‘But now you think I am sufficiently1 fresh for new troubles.’ ‘He spoke2 it in Hebrew, that myself and Sheikh Hassan should not understand him, but I know something of that dialect.’
‘In Hebrew! And why in Hebrew?’ ‘They follow the laws of Moses, this tribe.’ ‘Do you mean that they are Jews?’ ‘The Arabs are only Jews upon horseback,’ said Baroni. ‘This tribe, I find, call themselves Rechabites.’
‘Ah!’ exclaimed Tancred, and he began to muse3. ‘I have heard of that name before. Is it possible,’ thought he, ‘that my visit to Bethany should have led to this captivity4?’
‘This affair must have been planned at Jerusalem,’ said Baroni; ‘I saw from the first it was not a common foray. These people know everything. They will send immediately to Besso; they know he is your banker, and that if you want to build the Temple, he must pay for it, and unless a most immoderate ransom5 is given, they will carry us all into the interior of the desert.’
‘And what do you counsel?’
‘In this, as in all things, to gain time; and principally because I am without resource, but with time expedients6 develop themselves. Naturally, what is wanted will come; expediency7 is a law of nature. The camel is a wonderful animal, but the desert made the camel. I have already impressed upon the great Sheikh that you are not a prince of the blood; that your father is ruined, that there has been a murrain for three years among his herds8 and flocks; and that, though you appear to be travelling for amusement, you are, in fact, a political exile. All these are grounds for a reduced ransom. At present he believes nothing that I say, because his mind has been previously9 impressed with contrary and more cogent10 representations, but what I say will begin to work when he has experienced some disappointment, and the period of reaction arrives. Re-action is the law of society; it is inevitable11. All success depends upon seizing it.’
‘It appears to me that you are a great philosopher, Baroni,’ said Tancred.
‘I travelled five years with M. de Sidonia,’ said Baroni. ‘We were in perpetual scrapes, often worse than this, and my master moralised upon every one of them. I shared his adventures, and I imbibed13 some of his wisdom; and the consequence is, that I always ought to know what to say, and generally what to do.’
‘Well, here at least is some theatre for your practice; though, as far as I can form an opinion, our course is simple, though ignominious14. We must redeem15 ourselves from captivity. If it were only the end of my crusade, one might submit to it, like Coeur de Lion, after due suffering; but occurring at the commencement, the catastrophe16 is mortifying17, and I doubt whether I shall have heart enough to pursue my way. Were I alone, I certainly would not submit to ransom. I would look upon captivity as one of those trials that await me, and I would endeavour to extricate18 myself from it by courage and address, relying ever on Divine aid; but I am not alone. I have involved you in this mischance, and these poor Englishmen, and, it would seem, the brave Hassan and his tribe. I can hardly ask you to make the sacrifice which I would cheerfully endure; and therefore it seems to me that we have only one course — to march under the forks.’
‘With submission,’ said Baroni, ‘I cannot agree with any of your lordship’s propositions. You take an extreme view of our case. Extreme views are never just; something always turns up which disturbs the calculations formed upon their decided20 data. This something is circumstance. Circumstance has decided every crisis which I have experienced, and not the primitive21 facts on which we have consulted. Rest assured that circumstance will clear us now.’
‘I see no room, in our situation, for the accidents on which you rely,’ said Tancred. ‘Circumstance, as you call it, is the creature of cities, where the action of a multitude, influenced by different motives22, produces innumerable and ever-changing combinations; but we are in the desert. The great Sheikh will never change his mind any more than his habits of life, which are the same as his ancestors pursued thousands of years ago; and, for an identical reason, he is isolated23 and superior to all influences.’
‘Something always turns up,’ said Baroni.
‘It seems to me that we are in a cul-desac,’ said Tancred.
‘There is always an outlet24; one can escape from a cul-desac by a window.’
‘Do you think it would be advisable to consult the master of this tent?’ said Tancred, in a lower tone. ‘He is very friendly.’
‘The Emir Fakredeen,’ said Baroni.
‘Is that his name?’
‘So I learnt last night. He is a prince of the house of Shehaab; a great house, but fallen.’
‘He is a Christian,’ said Tancred, earnestly.
‘Is he?’ said Baroni carelessly; ‘I have known a good many Shehaabs, and if you will tell me their company, I will tell you their creed25.’
‘He might give us some advice.’
‘No doubt of it, my lord; if advice could break our chains, we should soon be free; but in these countries my only confidant is my camel. Assuming that this affair is to end in a ransom, what we want now is to change the impressions of the great Sheikh respecting your wealth. This can only be done from the same spot where the original ideas emanated26. I must induce him to permit me to accompany his messenger to Besso. This mission will take time, and he who gains time gains everything, as M. de Sidonia said to me when the savages27 were going to burn us alive, and there came on a thunder-storm which extinguished their fagots.’
‘You must really tell me your history some day, Baroni,’ said Tancred.
‘When my mission has failed. It will perhaps relieve your imprisonment28; at present, I repeat, we must work for a moderate ransom, instead of the millions of which they talk, and during the negotiation29 take the chance of some incident which will more agreeably free us.’
‘Ah! I despair of that.’
‘I do not, for it is presumptuous30 to believe that man can foresee the future, which will be your lordship’s case, if you owe your freedom only to your piastres.’
‘But they say that everything is calculation, Baroni.’
‘No,’ said Baroni, with energy, ‘everything is adventure.’
In the meantime the Emir Fakredeen was the prey31 of contending emotions. Tancred had from the first, and in an instant, exercised over his susceptible32 temperament33 that magnetic influence to which he was so strangely subject. In the heart of the wilderness34 and in the person of his victim, the young Emir suddenly recognised the heroic character which he had himself so vaguely35 and, as it now seemed to him, so vainly attempted to realise. The appearance and the courage of Tancred, the thoughtful repose36 of his manner, his high bearing amid the distressful37 circumstances in which he was involved, and the large views which the few words that had escaped from him on the preceding evening would intimate that he took of public transactions, completely captivated Fakredeen, who seemed at length to have found the friend for whom he had often sighed; the steadfast38 and commanding spirit, whose control, he felt conscious, was often required by his quick but whimsical temperament. And in what relation did he stand to this being whom he longed to press to his heart, and then go forth39 with him and conquer the world? It would not bear contemplation. The arming of the Maronites became quite a secondary object in comparison with obtaining the friendship of Tancred. Would that he had not involved himself in this conspiracy40! and yet, but for this conspiracy, Tancred and himself might never have met. It was impossible to grapple with the question; circumstances must be watched, and some new combination formed to extricate both of them from their present perplexed41 position.
Fakredeen sent one of his attendants in the morning to offer Tancred horses, should his guest, as is the custom of Englishmen, care to explore the neighbouring ruins which were celebrated42; but Tancred’s wound kept him confined to his tent. Then the Emir begged permission to pay him a visit, which was to have lasted only a quarter of an hour; but when Fakredeen had once established himself in the divan43 with his nargileh, he never quitted it. It would have been difficult for Tancred to have found a more interesting companion; impossible to have made an acquaintance more singularly unreserved. His frankness was startling. Tancred had no experience of such self-revelations; such a jumble44 of sublime45 aspirations46 and equivocal conduct; such a total disregard of means, such complicated plots, such a fertility of perplexed and tenebrous intrigue47! The animated48 manner and the picturesque49 phrase, too, in which all this was communicated, heightened the interest and effect. Fakredeen sketched50 a character in a sentence, and you knew instantly the individual whom he described without any personal knowledge. Unlike the Orientals in general, his gestures were as vivid as his words. He acted the interviews, he achieved the adventures before you. His voice could take every tone and his countenance51 every form. In the midst of all this, bursts of plaintive52 melancholy53; sometimes the anguish54 of a sensibility too exquisite55, alternating with a devilish mockery and a fatal absence of all self-respect.
‘It appears to me,’ said Tancred, when the young Emir had declared his star accursed, since, after the ceaseless exertions56 of years, he was still as distant as ever from the accomplishment57 of his purpose, ‘it appears to me that your system is essentially58 erroneous. I do not believe that anything great is ever effected by management. All this intrigue, in which you seem such an adept59, might be of some service in a court or in an exclusive senate; but to free a nation you require something more vigorous and more simple. This system of intrigue in Europe is quite old-fashioned. It is one of the superstitions60 left us by the wretched eighteenth century, a period when aristocracy was rampant61 throughout Christendom; and what were the consequences? All faith in God or man, all grandeur62 of purpose, all nobility of thought, and all beauty of sentiment, withered63 and shrivelled up. Then the dexterous64 management of a few individuals, base or dull, was the only means of success. But we live in a different age: there are popular sympathies, however imperfect, to appeal to; we must recur65 to the high primeval practice, and address nations now as the heroes, and prophets, and legislators of antiquity66. If you wish to free your country, and make the Syrians a nation, it is not to be done by sending secret envoys67 to Paris or London, cities themselves which are perhaps both doomed68 to fall; you must act like Moses and Mahomet.’
‘But you forget the religions,’ said Fakredeen. ‘I have so many religions to deal with. If my fellows were all Christians69, or all Moslemin, or all Jews, or all Pagans, I grant you, something might be effected: the cross, the crescent, the ark, or an old stone, anything would do: I would plant it on the highest range in the centre of the country, and I would carry Damascus and Aleppo both in one campaign; but I am debarred from this immense support; I could only preach nationality, and, as they all hate each other worse almost than they do the Turks, that would not be very inviting70; nationality, without race as a plea, is like the smoke of this nargileh, a fragrant71 puff72. Well, then, there remains73 only personal influence: ancient family, vast possessions, and traditionary power: mere74 personal influence can only be maintained by management, by what you stigmatise as intrigue; and the most dexterous member of the Shehaab family will be, in the long run, Prince of Lebanon.’
‘And if you wish only to be Prince of Lebanon, I dare say you may succeed,’ said Tancred, ‘and perhaps with much less pains than you at present give yourself. But what becomes of all your great plans of an hour ago, when you were to conquer the East, and establish the independence of the Oriental races?’
‘Ah!’ exclaimed Fakredeen with a sigh, ‘these are the only ideas for which it is worth while to live.’
‘The world was never conquered by intrigue: it was conquered by faith. Now, I do not see that you have faith in anything.’
‘Faith,’ said Fakredeen, musingly75, as if his ear had caught the word for the first time, ‘faith! that is a grand idea. If one could only have faith in something and conquer the world!’
‘See now,’ said Tancred, with unusual animation76, ‘I find no charm in conquering the world to establish a dynasty: a dynasty, like everything else, wears out; indeed, it does not last as long as most things; it has a precipitate77 tendency to decay. There are reasons; we will not now dwell on them. One should conquer the world not to enthrone a man, but an idea, for ideas exist for ever. But what idea? There is the touchstone of all philosophy! Amid the wreck78 of creeds79, the crash of empires, French revolutions, English reforms, Catholicism in agony, and Protestantism in convulsions, discordant80 Europe demands the keynote, which none can sound. If Asia be in decay, Europe is in confusion. Your repose may be death, but our life is anarchy81.’
‘I am thinking,’ said Fakredeen, thoughtfully, ‘how we in Syria could possibly manage to have faith in anything; I had faith in Mehemet Ali, but he is a Turk, and that upset him. If, instead of being merely a rebellious82 Pasha, he had placed himself at the head of the Arabs, and revived the Caliphate, you would have seen something. Head the desert and you may do anything. But it is so difficult. If you can once get the tribes out of it, they will go anywhere. See what they did when they last came forth. It is a simoom, a kamsin, fatal, irresistible83. They are as fresh, too, as ever. The Arabs are always young; it is the only race that never withers84. I am an Arab myself; from my ancestor who was the standard-bearer of the Prophet, the consciousness of race is the only circumstance that sometimes keeps up my spirit.’
‘I am an Arab only in religion,’ said Tancred, ‘but the consciousness of creed sustains me. I know well, though born in a distant and northern isle85, that the Creator of the world speaks with man only in this land; and that is why I am here.’
The young Emir threw an earnest glance at his companion, whose countenance, though grave, was calm. ‘Then you have faith?’ said Fakredeen, inquiringly.
‘I have passive faith,’ said Tancred. ‘I know that there is a Deity86 who has revealed his will at intervals87 during different ages; but of his present purpose I feel ignorant, and therefore I have not active faith; I know not what to do, and should be reduced to a mere spiritual slothfulness, had I not resolved to struggle with this fearful necessity, and so embarked89 in this great pilgrimage which has so strangely brought us together.’
‘But you have your sacred books to consult?’ said Fakredeen.
‘There were sacred books when Jehovah conferred with Solomon; there was a still greater number of sacred books when Jehovah inspired the prophets; the sacred writings were yet more voluminous when the Creator ordained90 that there should be for human edification a completely new series of inspired literature. Nearly two thousand years have passed since the last of those works appeared. It is a greater interval88 than elapsed between the writings of Malachi and the writings of Matthew.’
‘The prior of the Maronite convent, at Mar19 Hanna, has often urged on me, as conclusive91 evidence of the falseness of Mahomet’s mission, that our Lord Jesus declared that after him “many false prophets should arise,” and warned his followers92.’
‘There spoke the Prince of Israel,’ said Tancred, ‘not the universal Redeemer. He warned his tribe against the advent12 of false Messiahs, no more. Far from terminating by his coming the direct communication between God and man, his appearance was only the herald93 of a relation between the Creator and his creatures more fine, more permanent, and more express. The inspiring and consoling influence of the Paraclete only commenced with the ascension of the Divine Son. In this fact, perhaps, may be found a sufficient reason why no written expression of the celestial94 will has subsequently appeared. But, instead of foreclosing my desire for express communication, it would, on the contrary, be a circumstance to authorise it.’
‘Then how do you know that Mahomet was not inspired?’ said Fakredeen.
‘Far be it from me to impugn95 the divine commission of any of the seed of Abraham,’ replied Tancred. ‘There are doctors of our church who recognise the sacred office of Mahomet, though they hold it to be, what divine commissions, with the great exception, have ever been, limited and local.’
‘God has never spoken to a European?’ said Fakredeen, inquiringly.
‘Never.’
‘But you are a European?’
‘And your inference is just,’ said Tancred, in an agitated96 voice, and with a changing countenance. ‘It is one that has for some time haunted my soul. In England, when I prayed in vain for enlightenment, I at last induced myself to believe that the Supreme97 Being would not deign98 to reveal His will unless in the land which his presence had rendered holy; but since I have been a dweller99 within its borders, and poured forth my passionate100 prayers at all its holy places, and received no sign, the desolating101 thought has sometimes come over my spirit, that there is a qualification of blood as well as of locality necessary for this communion, and that the favoured votary102 must not only kneel in the Holy Land but be of the holy race.’
‘I am an Arab,’ said Fakredeen. ‘It is something.’
‘If I were an Arab in race as well as in religion,’ said Tancred, ‘I would not pass my life in schemes to govern some mountain tribes.’
‘I’ll tell you,’ said the Emir, springing from his divan, and flinging the tube of his nargileh to the other end of the tent: ‘the game is in our hands, if we have energy. There is a combination which would entirely103 change the whole ‘face of the world, and bring back empire to the East. Though you are not the brother of the Queen of the English, you are nevertheless a great English prince, and the Queen will listen to what you say; especially if you talk to her as you talk to me, and say such fine things in such a beautiful voice. Nobody ever opened my mind like you. You will magnetise the Queen as you have magnetised me. Go back to England and arrange this. You see, gloze it over as they may, one thing is clear, it is finished with England. There are three things which alone must destroy it. Primo, O’Connell appropriating to himself the revenues of half of Her Majesty’s dominions104. Secondo, the cottons; the world begins to get a little disgusted with those cottons; naturally everybody prefers silk; I am sure that the Lebanon in time could supply the whole world with silk, if it were properly administered. Thirdly, steam; with this steam your great ships have become a respectable Noah’s ark. The game is up; Louis Philippe can take Windsor Castle whenever he pleases, as you took Acre, with the wind in his teeth. It is all over, then. Now, see a coup105 d’état that saves all. You must perform the Portuguese106 scheme on a great scale; quit a petty and exhausted107 position for a vast and prolific108 empire. Let the Queen of the English collect a great fleet, let her stow away all her treasure, bullion109, gold plate, and precious arms; be accompanied by all her court and chief people, and transfer the seat of her empire from London to Delhi. There she will find an immense empire ready made, a firstrate army, and a large revenue. In the meantime I will arrange with Mehemet Ali.
He shall have Bagdad and Mesopotamia, and pour the Bedouin cavalry110 into Persia. I will take care of Syria and Asia Minor111. The only way to manage the Afghans is by Persia and by the Arabs. We will acknowledge the Empress of India as our suzerain, and secure for her the Levantine coast. If she like, she shall have Alexandria as she now has Malta: it could be arranged. Your Queen is young; she has an avenir. Aberdeen and Sir Peel will never give her this advice; their habits are formed. They are too old, too rusés. But, you see! the greatest empire that ever existed; besides which she gets rid of the embarrassment112 of her Chambers113! And quite practicable; for the only difficult part, the conquest of India, which baffled Alexander, is all done!’
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1
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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muse
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| n.缪斯（希腊神话中的女神），创作灵感 | |
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captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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cogent
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| adj.强有力的，有说服力的 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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imbibed
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| v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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mortifying
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| adj.抑制的，苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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motives
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isolated
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outlet
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creed
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emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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imprisonment
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negotiation
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presumptuous
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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susceptible
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temperament
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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distressful
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| adj.苦难重重的，不幸的，使苦恼的 | |
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steadfast
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| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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celebrated
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divan
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jumble
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| vt.使混乱，混杂；n.混乱；杂乱的一堆 | |
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sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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plaintive
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| adj.可怜的，伤心的 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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adept
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| adj.老练的，精通的 | |
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superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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dexterous
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| adj.灵敏的；灵巧的 | |
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recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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fragrant
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| adj.芬香的，馥郁的，愉快的 | |
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puff
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| n.一口(气)；一阵(风)；v.喷气，喘气 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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musingly
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| adv.沉思地，冥想地 | |
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animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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withers
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| 马肩隆 | |
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isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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impugn
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| v.指责，对…表示怀疑 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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deign
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| v. 屈尊, 惠允 ( 做某事) | |
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dweller
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| n.居住者，住客 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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desolating
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| 毁坏( desolate的现在分词 )； 极大地破坏； 使沮丧； 使痛苦 | |
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votary
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| n.崇拜者；爱好者；adj.誓约的，立誓任圣职的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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108
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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bullion
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| n.金条，银条 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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111
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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