At the close of the session (August 28), Cord George visited Norfolk, where he received an entertainment from his constituents16 at King’s Lynn, proud of their member, and to whom he vindicated17 the course which he had taken, and offered his views generally as to the relations which should subsist18 between the legislation of the country and its industry. From Norfolk he repaired to Belvoir Castle, on a visit to the Duke of Rutland, and was present at a banquet given by the agriculturists of Leicestershire to his friend and supporter the Marquis of Granby. After this he returned to Welbeck, where he seems to have enjoyed a little repose19. Thus he writes to a friend from that place on the 22nd September:
‘Thanks for your advice, which I am following, having got Lord Malmesbury’s Diary; but I am relapsing into my natural dawdling20, lazy, and somnolent21 habits, and can with difficulty get through the leaders even of the “Times.”
* * * * ‘The vehemence22 of the farmers is personal against Peel; it is quite clear that the rising price of wheat has cured their alarm. The railway expenditure23 must keep up prices and prosperity, both of which would have been far greater without free trade; but in face of high prices, railway prosperity, and potato famine, depend upon it we shall have an uphill game to fight.
‘O’Connell talks of Parliament meeting in November, to mend the Irish Labour-rate Act. Do you believe this?’
The Labour-rate Act, passed at the end of the session (‘46), was one by which the Lord Lieutenant24 was enabled to require special barony sessions to meet in order to make presentments for public works for the employment of the people, the whole of the money requisite25 for their construction to be supplied by the imperial treasury26, though to be afterwards repaid. The machinery27 of this act did not work satisfactorily, but the government ultimately made the necessary alterations28 on their own responsibility, and obtained an indemnity29 from Parliament when it met in ‘47. The early session, therefore, talked of by Mr. O’Connell, became unnecessary. As the only object of this Labour-rate Act was to employ the people, and as it was supposed there were no public works of a reproductive nature which could be undertaken on a sufficient scale to ensure that employment, the Irish people were occupied, towards the end of the autumn of ‘46, mainly in making roads, which, as afterwards described by the first minister, ‘were not wanted.’ In the month of September more than thirty thousand persons were thus employed; but when the harvest was over, and it was ascertained30 that its terrible deficiency had converted pauperism31 into famine, the numbers on the public works became greatly increased, so that at the end of November the amount of persons engaged was four hundred thousand, receiving wages at the rate of nearly five millions sterling32 per annum. These immense amounts went on increasing every week, and when Parliament met in February, 1847, five hundred thousand persons were employed on these public works, which could bring no possible public advantage, at an expense to the country of between ?£700,000 and ?£800,000 per month. No Board of Works could efficiently33 superintend such a multitude, or prevent flagrant imposition, though the dimensions of that department appeared almost proportionably to have expanded. What with commissioners34, chief clerks, check clerks, and pay clerks, the establishment of the Board of Works in Ireland, at the end of ‘46, consisted of more than eleven thousand persons.
Always intent upon Ireland, this condition of affairs early and earnestly attracted the attention of Lord George Bentinck. So vast an expenditure in unproductive labour dismayed him. He would not easily assent35 to the conclusion that profitable enterprise under the circumstances was impossible. Such a conclusion seemed to him unnatural36, and that an occasion where we commenced with despair justified37 a bold and venturesome course. The field is legitimately38 open to speculation39 where all agree that all is hopeless. The construction of harbours, the development of fisheries, the redemption of waste lands, were resources which had been often canvassed40, and whatever their recommendations, with the exception of the last, they were necessarily very limited; and the last, though it might afford prompt, could hardly secure profitable, employment. Prompt and profitable employment was the object which Lord George wished to accomplish. Where millions were to be expended41 by the state, something more advantageous42 to the community should accrue43 than the temporary subsistence of the multitude.
Lord George had always been a great supporter of railway enterprise in England, on the ground that, irrespective of all the peculiar44 advantages of those undertakings45, the money was spent in the country; and that if our surplus capital were not directed to such channels, it would go, as it had gone before, to foreign mines and foreign loans, from which in a great degree no return would arrive. When millions were avowedly46 to be laid out in useless and unprofitable undertakings, it became a question whether it were not wiser even somewhat to anticipate the time when the necessities of Ireland would require railways on a considerable scale; and whether by embarking47 in such enterprises, we might not only find prompt and profitable employment for the people, but by giving a new character to the country and increasing its social relations and the combinations of its industry, might not greatly advance the period when such modes of communication would be absolutely requisite.
Full of these views, Lord George, in the course of the autumn, consulted in confidence some gentlemen very competent to assist him in such an inquiry49, and especially Mr. Robert Stephenson, Mr. Hudson, and Mr. Laing. With their advice and at their suggestion, two engineers of great ability, Mr. Bidder50 and Mr. Smith, were despatched to Ireland, personally to investigate the whole question of railroads in that country.
Meditating51 over the condition of Ireland, a subject very frequently in his thoughts, and of the means to combat its vast and inveterate52 pauperism, Lord George was frequently in the habit of reverting53 to the years ‘41-42 in England, when there were fifteen hundred thousand persons on the parish rates; eighty-three thousand able-bodied men, actually confined within the walls of the workhouse, and more than four hundred thousand able-bodied men receiving out-door relief. What changed all this and restored England in a very brief space to a condition of affluence54 hardly before known in her annals? Not certainly the alterations in the tariff55 which were made by Sir Robert Peel at the commencement of his government, prudent56 and salutary as they were. No one would pretend that the abolition57 of the slight duty (five-sixteenths of a penny) on the raw material of the cotton manufacturer, or the free introduction of some twenty-seven thousand head of foreign cattle, or even the admission of foreign timber at reduced duties, could have effected this. Unquestionably it was the railway enterprise which then began to prevail that was the cause of this national renovation58. Suddenly, and for several years, an additional sum of thirteen millions of pounds sterling a year was spent in the wages of our native industry; two hundred thousand able-bodied labourers received each upon an average twenty-two shillings a week, stimulating59 the revenue both in excise and customs by their enormous consumption of malt and spirits, tobacco and tea. This was the main cause of the contrast between the England of ‘41 and the England of ‘45.
Was there any reason why a proportionate application of the same remedy to Ireland should not proportionately produce a similar result? Was there anything wild or unauthorized in the suggestion? On the contrary: ten years before (1836), the subject had engaged the attention of her Majesty’s government, and a royal commission had been issued to inquire into the expediency of establishing railway communication in Ireland. The commissioners, men of great eminence60, recommended that a system of railways should be established in Ireland, and by the pecuniary61 assistance of government. They rested their recommendation mainly on the abundant evidence existing of the vast benefits which easy communication had accomplished62 in Ireland, and of the complete success which had attended every Parliamentary grant for improving roads in that country.
The weakness of the government, arising from the balanced state of parties, rendered it impossible at that time for them to prosecute63 the measures recommended by the royal commissioners, though they made an ineffectual attempt in that direction. Could it be suspected that the recommendation of the commissioners had been biassed64 by any political consideration? Was it a Whig commission attempting to fulfil a Whig object? Another commission, more memorable65, at the head of which was the Earl of Devon, was appointed by a Tory government some years afterwards, virtually to consider the condition of the people of Ireland, and the best means for their amelioration. The report of the Devon commission confirmed all the recommendations of the railway commissioners of ‘36, and pointed66 to these new methods of communication, by the assistance of loans from the government, as the best means of providing employment for the people.
When Mr. Smith of Deanston was examined by a Parliamentary committee, and asked what measure of all others would be the one most calculated to improve the agriculture and condition of Ireland, he did not reply, as some might have anticipated, that the most efficient measure would be to drain the bogs67; but his answer was, ‘advance the construction of railways, and then agricultural improvement will speedily follow.’
To illustrate68 the value of railways to an agricultural population, Mr. Smith, of Deanston, said, ‘that the improvement of the land for one mile only on each side of the railway so constructed would be so great, that it would pay the cost of the whole construction.’ He added, that there were few districts’ in Ireland, in which railway communication could be introduced, where the value of the country through which the railway passed would not be raised to an extent equal to the whole cost of the railway.
Arguing on an area of six hundred and forty acres for every square mile, after deducting69 the land occupied by fences, roads, and buildings, Mr. Smith, of Deanston, entered into a calculation of the gain deliverable from the mere70 carriage of the produce of the land, and the back carriage of manure71, coals, tiles, bricks, and other materials, and estimated the saving through those means on every square mile to more than ?£300, or something above ?£600 on 1,280 acres abutting72 each mile of railway, this being the difference of the cost of carriage under the old mode of conveyance73 as compared with the new. Following up this calculation, he showed that fifteen hundred miles of railway would improve the land through which it passed to the extent of nearly two million acres at the rate of a mile on each side; and, taken at twenty-five years’ purchase, would equal twenty-four millions sterling in the permanent improvement of the land.
The ground, therefore, was sound on which Lord George cautiously, and after due reflection, ventured to place his foot.
And now, after the reports of these two royal commissions, what was the state of railway enterprise in Ireland in the autumn of ‘46, when a vast multitude could only subsist by being employed by the government, and when the government had avowedly no reproductive or even useful work whereon to place them; but allotted74 them to operations which were described by Colonel Douglas, the inspector75 of the government himself, ‘as works which would answer no other purpose than that of obstructing76 the public conveyances77?’
In ‘46, acts of Parliament were in existence authorizing78 the construction of more than fifteen hundred miles of railway in Ireland, and some of these acts had passed so long as eleven years previously79, yet at the end of ‘46 only one hundred and twenty-three miles of railway had been completed, and only one hundred and sixty-four were in the course of completion, though arrested in their progress from want of funds. Almost in the same period, two thousand six hundred miles of railway had been completed in England, and acts of Parliament had passed for constructing five thousand four hundred miles in addition: in the whole, eight thousand miles.
What then was the reason of this debility in Ireland in prosecuting80 these undertakings? Were they really not required; were the elements of success wanting? The first element of success in railway enterprise, according to the highest authorities, is population; property is only the second consideration. Now, Ireland in ‘46 was more densely81 inhabited than England. A want of population could not therefore be the cause. But a population so impoverished82 as the Irish could not perhaps avail themselves of the means of locomotion83; and yet it appeared from research that the rate of passengers on the two Irish railways that were open greatly exceeded in number that of the passengers upon English and Scotch84 railways. The average number of passengers on English and Scotch railways was not twelve thousand per mile per annum, while on the Ulster railway the number was nearly twenty-two thousand, and on the Dublin and Drogheda line the number exceeded eighteen thousand.
The cause of the weakness in Ireland to prosecute these undertakings was the total want of domestic capital for the purpose, and the unwillingness85 of English capitalists to embark48 their funds in a country whose social and political condition they viewed with distrust, however promising86 and even profitable the investment might otherwise appear. This was remarkably87 illustrated88 by the instance of the Great Southern and Western Railway of Ireland, one of the undertakings of which the completion was arrested by want of funds, yet partially89 open. Compared with a well-known railway in Great Britain, the Irish railway had cost in its construction ?£15,000 per mile, and the British upwards90 of ?£26,000 per mile; the weekly traffic on the two railways, allowing for some difference in their extent, was about the same on both, in amount varying from ?£1,000 to ?£1,300 per week; yet the unfinished British railway was at ?£40 premium91 in the market, and the incomplete Irish railway at ?£2 discount. It was clear, therefore, that the commercial principle, omnipotent92 in England, was not competent to cope with the peculiar circumstances of Ireland.
Brooding over the suggestions afforded by the details which we have slightly indicated, Lord George Bentinck, taking into consideration not merely the advantage that would accrue to the country from the establishment of a system of railroads, but also remembering the peculiar circumstances of the times, the absolute necessity of employing the people, and the inevitable93 advance of public money for that purpose, framed a scheme with reference to all these considerations, and which he believed would meet all the conditions of the case. He spared no thought, or time, or labour, for his purpose. He availed himself of the advice of the most experienced, and prosecuted94 his researches ardently95 and thoroughly96. When he had matured his scheme, he had it thrown into the form of a parliamentary bill by the ablest hands, and then submitted the whole to the judgment97 and criticism of those who shared his confidence and counsels. Towards the end of November he was at Knowsley, from whence he communicated with the writer of these pages. ‘I am here hatching secret plans for the next session; and now, if you have not quite abjured98 politics, as you threatened for the next three months to do, devoting yourself to poetry and romance, I think I ought to have a quiet day with you, in order that we may hold council together and talk over all our policy. I shall be at Harcourt House on the 30th. I shall stay there till the 3rd of December, for a meeting on that day of the Norfolk Estuary99 Company, of which I am chairman. Would that evening suit you—or Friday—or Wednesday? I am not well acquainted with the geography of Buckinghamshire, but presume you are accessible either by rail or road in less than twelve hours.
‘The activity in the dockyard must be in preparation to interfere100 in Portugal, to keep King Leopold upon the Portuguese101 throne: it cannot be for Mexico, for our friend the “Times” formally abandoned Mexico in his leader some days ago.
‘* * * * has been entertaining Lord * * * * in Ireland, and writes: “How Peel must chuckle102 at the Whig difficulties.” I dare say he does, but in Ireland it seems to me Lord Besborough is putting the fate Irish government to shame, whilst the rupture103 of the entente104 cordiale, the conquest of California and New Mexico, and the complications in the river Plata,—are complete inheritances from Lord Aberdeen.
‘Eaton has come to life again: else there was a prospect105 of George Manners quietly succeeding him in Cambridgeshire. I fear we shall do no good in Lincolnshire, notwithstanding the industry of our dear friend the “Morning Post,” in getting hold of Lord Ebrington’s and Lord Rich’s letters to Lord Yarborough. I suppose there is no mistake in Lord Dalhousie (“the large trout”) going out to Bombay with the reversion of Bengal.
‘The duchy of Lancaster is to be put in commission, Lord * * * * to be one of the commissioners, but unpaid106. He has begun, I presume, to overcome the false delicacy107 which prevented his acceptance of office under the Whigs in July. S * * * * thought G * * * * was to be another of the Board, but that turns out a mistake, but Lord H * * * * is to be.
‘The manufacturers are working short time, and reducing wages in all directions, John Bright and Sons at Rochdale among the rest. The Zollverein increasing their import duties on cotton and linen108 yarn109, and putting export duties of 25 per cent. (some of the states at least) on grain.’
We must not omit to record, that in the autumn of this year, at Goodwood races, the sporting world was astounded110 by hearing that Lord George Bentinck had parted with his racing111 stud at an almost nominal112 price. Lord George was present, as was his custom, at this meeting, held in the demesne113 of one who was among his dearest friends. Lord George was not only present but apparently114 absorbed in the sport, and his horses were very successful. The world has hardly done justice to the great sacrifice which he made on this occasion to a high sense of duty. He not only parted with the finest racing stud in England, but he parted with it at a moment when its prospects115 were never so brilliant; and he knew this well. We may have hereafter to notice on this head an interesting passage in his life.
He could scarcely have quitted the turf that day without a pang116. He had become the lord paramount117 of that strange world, so difficult to sway, and which requires for its government both a stern resolve and a courtly breeding. He had them both; and though the blackleg might quail118 before the awful scrutiny119 of his piercing eye, there never was a man so scrupulously120 polite to his inferiors as Lord George Bentinck. The turf, too, was not merely the scene of the triumphs of his stud and his betting-book. He had purified its practice and had elevated its character, and he was prouder of this achievement than of any other connected with his sporting life. Notwithstanding his mighty121 stakes and the keenness with which he backed his opinion, no one perhaps ever cared less for money. His habits were severely122 simple, and he was the most generous of men. He valued the acquisition of money on the turf, because there it was the test of success. He counted his thousands after a great race as a victorious123 general counts his cannon124 and his prisoners.
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1 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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2 prorogued | |
v.使(议会)休会( prorogue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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4 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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7 applied | |
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8 abrogated | |
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9 investigation | |
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21 somnolent | |
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22 vehemence | |
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26 treasury | |
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27 machinery | |
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29 indemnity | |
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30 ascertained | |
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31 pauperism | |
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32 sterling | |
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33 efficiently | |
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35 assent | |
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38 legitimately | |
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39 speculation | |
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40 canvassed | |
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42 advantageous | |
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44 peculiar | |
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52 inveterate | |
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54 affluence | |
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56 prudent | |
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60 eminence | |
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73 conveyance | |
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n.传送( conveyance的名词复数 );运送;表达;运输工具 | |
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80 prosecuting | |
检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 ); 对某人提起公诉; 继续从事(某事物); 担任控方律师 | |
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81 densely | |
ad.密集地;浓厚地 | |
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82 impoverished | |
adj.穷困的,无力的,用尽了的v.使(某人)贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 );使(某物)贫瘠或恶化 | |
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83 locomotion | |
n.运动,移动 | |
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84 scotch | |
n.伤口,刻痕;苏格兰威士忌酒;v.粉碎,消灭,阻止;adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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85 unwillingness | |
n. 不愿意,不情愿 | |
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86 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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87 remarkably | |
ad.不同寻常地,相当地 | |
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88 illustrated | |
adj. 有插图的,列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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89 partially | |
adv.部分地,从某些方面讲 | |
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90 upwards | |
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
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91 premium | |
n.加付款;赠品;adj.高级的;售价高的 | |
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92 omnipotent | |
adj.全能的,万能的 | |
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93 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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94 prosecuted | |
a.被起诉的 | |
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95 ardently | |
adv.热心地,热烈地 | |
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96 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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97 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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98 abjured | |
v.发誓放弃( abjure的过去式和过去分词 );郑重放弃(意见);宣布撤回(声明等);避免 | |
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99 estuary | |
n.河口,江口 | |
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100 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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101 Portuguese | |
n.葡萄牙人;葡萄牙语 | |
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102 chuckle | |
vi./n.轻声笑,咯咯笑 | |
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103 rupture | |
n.破裂;(关系的)决裂;v.(使)破裂 | |
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104 entente | |
n.协定;有协定关系的各国 | |
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105 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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106 unpaid | |
adj.未付款的,无报酬的 | |
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107 delicacy | |
n.精致,细微,微妙,精良;美味,佳肴 | |
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108 linen | |
n.亚麻布,亚麻线,亚麻制品;adj.亚麻布制的,亚麻的 | |
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109 yarn | |
n.纱,纱线,纺线;奇闻漫谈,旅行轶事 | |
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110 astounded | |
v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词);愕然;愕;惊讶 | |
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111 racing | |
n.竞赛,赛马;adj.竞赛用的,赛马用的 | |
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112 nominal | |
adj.名义上的;(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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113 demesne | |
n.领域,私有土地 | |
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114 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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115 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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116 pang | |
n.剧痛,悲痛,苦闷 | |
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117 paramount | |
a.最重要的,最高权力的 | |
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118 quail | |
n.鹌鹑;vi.畏惧,颤抖 | |
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119 scrutiny | |
n.详细检查,仔细观察 | |
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120 scrupulously | |
adv.一丝不苟地;小心翼翼地,多顾虑地 | |
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121 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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122 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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123 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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124 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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