0124
Men and women are in all shades, but mostly, of course, black, often with the woolly hair and thick coarse lips, that are considered typical of the negro. They are not. They are typical of men with low ideals. I have seen black men with faces as fine as the best Europeans, and I am sure that the features of a man’s face are apt to be altered by his mode of life and his thoughts. Of course, it is his thoughts that do it, but his thoughts are produced by his environment. He is a wonderful man who is able to rise above the degrading environment forced upon him by circumstances. Up to the present the negro has been handicapped, and when I see a black man with a fine face, in my mind, I make him obeisance5. He has come up a long way, far, far farther than his white prototype.
And his unwilling6 forebears were brought to Jamaica by the accursed Middle Passage.
It was so called because a ship went from England or America to the Guinea Coast, thence to the West Indies or wherever there was a market for slaves, which was seldom at her home port, and thence back empty to refit. Hence the Middle Passage, a term which, before I investigated the matter, always puzzled me.
The horrors of the Middle Passage were of no account to the men who did the trading. It was an uncomfortable job, as the Dutch Skipper Clause found, but there was money in it, men were not very tender even of each other in olden days, and they counted as little the pains suffered by the luckless people whom they held in bondage7. Says Montesquieu, who was before his time, “Slavery is not good in itself. It is useful neither to the master nor the slave. Not to the slave because he can do nothing from virtuous8 motives9. Not to the master, because he contracts among his slaves all sorts of bad habits, and accustoms10 himself to the neglect of all the moral virtues11. He becomes haughty12, passionate13, obdurate14, vindictive15, voluptuous16, and cruel.” He might have added that the men who made the slaves held a still worse position. Once we begin to investigate, we find that the captains of the slavers were almost invariably ruthlessly cruel.
Not quite all. There is mention made in the American Historical Record of David Lindsay, who in 1740 was trading on the Guinea Coast. Here is a letter written by one George Scott, who meeting Captain Lindsay at sea on the 13th June 1740, entrusts17 him with this letter and all his gold. He says he left Annamabu on the 8th May, and he had only reached 39.30° W. No wonder he reports that his voyage is miserable18, and he has lost twenty-nine slaves out of a cargo19 of one hundred and twenty-nine. The surprising thing is that he can report that “the slaves we have now is all recovered.” The ships were tiny. David Lindsay, according to Spear, was in 1752 in command of the brigantine Sanderson, “a square stern’d vessel20 of the burthen of about 40 tons.” What a cockle shell! and he, too, writes from “Anamaboe, 28th February 1753.... The traid is so dull, it is actually a noof to make a man creasey.” He has been obliged to buy a cable, and he begs his owners “not to Blaim me in so doeing. I should be glad I cood come Rite21 home with my slaves, for my vesiel will not last to proceed farr. We can see daylight al round her bow under deck. However, I hope She will carry me safe home once more. I need not inlarge.” So he, too, lay outside the surf at Annamabu, he, too, walked on the bastion and discussed with the factors his chances. Oh, they were plucky22 men those first slavers, if they were brutes24, but Lindsay I do not think was a brute23. And on that last day of February 1753, there must have been quite a fleet of slavers. “Heare lyes Captains hamlet, James Jepson, Carpenter, Butler, & Lindsay. Gardner is dun.” “firginson,” he goes on with a pleasant disregard of the uses of capitals, “is Gon to Leward. All these is Rum ships.... I’ve sent a Small boy to my wife. I conclude with my best Endeavors for Intrust. Gentlemen, your faithful Servant at Comind, David Lindsay.
“NB.—On the whole I never had so much Trouble in all my voiges. I shall rite to barbadoes in a few days.” A pleasant letter to come down to us out of the years and written by a slaver too! His officers were sick and so were three of the men in the forecastle, and he feared lest the slaves in the hold, learning how short-handed he was, might rise up and make a bid for their freedom, but worse than all was the leaky condition of the ship. Well for her that she sailed in sunny seas, in the season when hurricanes were hardly to be feared, but I felt a thrill of triumph when on the 17th June of the same year he was able to write from Barbadoes:
“Gentle’n:—These are to acqt of my arrival heare ye Day before yesterday in 10 weeks from Anamaboe. I met on my passage 22 days of very squally winds & continued Bains, so that it beat my sails alto pieces, soe that I was oblige Several Days to have Sails on bent25 to mend them. The vesiel likewise is all open Bound her bows under deck.... My slaves is not landed yet; they are 58 in number for owners, all in helth & fatt. I lost one small gall26.” The health of the slaves does him credit in so small a ship. With my faith in fresh air I cannot help wondering if some of it was not due to that opening round the ship’s bows under deck.
After a few more remarks he says, “I left Captain Hamblet at Cape27 Coast sick. His slaves had rose, and they lost the best of what they had.” What happened to the slaves? The slave trade is full of such unfinished stories.
There is another letter from Annamabu from one George Scott. “We have now aboard one hundred and no gold. I think to purchase about twenty & go off ye coast: ye time of ye year [it was April], don’t doe to tarry much longer. Everything of provisions is very dear and scarce: it costs for water Ten shillings for one day. I think to stay in this place but fourteen days more. We shall go to Shama and water our vessel.”
Shama or Chama is another slave castle about half a day’s journey from Sekondi. Grim high walls surround it, and the only entrance is approached by the wide steps in a half circle, steps that we so often see approaching the entrance to an old house in Jamaica. At the Hyde there were the same sort of circular steps that I met at Chama, but at Chama they came up to a narrow entrance that two men, in those days, might hold for a week against great odds28.
This slaver goes on to say he thinks he will sail off the coast from Chama with about 120 slaves cargo. “We have left about two hundred pound sterg in goods which wont29 sell here to any profitt. Every man slave that we pay all Goods for here, costs twelve pounds sterg prime. I hope I shall be in Barbadoes ye latter end of June but have not concluded whither we shall go to Jamaica or Virginia; our slaves is mostly large. 60 men and boys, 20 women, the rest boys and girls, but three under four foot high. Pray excuse all blunders and bad writing for I have no time to coppy, the sloop30 being under sail.”
I like the last touch, the slaver captain who copied out his letters so that they should be neat when he had time and was not ashamed to own it. I hope he was as careful of his human cargo.
The getting of that cargo was not always accomplished31, as Phillips did it, by the simple process of going to the “trunk” and buying those he wanted. Clarkson, when he was seeking evidence to justify32 the suppression of the slave trade, told a tale of wicked treachery by white men, Englishmen, I am sorry to say, who found trade bad at Old Calabar.
There lay in the River the ships Indian Queen, Duke of York, Nancy and Concord33 of Bristol, the Edgar of Liverpool, and the Canterbury of London, slavers all, and the slaves were not coming in in this year 1767. Therefore they planned among themselves as coolly as if the black men had been deer or elephants, or pheasants, how they might best fill their between decks. The Calabar River is hot and it is unhealthy, for the percentage of moisture in the air is so great that very gladly I have sat over a fire when the thermometer registered over 90° in the shade, so that it is hardly a pleasant place of residence for a white man. Also the old inhabitants were not very tender of each other, or very careful of human life, for as I sat there watching a most glorious sunset a woman, who had come there in the early days, and she was not then, I think, fifty, told me how she hated to walk along the shore—the Calabar River is really an arm of the sea—because of the living sacrifices, generally young girls offered to the envious34 gods and bound to stakes, waiting for the tide to come up and put an end to their misery35. Still the blood-thirstiness of the natives does not excuse that of the slavers. I only mention it because I find that while the advocates for slavery painted the slave in the blackest colours, the opponents generally depicted36 the poor black man as a noble martyr37. He wasn’t. He was suffering humanity neither better nor worse than his station in life allowed, often rising to heights of heroism38, but often out-heroding his tormentors in blackguardism.
It happened there was a quarrel at that time between Old and New Calabar, and the captains of the vessels40, says Clarkson, “joined in sending several letters to the inhabitants of Old Town, but particularly to Ephraim Robin41 John who was at that time a grandee42 of the place. The tenor43 of these letters was that they were sorry that any jealousy44 or quarrel should subsist45 between the two parties; that if the inhabitants of Old Town would come on board, they would afford them security and protection; adding at the same time that their intention in inviting46 them was that they might become mediators and thus heal their disputes. The inhabitants of Old Town, happy to find their differences were likely to be accommodated, joyfully47 accepted the invitation. The three brothers of the grandee just mentioned, the eldest48 of whom was Amboe Eobin John, first entered their canoe, attended by twenty-seven others, and being followed by nine canoes, directed their course to the Indian Queen. They were dispatched from thence the next morning to the Edgar, and afterwards to the Duke of York, They went on board the last ship, leaving their canoe and attendants by the side of the vessel. These, of course, were important men. A chief on the Coast now carries a silver-headed stick as a badge of rank, is clad in the richest silken robe, and is as far above the rank and file as is the Duke of Devonshire above the labourer cleaning Piccadilly. And these men of rank being well received and fêted on board the slavers, the rest of the canoes went with confidence to the other ships of the fleet. And then the white brutes worked their wicked will. The men on deck fired on the canoe lying alongside, she filled and sank, and the wretched attendants were either killed or drowned or taken as slaves, while their masters, guests of honour in the white man’s saloon, fared no better. The captain, mates, and some of the crew of the Duke of York, armed with pistols and cutlasses, rushed on the unfortunates, doubtless sitting drinking rum, and they made for the stern windows; but they were wounded and helpless and were promptly49 put in irons.
“The Duke of York having given the signal, most of the other ships followed her example, and the inhabitants of New Town, concealed50 in the mangrove51 swamps along the shore, where the monkeys play and the grey parrots call, came out of their hiding-places and joined in the ghastly fray52. And the lust53 of killing54 got hold of the aggressors. The ships’ boats were manned, and joined themselves to the canoes from New Town. They pursued’ the fleeing men from Old Calabar, and they apparently55 forgot the object for which they had lured56 these men to the ships, and killed at least as many of the men of the Old Town as they enslaved.
“And then came a canoe with the principal men from New Town to the Duke of York, demanding Amboe Robin John, the brother of the “grandee” of the rival town. And Amboe Robin John pleaded pitifully for his life. He put the palms of his hands together and beseeched and prayed his captor not so to violate the rights of hospitality. But he spoke57 to deaf ears. The captain of the Duke of York only wanted a slave, and the men of New Town offered him one, named Econg, in exchange, and they forced their enemy into the canoe and struck off his head, and the slaver put in his place the man named Econg, who, like the thirty pieces of silver traded so long ago, was the price of blood.”
Was ever there a more atrocious story of treachery? Nothing happened to those white men whereas when a slave struck for liberty in Jamaica—but I have told this story just because presently I shall have occasion to tell of slave risings in Jamaica, and if the slaves were fiendishly cruel—and they were—nothing can exceed the cruelty of the white men who first brought them hither. Clarkson says that the deputy town-clerk of Bristol, Mr Burges, said that he only knew of one captain from the port in the slave trade who did not deserve to be hanged.
Perhaps the fate of those men of Old Calabar, whose dead bodies were washed up on the sands and caught in the mangrove swamps, was the most merciful, for those who were taken on board the ships truly had a terrible time. From the very beginning the last thing the slavers considered was the comfort of the slaves. No, “comfort” is the wrong word to use, such a word as comfort from the days of Queen Elizabeth to those of Victoria, was a word not in the language as far as the slaves were concerned. No one ever thought to see that these men and women, these living beings, to put them on the very lowest rung of the ladder, were likely to be free from discomfort58, nay59, free from actual pain. Spear tells how he read of “the new slaver built at Warren in the country of Bristole in the colony of Rhode Island, that was three feet ten inches between decks,” and Clarkson, who went up and down the country collecting information about the slavers and their doings, tells us of two little sloops60 which were fitting out for Africa, the one only of 25 tons which was said to be destined61 to carry seventy, and the other of only 11 tons which was to carry thirty slaves, and these were not to be used as tenders bringing small parties down the rivers to the bigger ships, but were to sail for the West Indies with the slaves themselves, and on their arrival, one if not both, were to be sold as pleasure boats. Then he gives the dimensions. In the larger one each slave “must sit down all the voyage, and contract his limbs within the narrow limits of 3 square feet, while in the smaller, each slave had 4 square feet to sit in, but since the height between decks was only 2 feet 8 inches, his head must touch the deck above. When the matter was investigated in Parliament, it was stated that if the space between decks in a slaver reached 4 feet—it never seems to have exceeded 5 feet 8 inches—they invariably put up a shelf to the width of 5 feet, so that another layer of slaves might be placed on top of the first. The men were ironed together two and two by the ankles, and sometimes their wrists were handcuffed together, and a chain usually fastened the irons to ringbolts, either on the deck above or below. The women and children were left unironed, and the men were stowed forward and the women aft. If they could get a cargo—and they generally waited on that sweltering coast, rolling in the surf, until they did—the slaves covered the entire deck.” In Parliament, at the end of the eighteenth century, they took the dimensions of the slaver Brookes, picking her at haphazard62 from a long list of slavers given them. They found that if each man was allowed 6 feet by 1 foot 4 inches, every woman 5 feet by 1 foot 4 inches, every boy 5 feet by 1 foot 2 inches, and every girl 4 feet 6 inches by 1 foot, they could stow in her 432. There is a plan given in Clarkson’s book with every slave in place, and you could not put a pin between them. Certainly it was utterly63 impossible for any one to move amongst them, at least I should have said so. And yet it was proved that on a previous voyage the Brookes had carried no less than 609 slaves! And the slave ships were on the coast, the stifling64 Guinea Coast, from three to ten months, and from six to ten weeks crossing the Atlantic. It was quite possible for a slave to be on board in that ghastly stinking65 slave deck, stinking is a mild word to use for so foul66 a den2, for over a year. In this place they must stay for at least sixteen hours out of the twenty-four, when the weather was bad, or even when it was wet, they were kept there for days together. Nothing that breathed, it seems to me, but must have died in such a place. It was stated in Parliament that “if the ship was full their situation was terribly distressing67. They sometimes drew their breath with anxious and laborious68 efforts, and some died of suffocation69.”
“Thus crammed70 together like herrings in a barrel,” said Sir William Dolben, “they contracted putrid71 and fatal disorders72, so that they who came to inspect them,” (how could they inspect them save by tramping over them), “in the morning had occasionally to pick dead slaves out of their rows, and to unchain their carcases from the bodies of their wretched fellow sufferers to whom they had been fastened.”
We do well to remember too, that there were no sanitary73 arrangements upon a slave ship. All the calls of Nature had to be performed upon the spot to which the wretched beings were shackled74. And when they were sea sick———
But no words of mine can convey the horror of it.
These unhappy people were allowed a pint75 of water a day each, and were fed twice a day upon yams and horse beans. Also, since it was absolutely necessary that they should have exercise for their health’s sake, they were obliged after each meal to jump up and down, or dance in their shackles76, and if they did not do so—I can imagine they hardly felt inclined for that form of amusement—they were whipped until they did, and the same stimulus77 was used to make them sing!
And yet it was possible to arrive at their final destination with only the loss of 1 or 2 per cent., and Captain Hugh Crow, the one-eyed slaver of Liverpool, says Spear, by daily washings, good food, and keeping them amused by playing on musical instruments, did it, and one, Captain John Newton, returned thanks in church, because he had performed the voyage from Africa without the loss of a single man.
But these were in the days when the trade was counted, according to John Newton, “genteel employment,” when the rich ship owners of Liverpool and Bristol had no more shame in owning slavers than nowadays they have in taking passengers to America, or trading to Sicily for oranges and wine.
But care such as Hugh Crow took was, I am afraid, rare, and terrible are the tales of the utter brutality79 suffered in addition to the overcrowding, the filth80 and the agonies of seasickness81 which already was the lot of the human cattle.
Clarkson tells the story of the ship Zong—Captain Luke Collingwood, and Captain Luke Colling-wood seems to have been a devil incarnate82. Unluckily, he was not the only one in the trade.
On one day early in September 1781, the Zong sailed from the island of St Thomas, bound for Jamaica, with 440 slaves on board, and she arrived off the coast short of water. But Collingwood made the mistake of thinking he was off Hayti, and seeing that the slaves were sickly, and indeed had suffered much from want of water, he and his mate, James Kelsall, decided83 that since the slaves were sickly—sickly was probably a mild term to use since sixty of them had already died—it would be well to jettison84 the cargo, or some of it. For the death rate had been so great the voyage was likely to be unprofitable, and if he could prove that some of the cargo had been thrown overboard to save the rest, the underwriters would pay the value of it, while if these slaves died on board the ship would be at the loss. They selected accordingly 132 of the most sickly of the slaves. Fifty-four of these were there and then thrown overboard to the sharks that swarmed85 round the ship, and forty-two went the same way the next day, and in the course of the next three days the remaining twenty-six were brought out of the den below to complete the tale of the victims. Poor, wretched, suffering creatures! They looked at the sea, at the sinister86 fins87 appearing above the oily swell88, and they looked back at their prison and the pitiless white faces that looked down upon them, and then they made their choice. Sixteen, they say, were thrown overboard by the officers, but the rest leaped into the bloody89 sea where the sharks were already fighting for their meal and shared their fate.
The plea that was set up on behalf of this atrocious act of wickedness was that the captain discovered, when he made the proposal, that he had only 200 gallons of water on board, and that he had missed his port. It was proved, however, in answer to this that no one had been put upon short allowance; and that rain fell and continued for three days immediately after the second lot of slaves had been thrown overboard. They might have filled all their barrels and done away with all necessity—if one could call it necessity—for the murder of the third lot. As a matter of fact they only troubled to fill six.
But the underwriters refused to pay, and the Solicitor-General actually held that the captain of the ship had an “unquestionable right” to throw the slaves into the sea. But not all men agreed with him. Light was coming, and Lord Mansfield, presiding in the higher court, said that this was a shocking case, and, in spite of the law, decided in favour of the underwriters. Still, nothing apparently was done to the murderers. They went scot-free. But imagine the state of public opinion when such a case could actually be brought before the courts, when the perpetrators of such a crime evidently regarded themselves as agents, doing their very best for those who had entrusted90 their business to their charge.
But once the trade was outlawed91, and the vigilant92 warships93 were ever on the watch, life was still more cruel for the unfortunate chattel94. Then, to run as many slaves as possible, and to make up for possible losses, the slaves were compelled to lie on their sides, breast to back, spoon fashion, and this when the space between decks was less than two feet. When it was as much as two feet they were stowed, says Spear, “sitting up in rows, one crowded into the lap of another, with legs on legs like riders on a crowded toboggan. In storms the sailors had to put on the hatches, and seal tight the openings into the infernal cesspool. It was asserted by the naval95 officers who were stationed on the Coast to stop the traffic that in certain states of the weather they could detect the odour of a slaver farther away than they could see her on a clear night. The odour was often unmistakable at a distance of five miles down the wind.”
And to what lengths these brutes might go we may see in the case of the Gloria, given by Drake in his Revelations of a Slave Smuggler96, and quoted by Spear. The surgeon tells the tale.
The Gloria was coming from the Cape Verde Islands in ballast when she overhauled97 a Portuguese98 schooner99 with a full cargo of slaves. The captain of the Gloria, as thorough a scoundrel surely as ever sailed the seas, filled up his men with rum, attacked the schooner, murdered her officers and crew and one passenger, stole the gold, transferred the slaves to his own ship and scuttled100 the other. Dead men and sunken ships tell no tales, and 190 slaves as witnesses counted as naught101 in those days.
Then Ruiz the captain, I’m glad he wasn’t an Englishman, bought 400 negroes on the Dahomean Coast and “hauled our course for the Atlantic voyage. But this was to be my last trip in the blood-stained Gloria. Hardly were we out a fortnight before it was discovered that our roystering crew had neglected to change the sea water, which had served as our ballast in the lower casks, and which ought to have been replaced with fresh water in Africa. We were drawing from the last casks before this discovery was made, and the horror of our situation sobered Captain Ruiz. He gave orders to hoist102 the precious remnant abaft103 the main grating, and made me calculate how long it would sustain the crew and cargo. I found that half a gill a day would hold out to the Spanish main; and it was decided that, in order to save our cargo, we should allow the slaves a half gill and the crew a gill each a day. Then began a torture worse than death to the blacks. Pent in their close dungeons104, to the number of nearly five hundred, they suffered continual torment39. Our crew and drivers were unwilling to allow even the half gill per diem, and quarrelled fiercely over their own stinted105 rations106. Our cargo had been stowed on the platforms closer than I ever saw slaves stowed before or since. Instead of lowering buckets of water to them, as was customary, it became necessary to pour the water into half-pint measures. These farthest from the gratings never got a drop.... In a short time at least a hundred men and women were shackled to dead partners.”
It is a ghastly picture. Perhaps we could not expect any pity for the sufferings of the “cargo” from such a set of pirates. Everyone who was free on board drank hard “as well as myself,” said the frank narrator, and they did not trouble to throw the dead overboard, or presumably even to unshackle the living, for the captain finding his crew out of hand, ordered the hatches down, and “swore he would make the run on our regular water rations, and take the chances of his stock.”
Three days those fiends continued their course, drinking in plenty, while “the negroes suffocated107 below.” And then came retribution swift and sure.
“Ruiz and four of the men were taken suddenly ill with a disease that baffled my medical knowledge. Their tongues swelled108 and grew black; their flesh turned yellow, and in six hours they were dead. The first mate went next, and then three others of the crew, and a black driver whose body became leprous with yellow spots. I began to notice a strange fetid smell pervading109 the vessel, and a low heavy fog on deck, almost like steam. Then the horrid110 truth became apparent. Our rotting negroes under hatches had generated the plague, and it was a malaria111 or death mist I saw rising. At this time all our men but three and myself had been attacked; and we abandoned the Gloria in her long boat, taking the remnant of water, a sack of biscuit, and a rum beaker, with what gold dust and other valuables we could hastily gather up. We left nine of our late comrades dead and five dying on the Gloria’s deck.”
I have only read the extract that Spear gives in his book, but if it is true—and it may well be—judging by what I have read elsewhere—this ship’s surgeon appears to have been a pretty considerable villain112 himself. The “cargo,” I suppose, must have been dead. It was hardly likely one could have survived so long without water in the tropics, but what about the dying comrades he abandoned on the decks?
As a matter of fact, the slavers themselves often did so suffer, for it is hardly possible to generate disease, live over it, and escape scot-free. One of the most ghastly cases is that of the French slaver R?deur.
In the year in which Queen Victoria was born, she was on her way to the West Indies with 162 slaves, when ophthalmia appeared among them. Probably it was not treated properly, but in any case, crowded as they were between decks, it was bound to spread rapidly, and at last, the captain with a view to saving the majority repeated the horror of the Zong, and threw thirty-six of them, the ones of least value, I presume, alive to the sharks. But this living sacrifice did not stop the disease. As it was bound to, being a filth disease, it spread to the crew, and presently there was but one man among the crew who could see. And this one man steering113, and with all the work of the ship upon his shoulders, saw with thankfulness a sail, and steered115 towards her. But there was something strange about that sail. As he approached the ship he saw she was drifting as if derelict, though men were wandering about her decks. And she, too, was a slaver. On the R?deur they might have known that by the smell, if custom had not deadened in them that sense. In answer to a hail the crew of the stranger came crowding to the rail begging, praying for aid, and everyone on board that ship was blind. She was, they said, the Spanish slaver Leon, and among their slaves, too, ophthalmia had broken out, and had spread to the crew, and there they lay rolling on the Atlantic helpless.
But what was the good of prayers and cries, and bribes116, and wild appeals for help. One man who could see had as much as he could do to steer114 his own ship to port, for the disease was creeping upon him, and tradition says that he, too, went blind when he reached haven117, and of the Spanish slaver Leon, with all her crew and all her slaves, no man ever heard again.
But the white men, at least, took the risks with their eyes open; upon the blacks, it had been forced, and no wonder the wretched cargo in their hopeless misery tried rebelling, though rebellion meant death to all concerned, and often, to some who had absolutely nothing to do with it.
Take the story told by the surgeon of the slaver Little Pearl, which sailed from the Coast in 1786. The chief mate used to beat the men slaves in season and out of season. One night he heard a noise and jumped down amongst them with a lantern. On the Brookes there wouldn’t have been room for a lantern, and I doubt if there was more on the Little Pearl. Two of the slaves forced themselves out of their irons, and seizing him, began to strike him with these, their only weapons. His cries brought the crew to his aid, we can imagine how mercilessly they trampled118 on the slaves in that confined space to do it, and they got him out, and the “cargo” began one of those hopeless struggles for freedom which could only end one way. At least, as a rule, it did. They were still on the Coast, and the thought that they were near their homes, probably gave added vigour119 to the arms of those who fought. The crew fired down upon them, careless of whom they might hurt. In truth, there was hardly anything else they could do, for, if the slaves got the upper hand, it would have been “Good-night,” as far as the white men were concerned. Next morning they were brought up one by one, and then it was found a boy had been killed. Only the two men who had first broken their bonds did not come with the others. They found their way into the hold, and armed themselves with knives from a cask that had been opened for trade. Oh, the forlorn hope! If they had been white men someone would have enthused over their pluck and valour, but they were only two negro slaves. One was persuaded to come up by a negro trader calling to him in his own tongue, and the moment he appeared on deck, one of the crew, “supposing him to be yet hostile,” shot him dead. The other held that hold for twelve hours! They mixed scalding water with fat and poured it down upon him to make him come up, but, “though his flesh was painfully blistered,” by these means he kept below. A promise was then made to him in the African tongue by the same trader that no injury should be done him if he would come amongst them. To this at length he consented. But, on observing when he was about half way up that a sailor was armed between decks, he flew to him and threw him down. The sailor fired his pistol in the scuffle, but, without effect; he contrived120, however, to fracture his skull121 with the butt122 end of it, so that the slave died on the third day. Mercifully. Though we are left in the dark as to his sufferings before he died, but we may judge of them by the way the same men treated a boy when they arrived at their destination in the West Indies.
There was a boy slave on board, says Clarkson, who was very ill and emaciated123. Now the rule in slavers was that each officer of the ship was allowed one or more slaves for his own benefit, according to his rank. But the slaves were not given to them. When they were sold, the total amount brought in was added together and then divided by the number of slaves sold, and in that way each officer took his share in money. Therefore, if a slave were sold for a trifling124 amount, he brought down the value of the officers’ slaves. The chief mate objected to this boy being sold. He would only bring down the average. His objection was allowed. It was a natural one. Therefore, the boy was kept on board, and not exposed for sale, but no provisions were allowed him, and the mate suggested he should be thrown overboard. No one would do this, however, though they could quite easily watch him starving to death before their eyes. And starve he did, and on the ninth day died, “having never been allowed any sustenance125 during that time.” And this in a tropical island where the fruits of the earth could be bought for the merest trifle. It seems impossible that men should have been so fiendishly cruel, but the evidence is overwhelming. The times were hard, and we know that Wilberforce, who championed so well the slave, turned a deaf ear to the sufferings of the British labourer. Still, two wrongs do not make a right, and, without doubt, the black people stolen away for slaves were treated by many with a whole-hearted callousness126 that is hard to believe in these times.
They had all sorts of means of coercion127. Clarkson found openly exposed for sale, in a shop in Liverpool, the handcuffs and the leg irons with which one slave was shackled to another, also a thumbscrew, and an instrument like a brutal78 pair of scissors with screws at the end instead of looped handles. This was pushed in a mouth obstinately128 kept shut, tearing lips and breaking teeth, then forcibly opened and kept open with a screw, so that the unfortunate who wished to end his miseries130 by starvation might be fed.
That this was used fairly often there is no doubt. There is the testimony131 of Captain Frazer, accounted one of the most humane132 men in the trade. It had been said of him that he had held hot coals to the mouth of a recalcitrant133 slave to compel him to eat. He was questioned on this point but he denied it, and presently—I am telling the tale as the great abolitionist told it—the true story came out.
“Being sick in my cabin, I was informed that a man slave would neither eat, drink, nor speak. I desired the mate and surgeon to try and persuade him to speak. I desired that the slaves might try also. When I found he was still obstinate129, not knowing whether it was from sulkiness or insanity134, I ordered a person to present him with a piece of fire in one hand and a piece of yam in the other, and to tell me what effect this had upon him. I learned that he took the yam and began to eat it, but he threw the fire overboard.”
These were the tender mercies of the kind. Few slaves could expect so much consideration.
There was a slave ship once struck on Morant Keys, not far from the east end of Jamaica—again I get my information from Clarkson. The crew, taking care of their own skins, landed in their boats with arms and provisions, and with incredible brutality—save that nothing a slaver did would now strike me as incredible—left the slaves on board still in their irons. This was in the night; and when morning broke they saw that the slaves, who must have been capable men, had not only managed to get free, but were busy making rafts on which they placed the women and children, swimming themselves beside the rafts, and guiding them as they drifted towards the island whereon were the crew. They should have been hailed as heroes and helped, but the crew were afraid—whether rightly or wrongly I cannot say. Certainly you could hardly expect men who had been left heavily ironed to drown, to deal very tenderly with the men who had calmly acquiesced135 in their death. At any rate, the story goes the white men feared, not that the black men would attack them, but that they would consume the water and provisions that had been landed. They resolved to destroy them as they approached the shore, and they killed between three and four hundred; and out of the whole cargo only thirty-three were saved to be brought to Kingston and sold.
To me it is a strange thing that I cannot explain to myself, that our pity is more easily aroused by the story of one individual case than by the tale of suffering in the mass. It was an awful thing to leave those helpless people confined and shackled, and at the mercy of the winds and waves; it was still worse to shoot them down when by their own pluck and intrepidity136 they had succeeded in saving themselves. There were little children amongst them, and they too must have been shot down; they too must have raised despairing little hands to brutes who knew not the meaning of the word pity. But somehow even that, terrible as it is, pales before the conduct of a brutal slaver, the last I shall tell of the many brutalities of the Middle Passage. It was told in Parliament at the end of the eighteenth century, told probably reluctantly, for much of the evidence was dragged out of unwilling witnesses who feared for themselves. They were surgeons, or ships’ officers, or seamen137, and their livelihood138 depended upon their keeping in with captains and shipowners.
There was a baby of ten months old, a chubby139 little round-faced helpless thing. It “took sulk and would not eat,” Clarkson puts it. How should it eat when what it wanted was milk, and what it got was rice or pulse, poor baby. And that tiny child that brutal monster flogged with a “cat,” swearing he would make it eat or kill it. “From this and other ill-treatment,” says Clarkson, not specifying140 the ill-treatment, “the child’s legs swelled. He then ordered some water to be made hot to abate141 the swelling142. But even his tender mercies were cruel, for the cook, putting his hand in the water, said it was too hot. Upon this the captain swore at him, and ordered the feet to be put in. This was done. The nails and skin came off. Oiled cloths were then put round them.” And then, as if that were not enough, the child was tied to a heavy log, and apparently the brute who had charge of his destinies forgot all about it for a little while. It must have eaten something, perhaps its mother had a little, for the captain did not notice it for two or three days; then its pitiful crying, I suppose, called his attention to it, and he “caught it up again and repeated that he would make it eat or kill it. He immediately flogged it again, and in a quarter of an hour it died.”
Now I am aware that cases of individual cruelty may happen at any time in any place. But against that is the fact that this brutality was committed openly upon the deck of the slaver, the officers and crew saw it, and not one of them raised a hand to help a helpless baby who was being cruelly done to death. More—when the story came out nothing was done to the man who has left such a memorial behind him, and no one seemed surprised at this.
I apologise for this chapter, it is so full of horrors. But seeing the people who have made Jamaica their own, writing about them I am of necessity compelled to tell the whole story, for it seems to me they cannot be properly understood—their kindliness143, their subserviency144, their cheerfulness, even their insolence145 and their dishonesty—unless we examine the way in which their forbears first came to Jamaica.
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1
yarn
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| n.纱，纱线，纺线；奇闻漫谈，旅行轶事 | |
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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trotting
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| 小跑，急走( trot的现在分词 )； 匆匆忙忙地走 | |
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meekly
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| adv.温顺地，逆来顺受地 | |
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obeisance
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| n.鞠躬，敬礼 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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8
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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accustoms
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| v.（使）习惯于( accustom的第三人称单数 ) | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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voluptuous
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| adj.肉欲的，骄奢淫逸的 | |
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entrusts
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的第三人称单数 ) | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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20
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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plucky
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| adj.勇敢的 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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brutes
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| 兽( brute的名词复数 )； 畜生； 残酷无情的人； 兽性 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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28
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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29
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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30
sloop
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| n.单桅帆船 | |
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31
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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32
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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35
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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36
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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38
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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39
torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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40
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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41
robin
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| n.知更鸟，红襟鸟 | |
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42
grandee
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| n.贵族；大公 | |
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43
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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44
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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45
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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46
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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47
joyfully
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| adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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48
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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49
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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50
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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51
mangrove
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| n.(植物)红树，红树林 | |
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52
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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53
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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54
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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55
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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56
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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57
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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58
discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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59
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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60
sloops
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| n.单桅纵帆船( sloop的名词复数 ) | |
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61
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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62
haphazard
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| adj.无计划的，随意的，杂乱无章的 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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64
stifling
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| a.令人窒息的 | |
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65
stinking
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| adj.臭的，烂醉的，讨厌的v.散发出恶臭( stink的现在分词 )；发臭味；名声臭；糟透 | |
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66
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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67
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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68
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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69
suffocation
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| n.窒息 | |
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70
crammed
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| adj.塞满的，挤满的；大口地吃；快速贪婪地吃v.把…塞满；填入；临时抱佛脚( cram的过去式) | |
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71
putrid
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| adj.腐臭的；有毒的；已腐烂的；卑劣的 | |
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72
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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73
sanitary
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| adj.卫生方面的，卫生的，清洁的，卫生的 | |
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74
shackled
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| 给（某人）带上手铐或脚镣( shackle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
pint
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| n.品脱 | |
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76
shackles
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| 手铐( shackle的名词复数 )； 脚镣； 束缚； 羁绊 | |
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77
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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78
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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80
filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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81
seasickness
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| n.晕船 | |
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82
incarnate
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| adj.化身的，人体化的，肉色的 | |
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83
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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84
jettison
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| n.投弃，投弃货物 | |
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85
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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86
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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87
fins
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| [医]散热片；鱼鳍；飞边；鸭掌 | |
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88
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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89
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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90
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91
outlawed
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| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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92
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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93
warships
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| 军舰，战舰( warship的名词复数 )； 舰只 | |
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94
chattel
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| n.动产；奴隶 | |
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95
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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96
smuggler
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| n.走私者 | |
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97
overhauled
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| v.彻底检查( overhaul的过去式和过去分词 )；大修；赶上；超越 | |
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98
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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schooner
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| n.纵帆船 | |
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100
scuttled
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| v.使船沉没( scuttle的过去式和过去分词 )；快跑，急走 | |
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101
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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102
hoist
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| n.升高，起重机，推动；v.升起，升高，举起 | |
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103
abaft
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| prep.在…之后；adv.在船尾，向船尾 | |
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104
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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105
stinted
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| v.限制，节省（stint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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106
rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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107
suffocated
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| （使某人）窒息而死( suffocate的过去式和过去分词 )； （将某人）闷死； 让人感觉闷热； 憋气 | |
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108
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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109
pervading
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的现在分词 ) | |
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horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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111
malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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112
villain
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| n.反派演员，反面人物；恶棍；问题的起因 | |
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113
steering
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| n.操舵装置 | |
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114
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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115
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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116
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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117
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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118
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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119
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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120
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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121
skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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122
butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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123
emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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124
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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125
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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126
callousness
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127
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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128
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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129
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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130
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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132
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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133
recalcitrant
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| adj.倔强的 | |
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134
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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135
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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137
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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138
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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139
chubby
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| adj.丰满的，圆胖的 | |
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140
specifying
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| v.指定( specify的现在分词 )；详述；提出…的条件；使具有特性 | |
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141
abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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142
swelling
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| n.肿胀 | |
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143
kindliness
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| n.厚道，亲切，友好的行为 | |
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144
subserviency
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| n.有用，裨益 | |
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145
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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