p. 91Bleibe nicht am Boden heften,
Frisch gewagt und frisch hinaus!
Kopf und Arm, mit heitern Kräften,
Ueberall sind sie zu Haus;
Wo wir uns der Sonne freuen,
Sind wir jede Sorge los;
Dass wir uns in ihr zerstreuen,
Darum ist die Welt so gross. [91a]
Here was Borrow’s opportunity indeed. Verily I believe that it would have been the same had it been a society for the propagation of the writings of Defoe among the Persians. With what zest would Borrow have undertaken to translate Moll Flanders and Captain Singleton into the languages of Hafiz and Omar! But the Bible Society was ready to his hand, and Borrow did nothing by halves. A good hater and a staunch friend, he was loyal to the Bible Society in no half-hearted way, and not the most pronounced quarrel with forces obviously quite out of tune12 with his nature led to any real slackening of that loyalty13. In the end a portion of his property went to swell14 the Bible Society’s funds. [91b]
When Borrow became one of its servants, the Bible Society was only in its third decade. It was founded in the year 1804, and had the names of William Wilberforce, Granville Sharp, and Zachary Macaulay on its first committee. To circulate the authorised version of the Bible without note or comment was the first ideal that these worthy15 men set before them; never to the entire satisfaction of the great printing organisations, which already had a considerable financial interest in such a circulation. For long years the words “Sold under cost price” upon the Bibles of the Society excited mingled17 feelings among those interested in the book trade. The Society’s first idea was limited to Bibles in the English tongue. This was speedily modified. p. 92A Bible Society was set up in Nuremberg to which money was granted by the parent organisation16. A Bible in the Welsh language was circulated broadcast through the Principality, and so the movement grew. From the first it had one of its principal centres in Norwich, where Joseph John Gurney’s house was open to its committee, and at its annual gatherings19 at Earlham his sister Elizabeth Fry took a leading part, while Wilberforce, Charles Simeon, the famous preacher, and Legh Richmond, whose Dairyman’s Daughter Borrow failed to appreciate, were of the company. “Uncles Buxton and Cunningham are here,” we find one of Joseph John Gurney’s daughters writing in describing a Bible Society gathering18. This was John Cunningham, rector of Harrow, and it was his brother who helped Borrow to his position in connection with the Society, as we shall see. At the moment of these early meetings Borrow is but a boy, meeting Joseph Gurney on the banks of the river near Earlham, and listening to his discourse20 upon angling. The work of the Bible Society in Russia may be said to have commenced when one John Paterson of Glasgow, who had been a missionary21 of the Congregational body, went to St. Petersburg during those critical months of 1812 that Napoleon was marching into Russia. Paterson indeed, William Canton tells us, was “one of the last to behold22 the old Tartar wall and high brick towers” and other splendours of the Moscow which in a month or two were to be consumed by the flames. Paterson was back again in St. Petersburg before the French were at the gates of Moscow, and it is noteworthy that while Moscow was burning, and the Czar was on his way to join his army, this remarkable23 Scot was submitting to Prince Galitzin a plan for a Bible Society in St. Petersburg, and a memorial to the Czar thereon:
The plan and memorial were examined by the Czar on the 18th (of December); with a stroke of his pen he gave his sanction—“So be it, Alexander”; and as he wrote, the last tattered24 remnants of the Grand Army struggled across the ice of the Niemen. [92]
The Society was formed in January 1813, and when the Czar returned to St. Petersburg in 1815, after the shattering of Napoleon’s power, he authorised a new translation of the p. 93Bible into modern Russian. From Russia it was not a far cry, where the spirit of evangelisation held sway, to Manchuria and to China. To these remote lands the Bible Society desired to send its literature. In 1822 the gospel of St. Matthew was printed in St. Petersburg in Manchu. Ten years later the type of the whole New Testament25 in that language was lying in the Russian capital. “All that was required was a Manchu scholar to see the work through the press.” Here came the chance for Borrow. At this period there resided at Oulton Hall, Suffolk, but a few miles from Norwich, a family of the name of Skepper, Edmund and Anne his wife, with their two children, Breame and Mary. Mary married in 1817 one Henry Clarke, a lieutenant26 in the Royal Navy. He died afterwards of consumption. A posthumous27 child of the marriage, Henrietta Mary, was born two months after her father died. Mary Clarke, as she now was, threw herself with zest into all the religious enthusiasms of the locality, and the Rev28. Francis Cunningham, Vicar of St. Margaret’s, Lowestoft, was one of her friends. Borrow had met Mary Clarke on one of her visits to Lowestoft, and she had doubtless been impressed with his fine presence, to say nothing of the intelligence and varied29 learning of the young man. The following note, the first communication I can find from Borrow to his future wife, indicates how matters stood at the time:
To Mrs. Clarke
St. Giles, Norwich, 22 October, 1832.
Dear Madam,—According to promise I transmit you a piece of Oriental writing, namely the tale of Blue Beard, translated into Turkish by myself. I wish it were in my power to send you something more worthy of your acceptance, but I hope you will not disdain30 the gift, insignificant31 though it be. Desiring to be kindly32 remembered to Mr. and Mrs. Skepper and the remainder of the family,—I remain, dear Madam, your most obedient humble33 servant,
George Borrow.
That Borrow owed his introduction to Mr. Cunningham to Mrs. Clarke is clear, although Cunningham, in his letter to the Bible Society urging the claims of Borrow, refers to the fact that a “young farmer” in the neighbourhood had introduced him. This was probably her brother, Breame p. 94Skepper. Dr. Knapp was of the opinion that Joseph John Gurney obtained Borrow his appointment, but the recently published correspondence of Borrow with the Bible Society makes it clear that Cunningham wrote—on 27th December, 1832—recommending Borrow to the secretary, the Rev. Andrew Brandram. How little he knew of Borrow is indicated by the fact that he referred to him as “independent in circumstances.” Brandram told Caroline Fox many years afterwards that Gurney had effected the introduction, but this was merely a lapse34 of memory. In fact we find Borrow asking to be allowed to meet Gurney before his departure. In any case he has himself told us, in one of the brief biographies of himself that he wrote, that he promptly35 walked to London, covering the whole distance of 112 miles in twenty-seven hours, and that his expenses amounted to 5½d. laid out in a pint36 of ale, a half-pint of milk, a roll of bread and two apples. He reached London in the early morning, called at the offices of the Bible Society in Earl Street, and was kindly received by Andrew Brandram and Joseph Jowett, the two secretaries. He was asked if he would care to learn Manchu, and go to St. Petersburg. He was given six months for the task, and doubtless also some money on account. He returned to Norwich more luxuriously—by mail coach. In June, 1833, we find a letter from Borrow to Jowett, dated from Willow37 Lane, Norwich, and commencing, “I have mastered Manchu, and I should feel obliged by your informing the committee of the fact, and also my excellent friend, Mr. Brandram.” A long reply to this by Jowett is among my Borrow Papers, but the Bible Society clearly kept copies of its letters, and a portion of this one has been printed. It shows that Borrow went through much heart-burning before his destiny was finally settled. At last he was again invited to London, and found himself as one of two candidates for the privilege of going to Russia. The examination consisted of a Manchu hymn38, of which Borrow’s version seems to have proved the more acceptable, and he afterwards printed it in his Targum. Finally, on the 5th of July, 1833, Borrow received a letter from Jowett offering him the appointment with a salary of £200 a year and expenses. The letter contained his first lesson in the then unaccustomed discipline of the Evangelical vocabulary. He was not at first at home in the precise measure p. 95of unction required by his new friends. Borrow had spoken of the prospect39 of becoming “useful to the Deity40, to man, and to himself.” “Doubtless you meant,” commented Jowett, “the prospect of glorifying41 God,” and Jowett frankly42 tells him that his tone of confidence in speaking of himself “had alarmed some of the excellent members of our committee.” Borrow adapted himself at once, and is congratulated by Jowett in a later communication upon the “truly Christian” spirit of his next letter.
By an interesting coincidence there was living in Norwich at the moment when Borrow was about to leave it, a man who had long identified himself with good causes in Russia, and had lived in that country for a considerable period of his life. John Venning was born in Totnes in 1776, and he is buried—in the Rosary Cemetery—at Norwich, where he died in 1858, after twenty-eight years’ residence in that city. He started for St. Petersburg four years after John Howard had died, ostensibly on behalf of the commercial house with which he was associated, but with the intention of carrying on the work of that great man in prison reform. Alexander I. was on the throne, and he made Venning his friend, frequently conversing43 with him upon religious subjects. He became the treasurer44 of a society for the humanising of Russian prisons; but when Nicholas became Czar in 1825 Venning’s work became more difficult, though the Emperor was sympathetic. Venning returned to England in 1830, and thus opportunely45, in 1833, was able to give his fellow-townsman letters of introduction to Prince Galitzin and other Russian notables, so that Borrow was able to set forth46 under the happiest auspices—with an entire change of conditions from those eight years of semi-starvation that he was now to leave behind him for ever. Borrow left London for St. Petersburg on 31st July, 1833, not forgetting to pay his mother before he left the £17 he had had to borrow during his time of stress. Always devoted47 to his mother, Borrow sent her sums of money at intervals48 from the moment the power of earning came to him. We shall never know, we can only surmise49, something of the self-sacrificing devotion of that mother during the years in which Borrow had failed to find remunerative50 work. Wherever he wandered there had always been a home in the Willow Lane cottage. It is probable that much the greater p. 96part of the period of his eight years of penury51 was spent under her roof. Yet we may be sure that the good mother never once reproached her son. She had just that touch of idealism in her character that made for faith and hope. In any case never more was Borrow to suffer penury, or to be a burden on his mother. Henceforth, to her dying day, she was to be his devoted care.
点击收听单词发音
1 zest | |
n.乐趣;滋味,风味;兴趣 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
2 prosecuted | |
a.被起诉的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
3 tribulation | |
n.苦难,灾难 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
4 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
5 imperative | |
n.命令,需要;规则;祈使语气;adj.强制的;紧急的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
6 passionate | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
7 longing | |
n.(for)渴望 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
8 malicious | |
adj.有恶意的,心怀恶意的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
9 devout | |
adj.虔诚的,虔敬的,衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
10 Vogue | |
n.时髦,时尚;adj.流行的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
11 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
12 tune | |
n.调子;和谐,协调;v.调音,调节,调整 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
13 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
14 swell | |
vi.膨胀,肿胀;增长,增强 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
15 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
16 organisation | |
n.组织,安排,团体,有机休 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
17 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
参考例句: |
|
|
18 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
19 gatherings | |
聚集( gathering的名词复数 ); 收集; 采集; 搜集 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
20 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
21 missionary | |
adj.教会的,传教(士)的;n.传教士 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
22 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
23 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
24 tattered | |
adj.破旧的,衣衫破的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
25 testament | |
n.遗嘱;证明 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
26 lieutenant | |
n.陆军中尉,海军上尉;代理官员,副职官员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
27 posthumous | |
adj.遗腹的;父亡后出生的;死后的,身后的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
28 rev | |
v.发动机旋转,加快速度 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
29 varied | |
adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
30 disdain | |
n.鄙视,轻视;v.轻视,鄙视,不屑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
31 insignificant | |
adj.无关紧要的,可忽略的,无意义的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
32 kindly | |
adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
33 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
34 lapse | |
n.过失,流逝,失效,抛弃信仰,间隔;vi.堕落,停止,失效,流逝;vt.使失效 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
35 promptly | |
adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
36 pint | |
n.品脱 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
37 willow | |
n.柳树 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
38 hymn | |
n.赞美诗,圣歌,颂歌 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
39 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
40 deity | |
n.神,神性;被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
41 glorifying | |
赞美( glorify的现在分词 ); 颂扬; 美化; 使光荣 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
42 frankly | |
adv.坦白地,直率地;坦率地说 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
43 conversing | |
v.交谈,谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
44 treasurer | |
n.司库,财务主管 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
45 opportunely | |
adv.恰好地,适时地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
46 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
47 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
48 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
49 surmise | |
v./n.猜想,推测 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
50 remunerative | |
adj.有报酬的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
51 penury | |
n.贫穷,拮据 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
欢迎访问英文小说网 |