other things associated with the public recognition of the Roman Catholic hierarchy34 by the state, and a provision for its maintenance in Ireland in accordance with the plan of Mr. Pitt. What had happened, with respect to the vote on the endowment of Maynooth in 1845, had convinced him that his opinions on this subject presented an insuperable barrier to his ever becoming the leader of a party which had contributed three-fourths of the memorable35 minority on that occasion. It was in vain that it was impressed upon him by those most renowned for their Protestant principles, and who were at the same time most anxious to see Lord George Bentinck in his right position, that the question of Maynooth was settled, and there was now no prospect36 of future measures of a similar character. This was not the opinion of Lord George Bentinck. He nursed in his secret soul a great scheme for the regeneration and settlement of Ireland, which he thought ought to be one of the mainstays of a Conservative party; and it was his opinion that the condition of the Roman Catholic priesthood must be considered.
It was in vain, in order to assist in removing these scruples37, that it was represented to him by others that endowment of a priesthood by the state was a notion somewhat old-fashioned, and opposed to the spirit of the age which associated true religious freedom with the full development of the voluntary principle. He listened to these suggestions with distrust, and even with a little contempt. Mr. Canning had been in favour of the endowment of the Irish priesthood—that was sufficient for that particular; and as for the voluntary principle, he looked upon it as priestcraft in disguise; his idea of religious liberty being that all religions should be controlled by the state.
Besides these two prominent objections to accepting the offered post, namely, his unaffected distrust in his parliamentary abilities and his assumed want of concordance with his followers38 on a great principle of modern politics, we must also remember that his compliance39 with the request involved no ordinary sacrifice of much which renders life delightful40. He was to relinquish41 pursuits of noble excitement to which he was passionately42 attached, and to withdraw in a great degree from a circle of high-spirited friends, many of them of different political connection from himself, by whom he was adored. With all his unrivalled powers of application when under the influence of a great impulse, he was constitutionally indolent and even lethargic43. There was nothing, therefore, in his position or his temperature to prick44 him on in ‘46; it was nothing but his strong will acting45 upon his indignation which sustained him. It is not, therefore, marvellous that he exhibited great reluctance46 to commit irretrievably his future life. At a subsequent period, indignation had become ambition, and circumstances of various kinds had made him resolve to succeed or die.
On the adjournment47, Lord George had gone down to Newmarket, which he greatly enjoyed after his exhausting campaign. Here some letters on the subject of the leadership passed, but nothing was definitely arranged till some time after the re-assembling of Parliament. For convenience we mention here the result. The wish of the party was repeatedly and personally urged by the popular and much-esteemed member for Dorsetshire, and at last Lord George consented to their wishes, on these conditions: that he should relinquish his post the moment the right man was discovered, who, according to his theory, would ultimately turn up; and secondly48, that his responsible post was not to restrict or embarrass him on any questions in which a religious principle was involved.
Before, however, this negotiation49 was concluded, and while yet at Newmarket, he wrote to a friend, the day before the House met (April 16th).
‘I think there is no doubt, but that the Irish will take care of Friday (to-morrow) night. I have not much hope of their keeping up the debate beyond Friday.
‘It is quite clear from O’Connell’s language at Dublin that we have no hope from the Irish tail.
‘I still think myself, that delay affords a great chance of something turning up in our favour; already the rejection50 of any reciprocity by M. Guizot has provided us with a grand weapon, which, I trust, you drive well home into * * * *‘s vitals; a very short delay would probably bring over similar intelligence from the United States and their Congress. I trust we shall have an important deputation over from Canada, representing that the inevitable51 results of these free-trade measures in corn and timber will be to alienate52 the feelings of our Canadian colonists53, and to induce them to follow their sordid54 interests, which will now, undoubtedly55, be best consulted and most promoted by annexation56 to the United States.
‘Lord———‘s intended tergiversation has been, I believe, some time known; he admits that all farmers without capital, in short, all little men, must be sacrificed. What a barbarous and odious57 policy, that goes upon the principle that none but capitalists are henceforth to be allowed to live, as farmers at least. We must turn the tables upon Lord———and all such heartless doctrinaires!
‘I fear the majority in the Lords will be greater than was expected; I am told that we must endeavour to put ministers in a minority two or three times before the bill gets to its second reading in the Lords, no matter upon what question. I hear there are many peers whose votes depend entirely upon their notions, whether or not Peel can, by hook or by crook58, carry on.’
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1
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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anomalous
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| adj.反常的；不规则的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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waive
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| vt.放弃，不坚持(规定、要求、权力等) | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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repartee
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| n.机敏的应答 | |
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concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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felicitous
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| adj.恰当的，巧妙的；n.恰当，贴切 | |
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quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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restitution
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| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
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hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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lethargic
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| adj.昏睡的，懒洋洋的 | |
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prick
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| v.刺伤，刺痛，刺孔；n.刺伤，刺痛 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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47
adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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52
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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53
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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54
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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crook
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| v.使弯曲；n.小偷，骗子，贼；弯曲(处) | |
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