"Note.--My son, William Franklin, is empowered to enter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland county. "B. FRANKLIN."
"To the inhabitants of the Counties of Lancaster, York and "Friends and Countrymen, "Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few days since, I found the general and officers extremely exasperated1 on account of their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been expected from this province, as most able to furnish them; but, through the dissensions between our governor and Assembly, money had not been provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose.
"It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them.
"I apprehended2 that the progress of British soldiers through these counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper they are in, and their resentment4 against us, would be attended with many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more willingly took the trouble of trying first what might be done by fair and equitable6 means. The people of these back counties have lately complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting; you have an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum; for, if the service of this expedition should continue, as it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these waggons8 and horses will amount to upward of thirty thousand pounds, which will be paid you in silver and gold of the king's money.
"The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce march above twelve miles per day, and the waggons and baggage-horses, as they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare of the army, must march with the army, and no faster; and are, for the army's sake, always placed where they can be most secure, whether in a march or in a camp.
"If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects to his majesty9, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make it easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as can not separately spare from the business of their plantations10 a waggon7 and four horses and a driver, may do it together, one furnishing the waggon, another one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay proportionately between you; but if you do not this service to your king and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to you, your loyalty11 will be strongly suspected. The king's business must be done; so many brave troops, come so far for your defense12, must not stand idle through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from you; waggons and horses must be had; violent measures will probably be used, and you will be left to seek for a recompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded.
"I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have only my labour for my pains. If this method of obtaining the waggons and horses is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the general in fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher, B. FRANKLIN."
I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be disbursed13 in advance-money to the waggon owners, etc.; but, that sum being insufficient14, I advanc'd upward of two hundred pounds more, and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp. The advertisement promised payment according to the valuation, in case any waggon or horse should be lost. The owners, however, alleging15 they did not know General Braddock, or what dependence16 might be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I accordingly gave them.
While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers of Colonel Dunbar's regiment17, he represented to me his concern for the subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence18, and could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that might be necessary in so long a march, thro' a wilderness19, where nothing was to be purchas'd. I commiserated20 their case, and resolved to endeavor procuring21 them some relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assembly, who had the disposition22 of some public money, warmly recommending the case of these officers to their consideration, and proposing that a present should be sent them of necessaries and refreshments23. My son, who had some experience of a camp life, and of its wants, drew up a list for me, which I enclos'd in my letter. The committee approv'd, and used such diligence that, conducted by my son, the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the waggons.
They consisted of twenty parcels, each containing
6 lbs. loaf sugar. 1 Gloucester cheese. 6 lbs. good Muscovado do. 1 kegg containing 20 lbs. good 1 lb. good green tea. butter. 1 lb. good bohea do. 2 doz. old Madeira wine. 6 lbs. good ground coffee. 2 gallons Jamaica spirits. 6 lbs. chocolate. 1 bottle flour of mustard. 1-2 cwt. best white biscuit. 2 well-cur'd hams. 1-2 lb. pepper.
1-2 dozen dry'd tongues. 1 quart best white wine vinegar 6 lbs. rice. 6 lbs. raisins24.
These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many horses, each parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for one officer. They were very thankfully receiv'd, and the kindness acknowledg'd by letters to me from the colonels of both regiments25, in the most grateful terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct in procuring him the waggons, etc., and readily paid my account of disbursements, thanking me repeatedly, and requesting my farther assistance in sending provisions after him. I undertook this also, and was busily employ'd in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing for the service of my own money, upwards26 of one thousand pounds sterling27, of which I sent him an account. It came to his hands, luckily for me, a few days before the battle, and he return'd me immediately an order on the paymaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the remainder to the next account. I consider this payment as good luck, having never been able to obtain that remainder, of which more hereafter.
This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably have made a figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had too much self-confidence, too high an opinion of the validity of regular troops, and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians. George Croghan, our Indian interpreter, join'd him on his march with one hundred of those people, who might have been of great use to his army as guides, scouts28, etc., if he had treated them kindly29; but he slighted and neglected them, and they gradually left him.
In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of his intended progress. "After taking Fort Duquesne," says he, "I am to proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days; and then I see nothing that can obstruct30 my march to Niagara." Having before revolv'd in my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them thro' the woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Iroquois country, I had conceiv'd some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventur'd only to say, "To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery31, that place not yet compleatly fortified32, and as we hear with no very strong garrison33, can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I apprehend3 of obstruction34 to your march is from ambuscades of Indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous35 in laying and executing them; and the slender line, near four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attack'd by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, can not come up in time to support each other."
He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, "These savages36 may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia37, but upon the king's regular and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impression." I was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his army which I apprehended its long line of march expos'd it to, but let it advance without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and then, when more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the front had halted till all were come over), and in a more open part of the woods than any it had pass'd, attack'd its advanced guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelligence the general had of an enemy's being near him. This guard being disordered, the general hurried the troops up to their assistance, which was done in great confusion, thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle; and presently the fire came upon their flank: the officers, being on horseback, were more easily distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell very fast; and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle39, having or hearing no orders, and standing40 to be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed; and then, being seiz'd with a panick, the whole fled with precipitation.
The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper'd; their example was immediately followed by others; so that all the waggons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general, being wounded, was brought off with difficulty; his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his side; and out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men from the whole army; the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not being pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp, and the panick they brought with them instantly seiz'd him and all his people; and, tho' he had now above one thousand men, and the enemy who bad beaten Braddock did not at most exceed four hundred Indians and French together, instead of proceeding41, and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honour, he ordered all the stores, ammunition42, etc., to be destroy'd, that he might have more horses to assist his flight towards the settlements, and less lumber43 to remove. He was there met with requests from the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some protection to the inhabitants; but he continu'd his hasty march thro' all the country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv'd at Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion that our exalted44 ideas of the prowess of British regulars had not been well founded.
In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond the settlements, they had plundered45 and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and confining the people if they remonstrated46. This was enough to put us out of conceit47 of such defenders48, if we had really wanted any. How different was the conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, during a march thro' the most inhabited part of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.
Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp, and, being grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd with him to his death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that he was totally silent all the first day, and at night only said, "Who would have thought it?" That he was silent again the following day, saying only at last, "We shall better know how to deal with them another time;" and dy'd in a few minutes after.
The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, instructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands, they selected and translated into French a number of the articles, which they printed, to prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the declaration of war. Among these I saw some letters of the general to the ministry49, speaking highly of the great service I had rendered the army, and recommending me to their notice. David Hume, too, who was some years after secretary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward50 to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he had seen among the papers in that office, letters from Braddock highly recommending me. But, the expedition having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought of much value, for those ecommendations were never of any use to me.
As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was, that he would give orders to his officers not to enlist51 any more of our bought servants, and that he would discharge such as had been already enlisted52. This he readily granted, and several were accordingly return'd to their masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command devolv'd on him, was not so generous. He being at Philadelphia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply'd to him for the discharge of the servants of three poor farmers of Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding him of the late general's orders on that bead53. He promised me that, if the masters would come to him at Trenton, where he should be in a few days on his march to New York, he would there deliver their men to them. They accordingly were at the expense and trouble of going to Trenton, and there he refus'd to perform his promise, to their great loss and disappointment.
As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known, all the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond to pay. Their demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting them that the money was ready in the paymaster's hands, but that orders for paying it must first be obtained from General Shirley, and my assuring them that I had apply'd to that general by letter; but, he being at a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd, and they must have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me from this terrible situation by appointing commissioners54 to examine the claims, and ordering payment. They amounted to near twenty thousand pound, which to pay would have ruined me.
Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came to me with a subscription55 paper for raising money to defray the expense of a grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I looked grave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd that I did not immediately comply with their proposal. "Why the d--l!" says one of them, "you surely don't suppose that the fort will not be taken?" "I don't know that it will not be taken, but I know that the events of war are subject to great
uncertainty56." I gave them the reasons of my doubting; the subscription was dropt, and the projectors57 thereby58 missed the mortification59 they would have undergone if the firework had been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some other occasion afterward, said that he did not like Franklin's forebodings.
Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province, without taxing, among others, the proprietary60 estates, and had rejected all their bills for not having such an exempting61 clause, now redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the danger and necessity being greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd firm, believing they had justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an essential right if they suffered the governor to amend62 their money-bills. In one of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand pounds, his propos'd amendment63 was only of a single word. The bill expressed "that all estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries64 not excepted." His amendment was, for not read only: a small, but very material alteration65. However, when the news of this disaster reached England, our friends there, whom we had taken care to furnish with all the Assembly's answers to the governor's messages, rais'd a clamor against the proprietaries for their meanness and injustice66 in giving their governor such instructions; some going so far as to say that, by obstructing67 the defense of their province, they forfeited68 their right to it. They were intimidated69 by this, and sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand pounds of their money to whatever sum might be given by the Assembly for such purpose.
This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting clause, which passed accordingly.
By this act I was appointed one of the commissioners for disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds. I had been active in modelling the bill and procuring its passage, and had, at the same time, drawn71 a bill for establishing and disciplining of a voluntary militia, which I carried thro' the House without much difficulty, as care was taken in it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote the association necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue, stating and answering all the objections I could think of to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect.
This dialogue and the militia act are in the "Gentleman's Magazine" for February and March, 1756. --[Marg. note.]
While the several companies in the city and country were forming and learning their exercise, the governor prevail'd with me to take charge of our North-western frontier, which was infested72 by the enemy, and provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and building a line of forts. I undertook this military business, tho' I did not conceive myself well qualified73 for it. He gave me a commission with full powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to be given to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my command. My son, who had in the preceding war been an officer in the army rais'd against Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use to me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred the inhabitants; but the place was thought a good situation for one of the forts.
In order to march thither74, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those people. I was surprised to find it in so good a posture75 of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend danger. The principal buildings were defended by a stockade76; they had purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York, and had even plac'd quantities of small paving stones between the windows of their high stone houses, for their women to throw down upon the heads of any Indians that should attempt to force into them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and reliev'd as methodically as in any garrison town. In conversation with the bishop77, Spangenberg, I mention'd this my surprise; for, knowing they had obtained an act of Parliament exempting them from military duties in the colonies, I had suppos'd they were conscientiously78 scrupulous79 of bearing arms. He answer'd me that it was not one of their established principles, but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it was thought to be a principle with many of their people. On this occasion, however, they, to their surprise, found it adopted by but a few. It seems they were either deceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd the Parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger, will sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions.
It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this business of building forts. I sent one detachment toward the Minisink, with instructions to erect80 one for the security of that upper part of the country, and another to the lower part, with similar instructions; and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to Gnadenhut, where a fort was tho't more immediately necessary. The Moravians procur'd me five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc.
Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply of firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle. I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not march'd many miles before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day; there were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd near night at the house of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all huddled81 together, as wet as water could make us. It was well we were not attack'd in our march, for our arms were of the most ordinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry.
The Indians are dextrous in contrivances for that purpose, which we had not. They met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned, and killed ten of them. The one who escap'd inform'd that his and his companions' guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain.
The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd at the desolated82 Gnadenhut. There was a saw-mill near, round which were left several piles of boards, with which we soon hutted ourselves; an operation the more necessary at that inclement83 season, as we had no tents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the dead we found there, who had been half interr'd by the country people.
The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out, the circumference84 measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would require as many palisades to be made of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter each. Our axes, of which we had seventy, were immediately set to work to cut down trees, and, our men being dextrous in the use of them, great despatch85 was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch when two men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes they had it upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed70 at one end. While these were preparing, our other men dug a trench86 all round, of three feet deep, in which the palisades were to be planted; and, our waggons, the bodys being taken off, and the fore5 and hind38 wheels separated by taking out the pin which united the two parts of the perch87, we had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring the palisades from the woods to the spot. When they were set up, our carpenters built a stage of boards all round within, about six feet high, for the men to stand on when to fire thro' the loopholes. We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the angles, and fir'd it as soon as fix'd, to let the Indians know, if any were within hearing, that we had such pieces; and thus our fort, if such a magnificent name may be given to so miserable88 a stockade, was finish'd in a week, though it rain'd so hard every other day that the men could not work.
This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are employ'd, they are best content'd; for on the days they worked they were good-natur'd and cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done a good day's work, they spent the evening jollily; but on our idle days they were mutinous89 and quarrelsome, finding fault with their pork, the bread, etc., and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men constantly at work; and, when his mate once told him that they had done every thing, and there was nothing further to employ them about, "Oh," says he, "Make them scour90 the anchor."
This kind of fort, however contemptible91, is a sufficient defense against Indians, who have no cannon92. Finding ourselves now posted securely, and having a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur'd out in parties to scour the adjacent country. We met with no Indians, but we found the places on the neighboring hills where they had lain to watch our proceedings93. There was an art in their contrivance of those places, that seems worth mention. It being winter, a fire was necessary for them; but a common fire on the surface of the ground would by its light have discovered their position at a distance. They had therefore dug holes in the ground about three feet diameter, and somewhat deeper; we saw where they had with their hatchets94 cut off the charcoal95 from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods. With these coals they had made small fires in the bottom of the holes, and we observ'd among the weeds and grass the prints of their bodies, made by their laying all round, with their legs hanging down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with them, is an essential point. This kind of fire, so manag'd, could not discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks, or even smoke: it appear'd that their number was not great, and it seems they saw we were too many to be attacked by them with prospect96 of advantage.
We had for our chaplain a zealous97 Presbyterian minister, Mr. Beatty, who complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers and exhortations98. When they enlisted, they were promised, besides pay and provisions, a gill of rum a day, which was punctually serv'd out to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the evening; and I observ'd they were as punctual in attending to receive it; upon which I said to Mr. Beatty, "It is, perhaps, below the dignity of your profession to act as steward100 of the rum, but if you were to deal it out and only just after prayers, you would have them all about you." He liked the tho't, undertook the office, and, with the help of a few hands to measure out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction, and never were prayers more generally and more punctually attended; so that I thought this method preferable to the punishment inflicted101 by some military laws for non-attendance on divine service.
I had hardly finish'd this business, and got my fort well stor'd with provisions, when I receiv'd a letter from the governor, acquainting me that he had call'd the Assembly, and wished my attendance there, if the posture of affairs on the frontiers was such that my remaining there was no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing me by their letters to be, if possible, at the meeting, and my three intended forts being now compleated, and the inhabitants contented102 to remain on their farms under that protection, I resolved to return; the more willingly, as a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, experienced in Indian war, being on a visit to our establishment, consented to accept the command. I gave him a commission, and, parading the garrison, had it read before them, and introduc'd him to them as an officer who, from his skill in military affairs, was much more fit to command them than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation99, took my leave. I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover from the fatigue103 I had undergone. The first night, being in a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodging104 on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or two.
While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the practice of the Moravians: some of them had accompanied me, and all were very kind to me. I found they work'd for a common stock, eat at common tables, and slept in common dormitories, great numbers together. In the dormitories I observed loopholes, at certain distances all along just under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously105 placed for change of air. I was at their church, where I was entertain'd with good musick, the organ being accompanied with violins, hautboys, flutes106, clarinets, etc. I understood that their sermons were not usually preached to mixed congregations of men, women, and children, as is our common practice, but that they assembled sometimes the married men, at other times their wives, then the young men, the young women, and the little children, each division by itself. The sermon I heard was to the latter, who came in and were plac'd in rows on benches; the boys under the conduct of a young man, their tutor, and the girls conducted by a young woman. The discourse107 seem'd well adapted to their capacities, and was deliver'd in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing108 them, as it were, to be good. They behav'd very orderly, but looked pale and unhealthy, which made me suspect they were kept too much within doors, or not allow'd sufficient exercise.
I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the report was true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were us'd only in particular cases; that generally, when a young man found himself dispos'd to marry, he inform'd the elders of his class, who consulted the elder ladies that govern'd the young women. As these elders of the different sexes were well acquainted with the tempers and dispositions109 of their respective pupils, they could best judge what matches were suitable, and their judgments110 were generally acquiesc'd in; but if, for example, it should happen that two or three young women were found to be equally proper for the young man, the lot was then recurred111 to. I objected, if the matches are not made by the mutual112 choice of the parties, some of them may chance to be very unhappy. "And so they may," answer'd my informer, "if you let the parties chuse for themselves;" which, indeed, I could not deny.
Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quakers having pretty generally come into it, formed themselves into companies, and chose their captains, lieutenants113, and ensigns, according to the new law. Dr. B. visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had taken to spread a general good liking114 to the law, and ascribed much to those endeavors. I had had the vanity to ascribe all to my Dialogue; however, not knowing but that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion, which I take to be generally the best way in such cases. The officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regiment, which I this time accepted. I forget how many companies we had, but we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company of artillery, who had been furnished with six brass115 field-pieces, which they had become so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times in a minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they accompanied me to my house, and would salute116 me with some rounds fired before my door, which shook down and broke several glasses of my electrical apparatus117. And my new honour proved not much less brittle118; for all our commissions were soon after broken by a repeal119 of the law in England.
During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on a journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their heads that it would be proper for them to escort me out of town, as far as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they came to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in their uniforms. I had not been previously120 acquainted with the project, or I should have prevented it, being naturally averse121 to the assuming of state on any occasion; and I was a good deal chagrin'd at their appearance, as I could not avoid their accompanying me. What made it worse was, that, as soon as we began to move, they drew their swords and rode with them naked all the way. Somebody wrote an account of this to the proprietor122, and it gave him great offense123. No such honor had been paid him when in the province, nor to any of his governors; and he said it was only proper to princes of the blood royal, which may be true for aught I know, who was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette124 in such cases.
This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour against me, which was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the Assembly respecting the exemption125 of his estate from taxation126, which I had always oppos'd very warmly, and not without severe reflections on his meanness and injustice of contending for it. He accused me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to the king's service, preventing, by my influence in the House, the proper form of the bills for raising money, and he instanced this parade with my officers as a proof of my having an intention to take the government of the province out of his hands by force. He also applied127 to Sir Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to deprive me of my office; but it had no other effect than to procure128 from Sir Everard a gentle admonition.
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exasperated
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apprehended
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apprehend
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resentment
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fore
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equitable
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waggon
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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9
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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10
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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11
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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12
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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13
disbursed
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| v.支出，付出( disburse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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14
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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15
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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16
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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17
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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18
affluence
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| n.充裕，富足 | |
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19
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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20
commiserated
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| v.怜悯，同情( commiserate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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21
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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22
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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23
refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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24
raisins
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| n.葡萄干( raisin的名词复数 ) | |
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25
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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26
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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27
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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28
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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29
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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30
obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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31
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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32
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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33
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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34
obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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35
dexterous
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| adj.灵敏的；灵巧的 | |
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36
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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37
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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38
hind
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| adj.后面的，后部的 | |
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39
huddle
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| vi.挤作一团；蜷缩；vt.聚集；n.挤在一起的人 | |
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40
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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41
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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42
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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43
lumber
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| n.木材，木料；v.以破旧东西堆满；伐木；笨重移动 | |
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44
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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45
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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47
conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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48
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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49
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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50
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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51
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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52
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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53
bead
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| n.念珠；(pl.)珠子项链；水珠 | |
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54
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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55
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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56
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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57
projectors
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| 电影放映机，幻灯机( projector的名词复数 ) | |
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58
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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59
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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60
proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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61
exempting
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的现在分词 ) | |
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62
amend
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| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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63
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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64
proprietaries
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| n.所有人( proprietary的名词复数 )；专卖药品；独家制造（及销售）的产品 | |
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65
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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66
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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67
obstructing
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| 阻塞( obstruct的现在分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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68
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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70
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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71
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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72
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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73
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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74
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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75
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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76
stockade
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| n.栅栏，围栏；v.用栅栏防护 | |
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77
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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78
conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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79
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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80
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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81
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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82
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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83
inclement
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| adj.严酷的，严厉的，恶劣的 | |
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84
circumference
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| n.圆周，周长，圆周线 | |
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85
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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86
trench
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| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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87
perch
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| n.栖木，高位，杆；v.栖息，就位，位于 | |
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88
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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89
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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90
scour
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| v.搜索；擦，洗，腹泻，冲刷 | |
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91
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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92
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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93
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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94
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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95
charcoal
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| n.炭，木炭，生物炭 | |
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96
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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97
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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98
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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99
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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100
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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101
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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103
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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104
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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105
judiciously
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| adv.明断地，明智而审慎地 | |
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106
flutes
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| 长笛( flute的名词复数 )； 细长香槟杯（形似长笛） | |
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107
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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108
coaxing
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| v.哄，用好话劝说( coax的现在分词 )；巧言骗取；哄劝，劝诱；“锻炼”效应 | |
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109
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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110
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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111
recurred
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| 再发生，复发( recur的过去式和过去分词 )； 治愈 | |
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112
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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113
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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114
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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115
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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116
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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117
apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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118
brittle
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| adj.易碎的；脆弱的；冷淡的；(声音)尖利的 | |
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119
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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120
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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121
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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122
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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123
offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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124
etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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125
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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126
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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127
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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128
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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