After submitting the English ultimatum1 to the extraordinary junta2, as studied in the last chapter, Floridablanca continued his conferences with Fitzherbert. He made strenuous3 efforts to induce the British ambassador to modify the English demands. In the first article, which declared that the buildings and lands on the Northwest Coast should be restored to the British subjects, the Count pressed earnestly for the insertion of the clause, “notwithstanding the exclusive rights which Spain has claimed.” This would have been almost tantamount to a recognition of the Spanish claim. Fitzherbert would not consent to it. But since the declarations of July had expressly reserved the discussion of those rights, and since the Spanish minister would not be content without some reference to them in the convention, the British ambassador consented to mention them in the preamble4. Consequently, he proposed the insertion of the clause, “laying aside all retrospective discussion of the rights and claims of the two parties.” He was very careful to word it so that there would not be in it any admission of the justice of the Spanish claim. After some hesitation5 the Count accepted it.
In the second article Fitzherbert consented to the omission6 of one word. The projet had provided that “for all other acts of violence or hostility7,” etc., reparation should be made. The Count objected to the word “other” as an unnecessary and invidious reference to the action of Martinez at Nootka in 1789, in view of the fact that satisfactory reparation for it had already been made. The British ambassador consented to omit “other.” The Spanish minister attempted to limit this reparation to offenses8 committed “on the said continent and the islands adjacent.” Fitzherbert would not agree. This would not have included the violence[451] recently done to Captain Macdonald in the West Indies, mentioned in the last chapter. England apprehended9 other similar seizures10, and such would not have been unnatural11 under the strained relations existing between the two countries for so many months.
The last clause of the third article, making the privilege of landing anywhere on the coast subject to the restrictions13 contained in the following articles, was not in the draft without a demarkation of limits which was made the basis of the treaty, but it was in the draft with a demarkation of limits. Fitzherbert compromised on this point and combined the two drafts. He admitted a limitation of the privilege without obtaining a definite demarkation of the boundaries of Spanish exclusive sovereignty. If Floridablanca had not secured this concession15, it would have meant that the English could have landed and established colonies in any unoccupied spot on the coast of California, Mexico, Central or South America. This concession was not included in the draft which was examined by the special junta. It was on this point that they so violently opposed conceding the English demands and advised war at all hazards instead.
In the fourth article, regarding the limit of 10 leagues within which English vessels16 should not approach Spanish establishments, Floridablanca pressed very earnestly for extending the distance to 15 leagues. As a precedent17 for his contention18, he cited the treaty of 1763 between England and France, which fixed19 15 leagues as the distance within which French fishermen might not approach the coasts of Cape20 Breton. He suggested the insertion of the words “in the said seas,” which would confine this restriction12 to the Pacific. Fitzherbert embodied21 the last mentioned suggestion, since he conceived that it might be of advantage to the English fisheries on the Atlantic coasts of Spanish America, but he would not admit the extension to 15 leagues. His private instructions, as mentioned in the last chapter, had named 5 leagues as the distance to be first proposed, but had allowed him to concede 8 or even 10.
The fifth and sixth articles contained the stipulations upon which there was the most difficulty in agreeing. In the course of their discussion the negotiation23 was frequently on[452] the point of being broken off. Floridablanca would not consent to a convention that failed to secure to Spain her exclusive intercourse24 with her establishments. Neither would he consent to fix any precise line as the boundary of the Spanish possessions, either on the north or the south. He pleaded insufficient25 information. Fitzherbert wrote to the British Cabinet that the language of the Spanish minister on both of these points was so firm and decisive as to make it evident beyond a doubt that the alternative of peace or war rested on finding or not finding a solution of these difficulties. Neither of the two drafts of the English ultimatum afforded a solution. The one provided that the subjects of the two Crowns should have free access to all unoccupied places and to all establishments formed since April, 1789, or to be formed north of a fixed line on the Northwest Coast and south of a fixed line on the South American coast. The other, omitting any reference to fixed limits, provided that this privilege should extend to the whole Pacific coast of North and South America.
In order to solve this difficulty the English ambassador admitted the restriction at the end of the third article, mentioned above. For the same purpose he consented to insert in the fifth article the clause, “situated26 to the north of the parts of the said coast already occupied by Spain.” This preserved the Spanish exclusive dominion27 as far northward28 as her most northern establishment. The provision in article 6 was materially changed. The draft of the ultimatum had provided that the subjects of neither nation should make any establishment south of a definite line to be fixed so long as no settlement should be formed thereon by the subjects of any other power. Instead of fixing a definite line the negotiators agreed to insert the clause, “in such part of those coasts as are situated to the south of those parts of the same coasts and of the islands adjacent already occupied by Spain.” They added the provision that in such places the respective subjects should have the right of landing and constructing temporary buildings for purposes connected with their fisheries. The clause, “so long as no establishments shall be formed thereon by the subjects of any other power,” was omitted from the article. This had been objected to on the ground that it would be virtually a public[453] invitation to all nations to make settlements there and so join England in despoiling29 Spain of her dominions30. In order to remove the Spanish objection to publicity31 and still assure England that she would not be compelled to keep her hands off while other nations should do the thing that she had bound herself not to do, the stipulation22 was embodied in a secret article. This secret clause provided that the stipulation in the sixth article forbidding the subjects of Spain and England to make establishments in such places should remain in force only so long as no settlements should be formed there by the subjects of any other power.[424]
These changes having been agreed to, Fitzherbert presented to Floridablanca on October 23 a new projet embodying32 them. He said that he had conformed to the ideas of Floridablanca as far as his instructions would permit. In order to discuss the new draft before it should be laid before the King, the British ambassador proposed to call on the Count in the evening of the same day.[425] When their conference closed, the Spanish minister said that he was still in doubt whether the reply which he should give the next morning would be for peace or war.[426] On the morning of October 24 Floridablanca said that the King had agreed to Fitzherbert’s terms and had promised that the convention should be signed with the usual formalities three or four days later.[427] The British ambassador pressed for an immediate33 signature, but the minister said that he could not consent to it. The Count was at the time with the King at San Ildefonso, whither His Majesty34 had gone on a hunting trip. Fitzherbert had gone to the same place to continue his conferences with the Count. The latter said that if the convention should be signed while there his enemies would charge him with having taken advantage of the fact that he was almost alone with the King to induce His Majesty to agree to a measure contrary to the interests of his Crown. He said also that he wished, before signing, to send a memorial to the junta to justify35 himself for signing the convention contrary to their opinion. He pledged His Catholic Majesty’s[454] word that the convention should be signed “verbatim et literatim.”[428] The exchange of full powers took place on October 26, and the wording of the titles of the two negotiators to be inserted in the preamble was arranged on October 27.[429] According to the agreement made four days earlier, the following convention was signed on October 28:
The Nootka Sound convention.
Their Britannic and Catholic Majesties36 being desirous of terminating, by a speedy and solid agreement, the differences which have lately arisen between the two Crowns, have considered that the best way of attaining37 this salutary object would be that of an amicable38 arrangement which, setting aside all retrospective discussions of the rights and pretensions39 of the two parties, should regulate their respective positions for the future on bases which would be conformable to their true interests as well as to the mutual40 desires with which Their said Majesties are animated41, of establishing with each other, in everything and in all places, the most perfect friendship, harmony, and good correspondence. With this in view they have named and constituted for their plenipotentiaries, to wit, on the part of His Britannic Majesty, Alleyne Fitzherbert, of the privy42 council of His said Majesty in Great Britain and Ireland, and his ambassador extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to His Catholic Majesty; and on the part of His Catholic Majesty, Don Joseph Mo?ino, Count of Floridablanca, Knight43 Grand Cross of the Royal Spanish Order of Charles III, counselor44 of state to His said Majesty, and his principal secretary of state and of the cabinet, who, after having communicated to each other their full powers, have agreed on the following articles:
Article I.
It is agreed that the buildings and tracts45 of land situated on the Northwest Coast of the continent of North America, or on islands adjacent to that continent, of which the subjects of His Britannic Majesty were dispossessed about the month of April, 1789, by a Spanish officer, shall be restored to the said British subjects.
Article II.
Further, a just reparation shall be made, according to the nature of the case, for every act of violence or hostility which may have been committed since the said month of April, 1789, by the subjects of either of the contending parties against the subjects of the other;[455] and in case any of the respective subjects shall, since the same period, have been forcibly dispossessed of their lands, buildings, vessels, merchandise, or any other objects of property on the said continent or on the seas or islands adjacent, they shall be replaced in possession of them or a just compensation shall be made to them for the losses which they have sustained.
Article III.
And in order to strengthen the bonds of friendship and to preserve in the future a perfect harmony and good understanding between the two contracting parties, it is agreed that their respective subjects shall not be disturbed or molested46 either in navigating47 or carrying on their fisheries in the Pacific Ocean or in the South Seas, or in landing on the coasts of those seas in places not already occupied, for the purpose of carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country or of making establishments there; the whole subject, nevertheless, to the restrictions and provisions which shall be specified48 in the three following articles.
Article IV.
His Britannic Majesty engages to employ the most effective measures to prevent the navigation and fishery of his subjects in the Pacific Ocean or in the South Seas from being made a pretext49 for illicit50 trade with the Spanish settlements; and with this in view it is moreover expressly stipulated51 that British subjects shall not navigate52 nor carry on their fishery in the said seas within the distance of 10 maritime53 leagues from any part of the coast already occupied by Spain.
Article V.
It is agreed that as well in the places which are to be restored to British subjects by virtue54 of the first article as in all other parts of the Northwest Coast of North America or of the islands adjacent, situated to the north of the parts of the said coast already occupied by Spain, wherever the subjects of either of the two powers shall have made settlements since the month of April, 1789, or shall hereafter make any, the subjects of the other shall have free access and shall carry on their commerce without disturbance55 or molestation56.
Article VI.
It is further agreed with respect to the eastern and western coasts of South America and the islands adjacent, that the respective subjects shall not form in the future any establishment on the parts of the coast situated to the south of the parts of the same coast and of the islands adjacent already occupied by Spain; it being understood that the said respective subjects shall retain the liberty of landing on the coasts and island so situated for objects connected with their fishery and of erecting57 thereon huts and other temporary structures serving only those objects.
[456]
Article VII.
In all cases of complaint or infraction58 of the articles of the present convention the officers of either party without previously59 permitting themselves to commit any act of violence or assault shall be bound to make an exact report of the affair and of its circumstances to their respective Courts, who will terminate the differences in an amicable manner.
Article VIII.
The present convention shall be ratified60 and confirmed within the space of six weeks, to be counted from the day of its signature, or sooner if possible.
In witness whereof we, the undersigned plenipotentiaries of their Britannic and Catholic Majesties, have, in their names and by virtue of our full powers, signed the present convention, and have affixed61 thereto the seals of our arms.
Done at the palace of San Lorenzo the 28th of October, 1790.[430]
Alleyne Fitzherbert.
The Count of Floridablanca.
Secret Article.
Since by article 6 of the present convention it has been stipulated, respecting the eastern and western coasts of South America, that the respective subjects shall not in the future form any establishment on the parts of these coasts situated to the south of the parts of the said coasts actually occupied by Spain, it is agreed and declared by the present article that this stipulation shall remain in force only so long as no establishment shall have been formed by the subjects of any other power on the coasts in question. This secret article shall have the same force as if it were inserted in the convention.
In witness whereof, etc.[431]
Ratifications62 were exchanged by Floridablanca and Fitzherbert on November 22.
The fact that the convention was signed in opposition63 to the advice of the special junta occasioned lively comment for several weeks in Spanish official circles. It will be recalled from the last chapter that the sittings of the junta were on October 21, 22, 24, and 25, and that on the last date the junta hurried its conclusions off to Floridablanca, advising war rather than compliance64 with the English demands.[457] From a statement in an earlier part of the present chapter, it will be remembered that the convention was virtually concluded between Floridablanca and Fitzherbert at their interview of October 23; and that on the next day the King pledged his word to sign the convention as it then was.
On October 27 a letter from Floridablanca informed Iriarte, the secretary of the junta, that the conclusions of the junta had been received on the 25th, had been laid before the King on the 26th, and were being considered by the Council of State. He cautioned the members of the junta to keep the proceedings65 of that body absolutely secret.[432] The Count evidently hoped to keep concealed66 the fact that the convention had already been agreed upon. He did not succeed long in doing this. On October 28 Iriarte replied to the Count’s letter of the day before, discussing at length the latter’s injunction to secrecy67. Notes in Iriarte’s hand on slips of paper inserted later in these two letters show that he had learned of the fact of the convention’s having been agreed upon before the conclusions of the junta had been received, though it had not been signed until afterwards. In proof of the fact he referred to a circular letter which the British ambassador had written on October 26, telling all of the English consuls68 in Spain that the dispute had been settled and that the convention would be formally signed in a few days. Another brief note similarly inserted censured69 the administration very severely70 for accepting the English terms. It said:
This convention of October 28, 1790, is the first treaty that has been made during the reign14 of Charles IV, and in it has been conceded to England what has always been resisted and refused to all powers since the discovery of the Indies; and the concession means much to us.[433]
On November 21 Floridablanca expressed the King’s thanks to all of the ministers that took part in the junta for their promptness and zeal71. His Majesty assured them that he would not have hesitated a moment to carry out their recommendations if motives72 absolutely secret to himself had not compelled him to order the convention signed. The[458] Count inclosed some reflections on the convention which His Majesty offered in addition to the secret motives.[434]
These reflections declared that the purpose of the Convention was to avoid a war in the present unhappy circumstances, reserving it for a more favorable time, if it should become necessary. It did not involve an absolute renunciation in case Spain chose not to observe it. It was shown that by a strict interpretation73 of some of its terms the Convention could be made of little value to England and little loss to Spain. In the stipulations that granted to English subjects privileges of commerce and settlement north or south of places already occupied, attention was called to the expression “already occupied.” The word “occupied” did not mean nearly so much as “inhabited” or “peopled” would have meant, and “already” did not mean “actually” or “now.” If a place had been once occupied and then abandoned this expression could be made to apply to it. The implication was that formal acts of taking possession where there had been no thought of making an actual settlement could be made to come under this head. Such acts had been performed practically all along the coast. Such a construction would have almost nullified the privileges granted to England. The reflections said further that the English were not allowed to approach Spanish settlements and Spain had equal rights with England anywhere on the coast. It was thought that Russia’s fear of English encroachments would be a safeguard against England. English trade and settlements were limited to the part of the coast north of Nootka. It was insisted that the treaty simply recognized existing conditions; that it conceded nothing except what had been allowed, and on the other hand obtained concessions74 by limiting the privileges. It was proposed to observe the Convention only so long as it should be to the advantage of Spain to do so. Whenever she felt strong enough to assert her ancient rights she could still do it.[435] The purpose of these arguments was doubtless to quiet adverse75 criticism of the Convention. It was partially76 successful at the time. A few days later, after the letter of[459] Floridablanca and the reflections had been considered, all of the ministers of the junta sent to the King their thanks for his confidence.[436] But this success did not last long. Criticism of the Convention continued and finally led to the overthrow77 of Floridablanca. In May, 1791, the British ambassador wrote that the Spanish prime minister was very anxious to have England take effectual measures for preventing British vessels from touching78 at Spanish ports, that his enemies might not find new reasons for attacking him.[437] Finally, in the latter part of February, 1792, Floridablanca was dismissed from office. The Nootka business was said to have been the principal cause of his fall.[438]
News of the agreement to sign the convention reached London November 4. On that day Leeds wrote to Auckland that a messenger had just arrived with a dispatch from Fitzherbert, dated October 24, saying that the convention had been agreed upon and would be signed four days later. A copy inclosed with this letter exactly corresponds to the convention as signed.[439] An unofficial letter, written on the same day by a clerk in the foreign office and accompanying this official note, declared that the convention would speak for itself; that it contained everything that England had demanded. The writer said that the Spanish ministry79 had been decidedly for war rather than make the sacrifice, but that Floridablanca had obtained the King’s consent while on a hunting trip, and pledged his master’s word that the convention would be signed on their return, that it might have the sanction of his colleagues “pro forma.”[440] The signed convention reached London five days later. Leeds immediately sent a copy of it to Auckland, that the latter might lay it before the Dutch Government. The Duke congratulated the ambassador on the happy termination of such a very important negotiation.[441] On the day of[460] its arrival, November 9, the British Court ratified the convention, and hurried a messenger off to Fitzherbert.[442] As stated above, the ratifications were exchanged at Madrid on November 22.
On November 12 Burges, under secretary for the foreign office, wrote to Auckland:
That you and our Dutch friends are satisfied with the conclusion of the Spanish business, I am not surprised. Even the opposition here, always ready enough to pick holes, as you know, whenever they can, seem to be dumfounded, and to have nothing to say against us except that we have asked and carried so much that it is impossible such a peace can last long.
Speaking of the credit given to Fitzherbert for his success in the negotiation and of the honor conferred upon him by his being raised to the peerage, the same letter continued:
Fitzherbert of course gains much glory, as all good ministers should who follow up their instructions, and I understand that he is forthwith to receive the high reward of an Irish peerage.[443]
These references are sufficient to show that the English ministry was highly pleased with the success of the negotiation. On November 24 the mayor, the aldermen, and the commons of the city of London, in common council assembled, assured the King of their gratitude80 for the continuance of peace with Spain, and congratulated him on the reconciliation81.[444] On November 26 Parliament assembled. The King’s speech mentioned the successful termination of the negotiation and laid before the Houses copies of the declaration and counter declaration and the convention.[445] On the same day the House of Lords accorded enthusiastic thanks and congratulations.[446] Four days later the Commons, after[461] an extended debate and some criticisms from the opposition, approved the address, and assured the King that provision would be made for the expenses of the armament.[447] A general discussion of the merits of the convention was made the order of the day for December 13 in the House of Lords. The debate was extended, and the criticism of the ministry by the opposition was very severe. The friends of the Government seemed confident of the results and did not exert themselves greatly to refute the arguments. The convention was approved.[448] On the same day the Commons debated a motion calling for all of the correspondence on the dispute. There were the same violent attacks by the opposition and the same apparent indifference82 on the part of the friends of the administration. The motion was defeated by an overwhelming majority. On the next day, December 14, the merits of the convention were discussed. The opposing sides manifested much the same spirit, and in the end the convention was approved by a large majority.[449]
The logical results of the convention were interfered83 with by England’s taking part in the war against France within a little more than two years after its signature. This absorbed her attention almost continuously for twenty-two years and prevented her, to a great extent, from taking advantage of the concessions gained. Before the end of that period the United States had entered the contest for controlling the Northwest Coast, and in a few years more purchased the Spanish claim. Thereby84 the whole matter was merged85 in the Oregon controversy86. The immediate result for England was that she obtained free access to an extended coast, of which she has since come into full possession. For Spain, it was the first external evidence of the weakness of the reign of Charles IV, and was the beginning of the series of disasters which Spain successively suffered under that incompetent[462] Monarch87 and his corrupt88 advisers89. It was the first express renunciation of Spain’s ancient claim to exclusive sovereignty over the American shores of the Pacific Ocean and the South Seas. It marks the beginning of the collapse90 of the Spanish colonial system.
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1
ultimatum
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| n.最后通牒 | |
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junta
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| n.团体；政务审议会 | |
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strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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8
offenses
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| n.进攻( offense的名词复数 )；（球队的）前锋；进攻方法；攻势 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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seizures
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| n.起获( seizure的名词复数 )；没收；充公；起获的赃物 | |
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unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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stipulation
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| n.契约，规定，条文；条款说明 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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despoiling
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的现在分词 ) | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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embodying
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| v.表现( embody的现在分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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majesties
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| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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counselor
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| n.顾问，法律顾问 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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molested
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| v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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navigating
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| v.给（船舶、飞机等）引航，导航( navigate的现在分词 )；（从海上、空中等）横越；横渡；飞跃 | |
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specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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navigate
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| v.航行，飞行；导航，领航 | |
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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molestation
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| n.骚扰，干扰，调戏；折磨 | |
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erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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infraction
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| n.违反；违法 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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ratifications
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| n.正式批准，认可( ratification的名词复数 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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85
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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