Our city, tho' laid out with a beautiful regularity1, the streets large, strait, and crossing each other at right angles, had the disgrace of suffering those streets to remain long unpav'd, and in wet weather the wheels of heavy carriages plough'd them into a quagmire2, so that it was difficult to cross them; and in dry weather the dust was offensive. I had liv'd near what was call'd the Jersey4 Market, and saw with pain the inhabitants wading5 in mud while purchasing their provisions. A strip of ground down the middle of that market was at length pav'd with brick, so that, being once in the market, they had firm footing, but were often over shoes in dirt to get there.
By talking and writing on the subject, I was at length instrumental in getting the street pav'd with stone between the market and the brick'd foot-pavement, that was on each side next the houses. This, for some time, gave an easy access to the market dry-shod; but, the rest of the street not being pav'd, whenever a carriage came out of the mud upon this pavement, it shook off and left its dirt upon it, and it was soon cover'd with mire3, which was not remov'd, the city as yet having no scavengers.
After some inquiry6 I found a poor industrious7 man, who was willing to undertake keeping the pavement clean, by sweeping8 it twice a week, carrying off the dirt from before all the neighbours' doors, for the sum of sixpence per month, to be paid by each house. I then wrote and printed a paper setting forth9 the advantages to the neighbourhood that might be obtain'd by this small expense; the greater ease in keeping our houses clean, so much dirt not being brought in by people's feet; the benefit to the shops by more custom, etc., etc., as buyers could more easily get at them; and by not having, in windy weather, the dust blown in upon their goods, etc., etc. I sent one of these papers to each house, and in a day or two went round to see who would subscribe10 an agreement to pay these sixpences; it was unanimously sign'd, and for a time well executed. All the inhabitants of the city were delighted with the cleanliness of the pavement that surrounded the market, it being a convenience to all, and this rais'd a general desire to have all the streets paved, and made the people more willing to submit to a tax for that purpose.
After some time I drew a bill for paving the city, and brought it into the Assembly. It was just before I went to England, in 1757, and did not pass till I was gone.and then with an alteration11 in the mode of assessment12, which I thought not for the better, but with an additional provision for lighting13 as well as paving the streets, which was a great improvement. It was by a private person, the late Mr. John Clifton, his giving a sample of the utility of lamps, by placing one at his door, that the people were first impress'd with the idea of enlighting all the city. The honour of this public benefit has also been ascrib'd to me but it belongs truly to that gentleman. I did but follow his example, and have only some merit to claim respecting the form of our lamps, as differing from the globe lamps we were at first supply'd with from London. Those we found inconvenient14 in these respects: they admitted no air below; the smoke, therefore, did not readily go out above, but circulated in the globe, lodg'd on its inside, and soon obstructed15 the light they were intended to afford; giving, besides, the daily trouble of wiping them clean; and an accidental stroke on one of them would demolish16 it, and render it totally useless. I therefore suggested the composing them of four flat panes18, with a long funnel19 above to draw up the smoke, and crevices20 admitting air below, to facilitate the ascent21 of the smoke; by this means they were kept clean, and did not grow dark in a few hours, as the London lamps do, but continu'd bright till morning, and an accidental stroke would generally break but a single pane17, easily repair'd.
I have sometimes wonder'd that the Londoners did not, from the effect holes in the bottom of the globe lamps us'd at Vauxhall have in keeping them clean, learn to have such holes in their street lamps. But, these holes being made for another purpose, viz., to communicate flame more suddenly to the wick by a little flax hanging down thro' them, the other use, of letting in air, seems not to have been thought of; and therefore, after the lamps have been lit a few hours, the streets of London are very poorly illuminated22.
The mention of these improvements puts me in mind of one I propos'd, when in London, to Dr. Fothergill, who was among the best men I have known, and a great promoter of useful projects. I had observ'd that the streets, when dry, were never swept, and the light dust carried away; but it was suffer'd to accumulate till wet weather reduc'd it to mud, and then, after lying some days so deep on the pavement that there was no crossing but in paths kept clean by poor people with brooms, it was with great labour rak'd together and thrown up into carts open above, the sides of which suffer'd some of the slush at every jolt23 on the pavement to shake out and fall, sometimes to the annoyance24 of foot-passengers. The reason given for not sweeping the dusty streets was, that the dust would fly into the windows of shops and houses.
An accidental occurrence had instructed me how much sweeping might be done in a little time. I found at my door in Craven-street, one morning, a poor woman sweeping my pavement with a birch broom; she appeared very pale and feeble, as just come out of a fit of sickness. I ask'd who employ'd her to sweep there; she said, "Nobody, but I am very poor and in distress25, and I sweeps before gentlefolkses doors, and hopes they will give me something." I bid her sweep the whole street clean, and I would give her a shilling; this was at nine o'clock; at 12 she came for the shilling. From the slowness I saw at first in her working, I could scarce believe that the work was done so soon, and sent my servant to examine it, who reported that the whole street was swept perfectly26 clean, and all the dust plac'd in the gutter27, which was in the middle; and the next rain wash'd it quite away, so that the pavement and even the kennel28 were perfectly clean.
I then judg'd that, if that feeble woman could sweep such a street in three hours, a strong, active man might have done it in half the time. And here let me remark the convenience of having but one gutter in such a narrow street, running down its middle, instead of two, one on each side, near the footway; for where all the rain that falls on a street runs from the sides and meets in the middle, it forms there a current strong enough to wash away all the mud it meets with; but when divided into two channels, it is often too weak to cleanse29 either, and only makes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the wheels of carriages and feet of horses throw and dash it upon the foot-pavement, which is thereby30 rendered foul31 and slippery, and sometimes splash it upon those who are walking. My proposal, communicated to the good doctor, was as follows:
"For the more effectual cleaning and keeping clean the streets of London and Westminster, it is proposed that the several watchmen be contracted with to have the dust swept up in dry seasons, and the mud rak'd up at other times, each in the several streets and lanes of his round; that they be furnish'd with brooms and other proper instruments for these purposes, to be kept at their respective stands, ready to furnish the poor people they may employ in the service.
"That in the dry summer months the dust be all swept up into heaps at proper distances, before the shops and windows of houses are usually opened, when the scavengers, with close-covered carts, shall also carry it all away.
"That the mud, when rak'd up, be not left in heaps to be spread abroad again by the wheels of carriages and trampling32 of horses, but that the scavengers be provided with bodies of carts, not plac'd high upon wheels, but low upon sliders, with lattice bottoms, which, being cover'd with straw, will retain the mud thrown into them, and permit the water to drain from it, whereby it will become much lighter33, water making the greatest part of its weight; these bodies of carts to be plac'd at convenient distances, and the mud brought to them in wheel-barrows; they remaining where plac'd till the mud is drain'd, and then horses brought to draw them away."
I have since had doubts of the practicability of the latter part of this proposal, on account of the narrowness of some streets, and the difficulty of placing the draining-sleds so as not to encumber34 too much the passage; but I am still of opinion that the former, requiring the dust to be swept up and carry'd away before the shops are open, is very practicable in the summer, when the days are long; for, in walking thro' the Strand35 and Fleet-street one morning at seven o'clock, I observ'd there was not one shop open, tho' it had been daylight and the sun up above three hours; the inhabitants of London chusing voluntarily to live much by candle-light, and sleep by sunshine, and yet often complain, a little absurdly, of the duty on candles and the high price of tallow.
Some may think these trifling36 matters not worth minding or relating; but when they consider that tho' dust blown into the eyes of a single person, or into a single shop on a windy day, is but of small importance, yet the great number of the instances in a populous37 city, and its frequent repetitions give it weight and consequence, perhaps they will not censure38 very severely39 those who bestow40 some attention to affairs of this seemingly low nature. Human felicity is produc'd not so much by great pieces of good fortune that seldom happen, as by little advantages that occur every day. Thus, if you teach a poor young man to shave himself, and keep his razor in order, you may contribute more to the happiness of his life than in giving him a thousand guineas. The money may be soon spent, the regret only remaining of having foolishly consumed it; but in the other case, he escapes the frequent vexation of waiting for barbers, and of their sometimes dirty fingers, offensive breaths, and dull razors; he shaves when most convenient to him, and enjoys daily the pleasure of its being done with a good instrument. With these sentiments I have hazarded the few preceding pages, hoping they may afford hints which some time or other may be useful to a city I love, having lived many years in it very happily, and perhaps to some of our towns in America.
Having been for some time employed by the postmaster-general of America as his comptroller in regulating several offices, and bringing the officers to account, I was, upon his death in 1753, appointed, jointly41 with Mr. William Hunter, to succeed him, by a commission from the postmaster-general in England. The American office never had hitherto paid any thing to that of Britain. We were to have six hundred pounds a year between us, if we could make that sum out of the profits of the office. To do this, a variety of improvements were necessary; some of these were inevitably42 at first expensive, so that in the first four years the office became above nine hundred pounds in debt to us. But it soon after began to repay us; and before I was displac'd by a freak of the ministers, of which I shall speak hereafter, we had brought it to yield three times as much clear revenue to the crown as the postoffice of Ireland. Since that imprudent transaction, they have receiv'd from it-- not one farthing!
The business of the postoffice occasion'd my taking a journey this year to New England, where the College of Cambridge, of their own motion, presented me with the degree of Master of Arts. Yale College, in Connecticut, had before made me a similar compliment. Thus, without studying in any college, I came to partake of their honours. They were conferr'd in consideration of my improvements and discoveries in the electric branch of natural philosophy.
In 1754, war with France being again apprehended43, a congress of commissioners44 from the different colonies was, by an order of the Lords of Trade, to be assembled at Albany, there to confer with the chiefs of the Six Nations concerning the means of defending both their country and ours. Governor Hamilton, having receiv'd this order, acquainted the House with it, requesting they would furnish proper presents for the Indians, to be given on this occasion; and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as commissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House approv'd the nomination45, and provided the goods for the present, and tho' they did not much like treating out of the provinces; and we met the other commissioners at Albany about the middle of June.
In our way thither46, I projected and drew a plan for the union of all the colonies under one government, so far as might be necessary for defense47, and other important general purposes. As we pass'd thro' New York, I had there shown my project to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs, and, being fortified48 by their approbation49, I ventur'd to lay it before the Congress. It then appeared that several of the commissioners had form'd plans of the same kind. A previous question was first taken, whether a union should be established, which pass'd in the affirmative unanimously. A committee was then appointed, one member from each colony, to consider the several plans and report. Mine happen'd to be preferr'd, and, with a few amendments50, was accordingly reported.
By this plan the general government was to be administered by a president-general, appointed and supported by the crown, and a grand council was to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies, met in their respective assemblies. The debates upon it in Congress went on daily, hand in hand with the Indian business. Many objections and difficulties were started, but at length they were all overcome, and the plan was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be transmitted to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the several provinces. Its fate was singular: the assemblies did not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much prerogative52 in it, and in England it was judg'd to have too much of the democratic.
The Board of Trade therefore did not approve of it, nor recommend it for the approbation of his majesty53; but another scheme was form'd, supposed to answer the same purpose better, whereby the governors of the provinces, with some members of their respective councils, were to meet and order the raising of troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury54 of Great Britain for the expense, which was afterwards to be refunded56 by an act of Parliament laying a tax on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is to be found among my political papers that are printed.
Being the winter following in Boston, I had much conversation with Governor Shirley upon both the plans. Part of what passed between us on the occasion may also be seen among those papers. The different and contrary reasons of dislike to my plan makes me suspect that it was really the true medium; and I am still of opinion it would have been happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted. The colonies, so united, would have been sufficiently57 strong to have defended themselves; there would then have been no need of troops from England; of course, the subsequent pretence58 for taxing America, and the bloody59 contest it occasioned, would have been avoided. But such mistakes are not new; history is full of the errors of states and princes.
Look round the habitable world, how few Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue!
Those who govern, having much business on their hands, do not generally like to take the trouble of considering and carrying into execution new projects. The best public measures are therefore seldom adopted from previous wisdom, but forc'd by the occasion.
The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to the Assembly, express'd his approbation of the plan, "as appearing to him to be drawn60 up with great clearness and strength of judgment61, and therefore recommended it as well worthy62 of their closest and most serious attention." The House, however, by the management of a certain member, took it up when I happen'd to be absent, which I thought not very fair, and reprobated it without paying any attention to it at all, to my no small mortification63.
In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New York with our new governor, Mr. Morris, just arriv'd there from England, with whom I had been before intimately acquainted. He brought a commission to supersede64 Mr. Hamilton, who, tir'd with the disputes his proprietary65 instructions subjected him to, had resign'd. Mr. Morris ask'd me if I thought he must expect as uncomfortable an administration. I said, "No; you may, on the contrary, have a very comfortable one, if you will only take care not to enter into any dispute with the Assembly." "My dear friend," says he, pleasantly, "how can you advise my avoiding disputes? You know I love disputing; it is one of my greatest pleasures; however, to show the regard I have for your counsel, I promise you I will, if possible, avoid them." He had some reason for loving to dispute, being eloquent66, an acute sophister, and, therefore, generally successful in argumentative conversation. He had been brought up to it from a boy, his father, as I have heard, accustoming67 his children to dispute with one another for his diversion, while sitting at table after dinner; but I think the practice was not wise; for, in the course of my observation, these disputing, contradicting, and confuting people are generally unfortunate in their affairs. They get victory sometimes, but they never get good will, which would be of more use to them. We parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to Boston.
In returning, I met at New York with the votes of the Assembly, by which it appear'd that, notwithstanding his promise to me, he and the House were already in high contention68; and it was a continual battle between them as long as he retain'd the government. I had my share of it; for, as soon as I got back to my seat in the Assembly, I was put on every committee for answering his speeches and messages, and by the committees always desired to make the drafts. Our answers, as well as his messages, were often tart51, and sometimes indecently abusive; and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly, one might have imagined that, when we met, we could hardly avoid cutting throats; but he was so good-natur'd a man that no personal difference between him and me was occasion'd by the contest, and we often din'd together.
One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we met in the street. "Franklin," says he, "you must go home with me and spend the evening; I am to have some company that you will like;" and, taking me by the arm, he led me to his house. In gay conversation over our wine, after supper, he told us, jokingly, that he much admir'd the idea of Sancho Panza, who, when it was proposed to give him a government, requested it might be a government of blacks, as then, if he could not agree with his people, he might sell them. One of his friends, who sat next to me, says, "Franklin, why do you continue to side with these damn'd Quakers? Had not you better sell them? The proprietor69 would give you a good price." "The governor," says I, "has not yet blacked them enough." He, indeed, had labored70 hard to blacken the Assembly in all his messages, but they wip'd off his coloring as fast as he laid it on, and plac'd it, in return, thick upon his own face; so that, finding he was likely to be negrofied himself, he, as well as Mr. Hamilton, grew tir'd of the contest, and quitted the government.
These public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the proprietaries71, our hereditary72 governors, who, when any expense was to be incurred73 for the defense of their province, with incredible meanness instructed their deputies to pass no act for levying74 the necessary taxes, unless their vast estates were in the same act expressly excused; and they had even taken bonds of these deputies to observe such instructions. The Assemblies for three years held out against this injustice75, tho' constrained76 to bend at last. At length Captain Denny, who was Governor Morris's successor, ventured to disobey those instructions; how that was brought about I shall show hereafter.
But I am got forward too fast with my story: there are still some transactions to be mention'd that happened during the administration of Governor Morris.
War being in a manner commenced with France, the government of Massachusetts Bay projected an attack upon Crown Point, and sent Mr. Quincy to Pennsylvania, and Mr. Pownall, afterward55 Governor Pownall, to New York, to solicit77 assistance. As I was in the Assembly, knew its temper, and was Mr. Quincy's countryman, he appli'd to me for my influence and assistance. I dictated78 his address to them, which was well receiv'd. They voted an aid of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in provisions. But the governor refusing his assent79 to their bill (which included this with other sums granted for the use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted exempting80 the proprietary estate from bearing any part of the tax that would be necessary, the Assembly, tho' very desirous of making their grant to New England effectual, were at a loss how to accomplish it. Mr. Quincy labored hard with the governor to obtain his assent, but he was obstinate81.
I then suggested a method of doing the business without the governor, by orders on the trustees of the Loan Office, which, by law, the Assembly had the right of drawing. There was, indeed, little or no money at that time in the office, and therefore I propos'd that the orders should be payable82 in a year, and to bear an interest of five per cent. With these orders I suppos'd the provisions might easily be purchas'd. The Assembly, with very little hesitation83, adopted the proposal. The orders were immediately printed, and I was one of the committee directed to sign and dispose of them. The fund for paying them was the interest of all the paper currency then extant in the province upon loan, together with the revenue arising from the excise84, which being known to be more than sufficient, they obtain'd instant credit, and were not only receiv'd in payment for the provisions, but many money'd people, who had cash lying by them, vested it in those orders, which they found advantageous85, as they bore interest while upon hand, and might on any occasion be used as money; so that they were eagerly all bought up, and in a few weeks none of them were to be seen. Thus this important affair was by my means compleated. My Quincy return'd thanks to the Assembly in a handsome memorial, went home highly pleas'd with the success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me the most cordial and affectionate friendship.
The British government, not chusing to permit the union of the colonies as propos'd at Albany, and to trust that union with their defense, lest they should thereby grow too military, and feel their own strength, suspicions and jealousies86 at this time being entertain'd of them, sent over General Braddock with two regiments87 of regular English troops for that purpose. He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia, and thence march'd to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he halted for carriages. Our Assembly apprehending88, from some information, that he had conceived violent prejudices against them, as averse89 to the service, wish'd me to wait upon him, not as from them, but as postmaster-general, under the guise90 of proposing to settle with him the mode of conducting with most celerity and certainty the despatches between him and the governors of the several provinces, with whom he must necessarily have continual correspondence, and of which they propos'd to pay the expense. My son accompanied me on this journey.
We found the general at Frederictown, waiting impatiently for the return of those he had sent thro' the back parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect waggons92. I stayed with him several days, din'd with him daily, and had full opportunity of removing all his prejudices, by the information of what the Assembly had before his arrival actually done, and were still willing to do, to facilitate his operations. When I was about to depart, the returns of waggons to be obtained were brought in, by which it appear'd that they amounted only to twenty-five, and not all of those were in serviceable condition. The general and all the officers were surpris'd, declar'd the expedition was then at an end, being impossible, and exclaim'd against the ministers for ignorantly landing them in a country destitute93 of the means of conveying their stores, baggage, etc., not less than one hundred and fifty waggons being necessary.
I happened to say I thought it was a pity they had not been landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had his waggon91. The general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said, "Then you, sir, who are a man of interest there, can probably procure94 them for us; and I beg you will undertake it." I ask'd what terms were to be offer'd the owners of the waggons; and I was desir'd to put on paper the terms that appeared to me necessary. This I did, and they were agreed to, and a commission and instructions accordingly prepar'd immediately. What those terms were will appear in the advertisement I publish'd as soon as I arriv'd at Lancaster, which being, from the great and sudden effect it produc'd, a piece of some curiosity, I shall insert it at length, as follows:
"ADVERTISEMENT. "LANCASTER, April 26, 1755.
"Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four horses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are wanted for the service of his majesty's forces now about to rendezvous95 at Will's Creek96, and his excellency General Braddock having been pleased to empower me to contract for the hire of the same, I hereby give notice that I shall attend for that purpose at Lancaster from this day to next Wednesday evening, and at York from next Thursday morning till Friday evening, where I shall be ready to agree for waggons and teams, or single horses, on the following terms, viz.: I. That there shall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses and a driver, fifteen shillings per diem; and for each able horse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, two shillings per diem; and for each able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2. That the pay commence from the time of their joining the forces at Will's Creek, which must be on or before the 20th of May ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and above for the time necessary for their travelling to Will's Creek and home again after their discharge. 3. Each waggon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, is to be valued by indifferent persons chosen between me and the owner; and in case of the loss of any waggon, team, or other horse in the service, the price according to such valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days' pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of each waggon and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at the time of
their discharge, or from time to time, as it shall be demanded. 5. No drivers of waggons, or persons taking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employed than in conducting or taking care of their carriages or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn, or other forage97 that waggons or horses bring to the camp, more than is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken for the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the same.
1 regularity | |
n.规律性,规则性;匀称,整齐 | |
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2 quagmire | |
n.沼地 | |
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3 mire | |
n.泥沼,泥泞;v.使...陷于泥泞,使...陷入困境 | |
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4 jersey | |
n.运动衫 | |
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5 wading | |
(从水、泥等)蹚,走过,跋( wade的现在分词 ) | |
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6 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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7 industrious | |
adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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8 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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9 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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10 subscribe | |
vi.(to)订阅,订购;同意;vt.捐助,赞助 | |
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11 alteration | |
n.变更,改变;蚀变 | |
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12 assessment | |
n.评价;评估;对财产的估价,被估定的金额 | |
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13 lighting | |
n.照明,光线的明暗,舞台灯光 | |
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14 inconvenient | |
adj.不方便的,令人感到麻烦的 | |
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15 obstructed | |
阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 ); 堵塞; 阻碍; 阻止 | |
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16 demolish | |
v.拆毁(建筑物等),推翻(计划、制度等) | |
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17 pane | |
n.窗格玻璃,长方块 | |
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18 panes | |
窗玻璃( pane的名词复数 ) | |
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19 funnel | |
n.漏斗;烟囱;v.汇集 | |
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20 crevices | |
n.(尤指岩石的)裂缝,缺口( crevice的名词复数 ) | |
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21 ascent | |
n.(声望或地位)提高;上升,升高;登高 | |
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22 illuminated | |
adj.被照明的;受启迪的 | |
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23 jolt | |
v.(使)摇动,(使)震动,(使)颠簸 | |
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24 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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25 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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26 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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27 gutter | |
n.沟,街沟,水槽,檐槽,贫民窟 | |
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28 kennel | |
n.狗舍,狗窝 | |
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29 cleanse | |
vt.使清洁,使纯洁,清洗 | |
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30 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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31 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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32 trampling | |
踩( trample的现在分词 ); 践踏; 无视; 侵犯 | |
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33 lighter | |
n.打火机,点火器;驳船;v.用驳船运送;light的比较级 | |
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34 encumber | |
v.阻碍行动,妨碍,堆满 | |
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35 strand | |
vt.使(船)搁浅,使(某人)困于(某地) | |
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36 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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37 populous | |
adj.人口稠密的,人口众多的 | |
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38 censure | |
v./n.责备;非难;责难 | |
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39 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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40 bestow | |
v.把…赠与,把…授予;花费 | |
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41 jointly | |
ad.联合地,共同地 | |
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42 inevitably | |
adv.不可避免地;必然发生地 | |
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43 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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44 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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45 nomination | |
n.提名,任命,提名权 | |
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46 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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47 defense | |
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩 | |
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48 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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49 approbation | |
n.称赞;认可 | |
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50 amendments | |
(法律、文件的)改动( amendment的名词复数 ); 修正案; 修改; (美国宪法的)修正案 | |
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51 tart | |
adj.酸的;尖酸的,刻薄的;n.果馅饼;淫妇 | |
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52 prerogative | |
n.特权 | |
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53 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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54 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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55 afterward | |
adv.后来;以后 | |
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56 refunded | |
v.归还,退还( refund的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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58 pretence | |
n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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59 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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60 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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61 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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62 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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63 mortification | |
n.耻辱,屈辱 | |
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64 supersede | |
v.替代;充任 | |
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65 proprietary | |
n.所有权,所有的;独占的;业主 | |
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66 eloquent | |
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
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67 accustoming | |
v.(使)习惯于( accustom的现在分词 ) | |
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68 contention | |
n.争论,争辩,论战;论点,主张 | |
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69 proprietor | |
n.所有人;业主;经营者 | |
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70 labored | |
adj.吃力的,谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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71 proprietaries | |
n.所有人( proprietary的名词复数 );专卖药品;独家制造(及销售)的产品 | |
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72 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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73 incurred | |
[医]招致的,遭受的; incur的过去式 | |
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74 levying | |
征(兵)( levy的现在分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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75 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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76 constrained | |
adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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77 solicit | |
vi.勾引;乞求;vt.请求,乞求;招揽(生意) | |
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78 dictated | |
v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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79 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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80 exempting | |
使免除[豁免]( exempt的现在分词 ) | |
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81 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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82 payable | |
adj.可付的,应付的,有利益的 | |
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83 hesitation | |
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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84 excise | |
n.(国产)货物税;vt.切除,删去 | |
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85 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
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86 jealousies | |
n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 );妒羡 | |
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87 regiments | |
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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88 apprehending | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的现在分词 ); 理解 | |
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89 averse | |
adj.厌恶的;反对的,不乐意的 | |
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90 guise | |
n.外表,伪装的姿态 | |
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91 waggon | |
n.运货马车,运货车;敞篷车箱 | |
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92 waggons | |
四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 ); 铁路货车; 小手推车 | |
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93 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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94 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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95 rendezvous | |
n.约会,约会地点,汇合点;vi.汇合,集合;vt.使汇合,使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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96 creek | |
n.小溪,小河,小湾 | |
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97 forage | |
n.(牛马的)饲料,粮草;v.搜寻,翻寻 | |
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